Mou Damasarenai Tameni (Japanese Edition)
Contents:
Todokanasou de Todoku Mono new Doryoku no Shizuku new Shirogumi Hoshizora no Caravan 9 Shirogumi Bokura no Eureka new Chotto Nekoze new Sobakasu no Kiss new Seishun no Laptime 2 1st Generation Members Kimi to Deatte Boku wa Kawatta new Jungle Gym 3 Yamamoto Sayaka With my soul new Nandeyanen, Idol 11 Main: Toki wa Katarihajimeru new Warukii 4 Watanabe Miyuki MC Sunglasses to Uchiakebanashi new Dazai Osamu wo Yonda ka? Her last activity as an SKE48 member will be a handshake event on May 31st. Sora Miyuka is a 6th generation member who joined SKE48 early last year.
She was one of the eligible members who decided not to participate in this year's senbatsu election which means that out of the 14 members who do not participate 6 have already graduated or announced graduation. I worried a lot about this and as a result I want to focus on my studies from now on and so chose this way. I am sorry for surprising you. I want to treasure the short time I have left. From now on I will work hard towards a new goal so please support me.
A young man armed with a sharp object, supposedly a saw, attacked AKB48 members. Kawaei Rina and Iriyama Anna as well as a staff member were injured on their hands and brought to a hospital. Sources report broken fingers and lacerations. According to an official statement on the AKB48 blog and the King Records homepage the injuries are not life-threatening. The man was immediately held down by staff members and then arrested by the police for attempted murder. According to some source the attacker is a 24 year old unemployed man from Towada City in Aomori Prefecture. What is wrong with people?
A few days have passed since the shocking attack on May The attack has received lots of attention and has also been reported in international media. In this post I just want to collect some more information on news and developments from the past days. They were able to leave it on May 26th in the late afternoon and to go home to Tokyo.
The staff member who got injured protecting the girls was released a few hours earlier. The incident has affected other members as well. Ryoka has written over AKB48 's mobile service that she is afraid of dealing with people or going outside. As for the upcoming events: AKB48 closed its theater until May 31st. The sister groups have held stage shows but under stricter security. Handshake events from AKB48 and their sister groups have been postponed indefinitely.
The election and the Oshima Yuko graduation concert on June 7th and 8th will be held as planned. Management has announced that security will be enhanced for all further events. The number of security staff will be increased and bag controls as well as metal detectors will be established. Other idol groups have also cancelled events and announced stricter security rules. Now some might wonder about the attacker.
He testified that he just wanted to kill people and it did not matter to him who of the members he attacked. I don't want to give this person more attention than necessary so I won't report more details here or engage in speculations. I seriously hope that the injured members get well soon and that also the emotional wounds of all victims and witnesses can somehow be relieved. As usual AKB48 also dominates the Soundscan ranking taking all top 8 spots with the singles different types.
Total soundscan sales amount to ,, so the theater edition sold approx. After the attack on May 25th , AKB48 had closed its theater for a week and cancelled all planned shows. Now the theater has been reopened. Both are still on a break and did not appear at the show. To protect the members AKB48 made several changes to its security system. Metal detectors were established at the theater entrance. The number of security staff was also increased and for the opening show 6 policemen from the local police station also were on lookout in the theater.
Additionally, a kind of fence was established between the audience and the stage. A new step for AKB48 who always put great importance into being "close" to their fans. Also it seems that due to the attack fans have already lost one of the AKB48 Group's fan services: Furthermore it was not possible to watch the show on the monitor in the lobby as it usually was because for now only people with a ticket to the specific show or those who are on the cancellation waiting list will be allowed into the lobby I don't know whether this is just a temporary rule or one that applies to all shows from now on.
For the upcoming election and concert in Ajinomoto Stadium belongings will be checked and metal detectors used as well. With , votes Mayuyu also beat Sashihara's record of , votes from last year. Last year's winner Sashihara Rino came in 2nd and Kashiwagi Yuki 3rd. With the graduation of three AKB48 top girls, Oshima Yuko , Shinoda Mariko and Itano Tomomi and with Watanabe Miyuki dropping out of senbatsu ranks 4 senbatsu spots became open and were taken by girls who never made senbatsu in the elections before: Ikoma Rina also had the biggest increase in ranks: Kawaei Rina did not participate in the whole event due to her injuries but came by for a few minutes to receive her trophy and deliver her thank you speech.
The Philippines experienced severe storms and flooding throughout the s that led to hundreds of millions of dollars worth of damage in Manila and the neighbouring islands to the south. In , President Marcos took a cold hard look at the national recovery effort, or lack of it. Typhoons June August and Ike September , which lashed a wide area of the central and southern Philippines, unleashed the worst calamities to hit the archipelago in fourteen years. In a delivered broadcast on Tuesday 5 September , President Marcos asked his nation, to forget its differences and concentrate fully on rescue efforts.
The Presidential Palace announced that she surveyed the destruction and directed distribution of relief goods. Ash fallout and mud flows from rain caused extensive damage to crops in the area and the displacement of a rural populace on a large scale. The besieged government called for international assistance. Again, several million dollars in foreign relief aid poured into the Philippines to help the estimated 2. But the Marcos administration requested even more international assistance in order to cope with the scope and magnitude of the crisis.
Diplomatic sources in Manila, however, publicly stated that given the unstable economic environment in the Philippines, there was a possibility that relief aid would be diverted and not reach the victims. Marcos officials denied this could happen and several countries immediately responded to the desperate call for assistance. Many long-term root causes were to blame in part for the calamitous circumstances surrounding the succession of disastrous cyclonic storms of the s and early s. However, the rapid population growth and urbanisation of Manila in the Marcos years outstripped the paltry amounts that had been earmarked in the annual budget to assist policy makers and technical specialists deal with flood control in a rapidly expanding city.
Imelda Marcos was constantly in the public eye throughout these years making relief visits to storm- and flood-affected areas and to the NDCC at Camp Aguinaldo. Flooded sites were checked, as were emergency centres being readied for the relief and rehabilitation of typhoon and flood victims. Relief goods were constantly solicited from the private sector. She ordered the distribution of seeds for planting be speeded up, particularly in central Luzon. She also inquired into the implementation of drainage and flood-control measures.
She asked staff at Camp Aguinaldo to send medical teams immediately to the flooded areas in greater Manila and central Luzon. The repeated relief operations and measures she personally mounted to resolve the flood crises in Manila, primarily caused by typhoon-related rains and poor drainage, suggested there was a powerful political imposition of will and concern on her part to pragmatically act, and as quickly as possible, to resolve particular local crises.
In May , when Typhoon Didang was fast approaching, Imelda Marcos rallied the private sector and citizenry to help alleviate the suffering of those who would be badly affected by the floods. In the years following Didang, when typhoons raked Manila, Mrs Marcos would personally direct the relief work in afflicted areas. Hence, when Typhoon Yaning hit central Luzon on 9 October , Imelda Marcos mobilised all barangay -based disaster brigades to assist. She asked the barangay captains to coordinate all their activities with their respective mayors. This vertical integration of the Marcos administration of the relief process and distribution of relief goods was built on politics and dyadic ties, namely party loyalty and grass-roots communal affiliation and responsibility.
However, all was not as it seemed on the surface. Marcos stressed that Malacanang and the Department of Social Services were taking the lead role in the distribution of relief goods until conditions returned to normal. The Minister of Social Services, Sylvia Montes, quickly countered the accusation stating that there had been a misunderstanding because of the fact that the Philippine government had been using surplus Australian boxes to distribute its own food in a separate project and had relabelled them.
In this way, the President and First Lady could shift the focus of attention away from the charges of the political misuse of relief funds and the accusations of unbridled development by calling upon the powerful idea of deus maquina divine intervention , which they translated into a culturally familiar religious message with a political twist. Instead of implementing proper mitigation policies to reduce the risk of typhoon and flood disasters, Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos cunningly focussed on nature itself, in the guise of the wrath of God. The President and his First Lady did not find it difficult or hypocritical to think and talk about typhoon- and flood-related mass death and destruction in terms of the religious rhetoric of divine punishment and miracles in the Philippine context.
Indeed, by the s, newspaper findings suggest that Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos attempted to impose the notion of the wrath of God on storm-ravaged people and flood victims in order to justify the failure of relief efforts and circumvent the new pressures put on their politically beleaguered government by repeated typhoon strikes. As well as invoking the wrath of God, Mrs Marcos turned the oft-times perilous plight of the squatters and esteros -dwellers to her own political advantage.
In the aftermath of the disastrous impact of Typhoon Didang, she appeared on television and observed that the squatters—human and industrial—on the esteros were the primary cause of the floods and she called for a firm hand by the government when dealing with them. The First Lady wanted to make the capital a recognised destination for both the jet-age traveller and the globe-trotting business executive. She understood that although the Philippines appeared to offer a large and growing consumer market with a range of possibilities for international development schemes, macro-investments and global capital manoeuvring, its population was not affluent, and much of it was still rural.
In late , the First Lady was declared Governor of the new administration system of Manila.
She considered, with the urban planners, that the top priority of the newly established Metropolitan Manila Commission was the modernisation of Manila. But there was a flipside to the modern skyscrapers now beginning to define the development of Manila as a great modern urban centre: In the meantime, typhoons and floods continued to play havoc with an under-resourced maintenance and flood-prevention program in large parts of the diverse and multi-faceted capital.
They produced new strategies and techniques of social control, through the development of their vice-like regulation and management of disaster relief and, correspondingly, new social and political capacities in the individuals threatened by the typhoons and floods. These failings were generated by preoccupations of the Marcos government that were political-economic, agency centred and selectively, communal-centric. There was no need to question whether this was a deliberate moral or technical choice; rather it was a simple but necessary side effect of partisan political and institutional arrangements.
It is difficult to imagine what the Philippines would have been like today if its particular posts environmental history under Marcos had been different—one that had not resulted in the creation of an asset stripped, disaster-prone, debris-strewn landscape in many parts of the country. Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos believed that creating a safer environment in the face of typhoons and floods was basically a political rather than an ethical concern and one directed to those in power.
The deadly risks entailed in their self-seeking model of disaster relief with its short-term pragmatic political goals made explicitly clear one of the most frightening tradeoffs in Philippine history. Loyal local governments and supporters would readily receive financial and material support in order to save infrastructure, agricultural crops and as many lives as possible, but individuals, communities and areas opposed to the Marcos regime would be sacrificed.
The Marcos regime did not suffer much politically from the adverse effects of typhoons and their opposition did not gain much. The government had political ingenuity and substantial resources for relief and rescue operations at their disposal. Filipinos who were positive about the Marcos government before the typhoons of the early s remained positive afterwards.
Supporters and recipients of relief aid had a consistently high opinion of Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos. They would not inflict their hostility and life-threatening concerns upon the couple when natural disaster struck.
We'll always wait for your every single donations! For instance, in the Mikawa earthquake of , 2, people died; in the Makurazaki typhoon of the same year, 3, died. Far from reluctant, women proved to be eager participants. In the years following Didang, when typhoons raked Manila, Mrs Marcos would personally direct the relief work in afflicted areas. Suga Shikao - 19Sai Lyrics. Data centres appear slated to increase by
The economic and environmental politics of the government reduced increasing numbers of people to a state of impoverishment and chronic anxiety. At the same time, a few politically well-connected families and individuals became richer and richer. Indeed, huge sums of money that had led to little or no success with respect to effective flood control had changed hands without direct accountability or proper risk management measures in place. Throughout the s and s, these so-called natural disasters, which required mobilisation of nation-wide relief efforts, emerged out of a particular institutional and cultural setting in the Philippine context.
But the President and First Lady steadfastly refused to acknowledge the link between crony capitalism, unsustainable economic development and natural disasters in an increasingly unstable archipelago. They deliberately remained in a state of denial, except to encourage big business, overseas governments and aid agencies to provide massive injections of capital and material support for relief efforts, rather than encouraging them to support appropriate disaster-mitigation strategies.
During the Marcos years in the s and early s, the loss of thousands of lives, as well as the extensive damage caused by typhoons was partially a consequence of settlement patterns located in high-risk areas; namely, the sub-standard low-lying locale and condition of settlement patterns in many of these areas; the sub-standard condition of many homes and public buildings, and the poor design of roads, bridges, under-passes and drainage canals. Crony Capitalism and the loss of livelihoods and natural resources were the key causes for understanding the basis of the increasing social and environmental degradation in the city, not the alleged dangerous lifestyle of the squatters and aspiring migrants from the provinces.
In the political environment of the Marcos years, the government had sometimes blocked aid for typhoon and flood victims. In the s and early s, there is evidence of the abrogation of international humanitarian relief norms and international legal frameworks for disaster relief under the Marcos regime in the Philippines. During those years, wilful acts of misappropriation and mismanagement of relief funds, and theft and the improper sale of relief supplies in the name of politics occurred on a regular basis in the Philippines.
Consequently, adequate food, shelter and medical care for thousands of people on the other side of the political divide in the Marcos years, who were adversely affected by typhoons and floods, was never provided. Warren, "A Tale of Two Decades: He has published numerous articles in journals and chapters in edited volumes. Pirates, Prostitutes and Pullers: University of Western Australia Press, Ah Ku and Karayuki-san: Oxford University Press, ; new paperback edition with a new introduction Singapore: The Sulu Zone, Singapore University Press, ; reprint Quezon City: New Day Press, ; new paperback edition with a new introduction Singapore: Singapore University Press, A People's History of Singapore, Singapore: New Day Publishers, Link leads to article.
Free University Press, Link leads to a document download. At the Edge of Southeast Asian History: New Day Press, A Guide to the George L. Murdoch University Library, Link leads to library entry. University of Californian Press, From Prehistory to Global Crisis Chicago: Development and Decay Loyala Heights: Ateneo de Manila University Press, Glantz, Currents of Change: Past, Present, and Future New York: Columbia University Press, Transmigration in Asia Pacific , ed.
Prentice Hall, , —84; University of Pittsburgh Press, , The Politics of Adjustment in the Third World , ed. Timbermann, A Changeless Land: Continuity and Change in Philippine Politics Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies , , 91— Looking Back into the Future , ed. Proserpine Domingo Tapales, Nestor N. Pilar and Leonora D.
College of Public Administration, University if the Philippines, , —77; See also Jon S. Quah, Curbing Corruption in Asian Countries: Emerald Group publishing Ltd. A Symbiotic Relationship , Palgrave, Macmillan, , — Doeppers and Peter Xenos Madison: Center for Southeast Asian Studies, , 1— Hurricane Katrina and the fate of the presidency of George Bush is a classic example of how the political environment and a natural disaster interact with one another with unforeseen consequences for all parties concerned. Overseas Development Institute, , 94— The World Bank, Tanedo and Cecilio T.
Caoili, The Origins of Metropolitan Manila: New Day Publishers, , — Polity Press, , Nearly three years have passed since the tsunami that accompanied the Great East Japan Earthquake of March However, no homes stand on the devastated plains of the afflicted area; , refugees continue living in temporary residences as of August ; large numbers of young people have lost hope and are leaving the places they grew up in in search of jobs and a new start.
Why are these things happening? It is not due to a lack of government funds. The Japanese state estimates the cost of damage inflicted by the tsunami at In response, the Liberal Democratic Party LDP confirmed in January that it would allot 25 trillion yen over a five-year period from towards a reconstruction budget; this sum is 6 trillion yen more than what the Democratic Party of Japan DPJ , which held power at the time of the disaster, had earmarked.
Does the fault lie with bureaucratic malfeasance? Japan in recent decades has seen a decrease in corruption compared to the s. No reports have surfaced about corruption tied to reconstruction. The news that part of the reconstruction budget had been diverted to a miscellany of dubious public-works projects outside the affected prefectures drew sharp criticism.
But despite such diversion of funds, a vast majority of the funds have been spent on projects in the affected localities. The typical Japanese bureaucrat is a serious and steadfast worker. The surviving employees of the cities and towns in the disaster-hit areas are working with even more dedication. Many municipal administrators died or were injured, weakening administrative capacity for relief and recovery. Even in such dire straits, these employees carried on with their work. Currently, they are also being supported by a large number of emergency personnel that have been assigned to the devastated localities from other prefectures.
Before taking his life, he reportedly called the mayor of Takarazuka, telling him, "It's tough working in the disaster-hit areas. I'm giving it my all, but I don't know if what I'm doing is of any help to those here. It is true that money has been invested, and that government employees are dedicated to their work. However, the overall plan for and implementation of reconstruction efforts has not been appropriately implemented. This essay explores the causes of this situation from the twin perspectives of history and the present.
Since the topic under consideration is limited to the post-tsunami reconstruction efforts, this essay is confined to an examination of Miyagi and Iwate Prefectures. It will not discuss the effects of the nuclear accidents in Fukushima Prefecture. As a preamble to the analysis, let us examine what kind of place the disaster-hit locales are. The Sanriku coast is an agglomeration of small promontories and inlets. Along each inlet is a fishing village made up of tens of households.
A typical village of this sort, stands on an inlet area a few hundred square meters wide, along with a fishing port that is flanked by an embankment about ten meters long. Rivers from the nearby mountains flow into the inlet, and there is also a small plain of about a hundred square meters that holds a little field and house, and is surrounded by craggy peaks. The same kind of inlet-village composition lies at the other end of the promontory.
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Connecting each fishing village is a winding road on which cars can travel along the top of promontories. There is no other way to get to and from the villages. Each village regularly holds an assembly called 'The Meeting'. As Japan modernised, these assemblies of village residents gained official recognition by the Japanese government as "neighbourhood self-governing organisations" jichikai. In turn, their leaders became known as the heads of these self-governing organisations, tasked with the role of connecting residents to the administration.
But in the Sanriku disaster area, the jichikai remains the locus of local decision-making and attendance at assembly meetings remains high. These numerous small inlets combine to form a comparatively larger inlet. That leads further to a larger river and a plain several square kilometres around. The latter area holds facilities such as the town hall, schools, fish markets, seafood processing plants, small shopping streets, farmland and train stations. It supports a population that ranges from thousands to tens of thousands. The basin nestled in neighbouring mountains may also lie adjacent to small farming villages.
On either side of these rivers, basins and commercial settlements stand villages made up of several tens to several hundred households. Each village has its own jichikai , and a strong sense of independence from and competitiveness with other villages. The basic structure of this area is as follows. Taking each small inlet as a unit, each unit will have a fishing village comprising tens of households. Every cluster of tens of fishing villages is centred on a large inlet, where facilities such as a town hall, elementary school and middle school are located. On moving further out to an inlet that is even larger, there will be a city hall and a high school.
The area around an inlet of this size may also hold factories established by corporations based in Tokyo. The areas affected by the disaster, known as the Sanriku coastal region, stretches from Miyagi to Iwate Prefecture. This saw-tooth coastline extends for about six hundred kilometres. In this broad area there is a tree-like social structure, with town and city halls that administer the villages, and a prefectural hall that, in turn, oversees those town and city halls.
At this juncture, the political position of modern Japanese municipalities requires some explanation. After the Meiji Restoration of , the central government in Tokyo established an administrative office within each locality. However, in order to shoulder the duties of a modern administrative organisation, each office required a minimum number of three hundred to five hundred households.
For that reason, a large-scale merger took place in , which reduced the previous number of 71, towns and villages to 15,, and created thirty-nine new cities, according to the Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications. The village and town halls were administrative organs above the jichikai of each settlement, and were tasked with duties commissioned by the central government such as tax collection and resident registration. Before the Second World War, the Japanese Imperial constitution contained no articles pertaining to municipal government.
The prefectural governor was a high-class bureaucrat dispatched from the central government, not an official elected by residents. After the war, the reforms carried out under the US Occupation introduced the concept of municipal self-governance and the prefectural governor became an elected official. For instance, local public bodies would apply to the Public Works Project in order to build infrastructure like roads or dams, for which — subject to approval by the central government — they would receive supplementary funds.
Such a situation essentially remains despite the fact that legal institutions experienced some changes in the last decade. Further, large-scale municipal mergers continued in the post-war era. In particular, during the merger of , the total number of cities, towns and villages decreased to 1, This is less than one-fortieth of the total number of municipalities that existed in the early Meiji period Compared with the United States, whose population in was about 2. Administrative mergers have taken place because of budget constraints. After the s, Japan collected a decreased amount of tax revenue due to economic stagnation.
On the one hand, there was a large-scale increase in public works combined with a decrease in income and corporate taxes in order to provide economic stimulus. This naturally resulted in a precipitous worsening of central government and municipal finances. The central government planned to strategically streamline the offices of the newly merged cities, towns and villages.
It made several pledges to incentivize mergers: As a result, cities, towns and villages of today are administrative organisations that encompass a large number of small collectives — that is, even more previously.
To the average resident of a municipality created by a merger, the administrative organs of city, town and village halls have become even more distant entities. Moreover, the municipalities have become more concerned about the intentions of the money-providing central government than they are about the desires of their own residents.
The key causes for this are the end of the Cold War and the entrance of China onto the global market, which increased the industrialisation of East Asia as a whole. The effects of these changes have been felt in the Sanriku area. Formerly, it housed the factories of Shinnittetsu Nippon Steel , the largest iron and steel company in Japan. But in , Kamaishi ceased to make iron.
Nippon Steel relocated its factories to Brazil, Mexico, India and other places. Due to the negotiation by local public office, Nippon Steel maintains a factory in Kamaishi that handles the processing of steel fibre for high-precision instruments. For example, from to , the number of art galleries increased 2. Meanwhile, the decline of regional finances continues relentlessly. With the sunset of manufacturing, the number of small businesses nationwide declined by two-thirds from to The middle-aged and young, who can no longer rely on farming, manufacturing or small-scale commerce for a living, have left to find jobs in cities, or have gone into public works construction.
Accelerating this phenomenon is the Structural Impediments Initiative carried out between the United States and Japan from the s to the s. In the s, the American government, under duress from competition in exports by Japanese manufacturers, demanded that Japanese deregulate markets for farming and commerce, while increasing voluntary export restraints and expanding domestic demand.
The Japanese government, in response, scrapped the restrictions on the number of franchises a large-scale business could own, a rule that had previously protected small businesses; simultaneously, it promised the US to expand domestic demand through fiscal stimulus, leading to an increase in public works. Before proceeding, let us first examine the history of disasters in Japan, along with the countermeasures and schemes that were designed to alleviate them. This section provides an overview of the history of disasters and reconstruction in Japan after Three periods can be identified in this time frame: I have omitted remarks on the situation before the Second World War, which is very similar to the first period under consideration, to The first period was one of frequent disasters.
Although Japan is prone to earthquakes, typhoons and tsunamis, a system of countermeasures had yet to be established at the time. Breakwaters and earthquake-resistant architecture were not widespread; rivers easily overflowed and claimed many victims. For instance, in the Mikawa earthquake of , 2, people died; in the Makurazaki typhoon of the same year, 3, died. The next year, in , the Nankai quake claimed 1, lives, and Typhoon Catherine's victims numbered 1, The Fukui quake of caused 3, deaths.
Although Japan possessed a legal framework for emergency countermeasures and assistance during disasters, it did not have a similar set of laws for reconstruction. Disasters were the responsibility of offices of local public bodies, and the central government gave financial or other kinds of support where necessary on an ad hoc basis. Thus, when a large-scale disaster occurred, there were glaring differences in the quality of measures available, for example temporary residences for refugees in different regions, depending on the financial situation of the responsible regional government.
This led to heightened dissatisfaction amongst survivors of disasters. In the background of these developments stood the overall situation of Japan's economic and political climate. Prior to World War II, the Japanese government had not been especially concerned with the welfare of the people, and had prioritized national security in disaster countermeasures. Rebuilding livelihoods was deemed the responsibility of individuals.
During the war, funds and personnel had been channelled to support the munitions industry while afforestation and water conservation were slighted; this led to the high frequency of post-war disasters. Japan fell into dire economic straits after defeat, and the government had few resources to spare.
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From to the country was under occupation by US troops, and its political situation was unstable. Compared to this first period, the second period, , witnessed political stabilization and an economic boom. In , the fractured conservative parties merged to form the LDP, which became a stabilizing force in national politics until the early s. Fertility also declined from the immediate post-WWII surge. However, in , the biggest disaster of this period happened. This was the Ise Bay Typhoon, which claimed 5, lives. Following this, the Basic Act on Disaster Control Measures was enacted in , and various other regulations based on this act were crafted.
First, the subject of reconstruction is not the individual, but regional society. More precisely, this refers to the communities under the jurisdiction of local public bodies such as prefectures and towns; these local public bodies are responsible for building infrastructure such as dams and roads for the communities they oversee. The rebuilding of individual and household livelihoods is in essence the responsibility of the people affected. The reason such a stance was adopted was that a policy of direct financial assistance from the state would have accrued to private individuals, potentially creating economic inequality, thus violating the Constitution.
Second, the agent of reconstruction is the administrative organ of the local public body, whether a prefecture, city, town or village. This public body is expected to provide support and resources, and the central government only steps in with additional financial aid or other assistance if the local state's resources are inadequate. Furthermore, civil society organizations recognized as supplementing the activities of public administration are prioritized. The heads of these organs are regional power-holders, and most are supporters of the Liberal Democratic Party, the conservative party that has ruled Japan for most of the time since Another key organ in this group is the civil fire corps organized by committees at the level of city, town and village, and which takes charge of fire-fighting and rescue operations until state officials arrive on the scene.
The members of this civil fire corps are all regular civilians, but technically they are part-time civil servants affiliated with the regional government, and the head of the corps is appointed by the mayors of city, town or village governments. The origins and first incarnation of this particular civilian corps lie in the Edo period , but in they became officialised by the new Meiji government same as jichikai.
During the Second World War they were called vigilante corps and grew into an organ that cooperated with the police. Discredited, after surrender they were abolished. However, in they were revived in their original form as a civilian fire corps without the wartime vigilante aspect. Third, the government worked to bolster disaster resilience and take on the responsibility of promoting recovery in disaster-hit areas.
In practice, this meant enforcing more stringent construction regulations for newly built residences and buildings to improve their disaster resilience and thus lessen damage in the event of a disaster. The latter kind of contribution also included building port and road infrastructure with the goal of facilitating industrial development and modernization. In this concept, disaster resilience meant mainly robustness of infrastructure and supplemental aid for local public bodies.
Fourth, homogeneity is emphasized. The temporary residences provided to displaced victims and refugees are designed in strict accordance with regulations determined by the central government, and a certain level of standardization is demanded of every region. A legal framework guaranteeing this at the level of finance is also in place. The process of its establishment lies in enacting extraordinary laws each time a disaster occurs, which determines the amount of financial assistance that is given from central to public bodies.
This process grew increasingly systematized from the s through the early s, and the ratio determining how the financial burden should be shared became fixed by strict rules. The lower the standard tax revenue of the local public body and the larger the scale of the public works needed for reconstruction, the higher the percentage of the cost borne by the central government.
Specifically, for expenditures of less than half the standard tax revenue of the local public body, the central government provides two-thirds of the total cost. If the costs exceed half the standard tax revenue up to twice as much of it , the assistance rises to three-quarters of those expenditures of over half the standard tax revenue. If the total costs exceed twice the standard tax revenue of the local public body, the central government shoulders the entire financial burden.
The legal framework above illustrates the schematics of disaster countermeasures in Japan. The financial burden on the central government for carrying out public works initially was far from light. However, municipal tax revenue increased during the period of high national economic growth, and the burden borne by the central government concomitantly decreased. Normally, a story should perform well in at least two areas. Naturally, competition plays a part. If there are a lot of newsworthy stories on a particular day then some stories will be dropped.
Although some stories can be delayed until a new slot becomes available, time-sensitive news will often be dropped permanently. Timing The word news means exactly that - things which are new. Topics which are current are good news. Consumers are used to receiving the latest updates, and there is so much news about that old news is quickly discarded.
A story with only average interest needs to be told quickly if it is to be told at all. If it happened today, it's news. If the same thing happened last week, it's no longer interesting. Significance The number of people affected by the story is important. A plane crash in which hundreds of people died is more significant than a crash killing a dozen.
Proximity Stories which happen near to us have more significance. The closer the story to home, the more newsworthy it is. For someone living in France, a major plane crash in the USA has a similar news value to a small plane crash near Paris. Note that proximity doesn't have to mean geographical distance. Stories from countries with which we have a particular bond or similarity have the same effect. For example, Australians would be expected to relate more to a story from a distant Western nation than a story from a much closer Asian country. Prominence Famous people get more coverage just because they are famous.
If you break your arm it won't make the news, but if the Queen of England breaks her arm it's big news. Human Interest Human interest stories are a bit of a special case. They often disregard the main rules of newsworthiness; for example, they don't date as quickly, they need not affect a large number of people, and it may not matter where in the world the story takes place. Human interest stories appeal to emotion. They aim to evoke responses such as amusement or sadness. Television news programs often place a humorous or quirky story at the end of the show to finish on a feel-good note.
Newspapers often have a dedicated area for offbeat or interesting items. Can you believe it? Hello Kitty's turning 35 this Year!! According to her website biography, Kitty's full name is Kitty White and she resides in London. She is good at "making cookies" and she collects "small cute things, like candy, stars and goldfish. Hello Kitty Official Website. Kaori Fukuhara shippai datte Good night Tuesday, October 5, TinierMe - 1st Anniversary!! Dont miss it, join now! Create, Play, and Experience the Fun! Servant of Evil Vocals: Posted by Rin and Len Kagamine at 9: The servant who had quite similar face.
Name of beloved horse was Josephine. Everything was all hers. If the money lacks, Squeeze out from the foolish raff. As for the people who oppose to me. With vivid coloration, As for pitiful weeds around Oh became nutrient and now decaying off. The tyrant princess's love was a Man of blue in other side of the sea.
However, as for him the neighboring country's Woman of green was the love in first sight. Princess mad with envy, One day calls up minister and Said it in a quiet voice, "Ruin the country of green. Numerous lives were going out. Grief of the suffering people Does not reach the princess. Although it is a very beautiful flower Oh there's too much thorn it can't be touched. In order to defeat the evil princess, People finally stands up. Led crowd no more then a bevy of birds was a Lady swordsman of red armor. The anger that had piled and piled Now Wrapped up the whole country. Worn from long war, The soldiers were not an enemy at all.
Finally the court was surrounded and Servants too run away.
MELOS no Michi
Lovely dainty princess, Finally, was caught. Paradise made for her, Oh, collapsing brittle but fleetingly. Long long time ago in some place was The kingdom of treacherous inhumanity, And there reign in apex was The princess of age Time of execution was three o'clock in the afternoon, The time when the bell of the church sounds. The person who was called the princess What thought does she have alone in prison. Finally, the time arrives. The bell which announces the end rings. Not giving any eyes to the populace, - She - said this.
The people of latter-day talk of her as such, Oh she was truly the daughter of evil. Posted by Rin and Len Kagamine at 7: Suga Shikao - 19Sai Lyrics. I was planning to also embed the video but Anata no kisu de mou karada mo nou mo toketeshimai sou Daikirai na boku juu-kyuu-sai Daikirai na boku juu-kyuu-sai Hakike ga suru kurai anata no kokoro utsukushii no ni Nani hitotsu dekinai boku ni doushite kisushite kureru no? Daikirai na hibi juu-kyuu-sai Daikirai na kao juu-kyuu-sai Ku ku ku kuro ageha chou no you ni hokorashii hane de tobitai Ku ku ku kudaranai-tte iwanai de sonna jinsei ga ii no, ii no Yogoreteru tamashii dake wo tori no sogu no ga murinara Dochira ni arukeba sore wo mirai to yoberu no deshou Chuu burarin na yume juu-kyuu-sai Chuu burarin na uso juu-kyuu-sai Ku ku ku kuro ageha chou ni natte dare kara mo aisaretai Ku ku ku kubukurin nai toshitemo hon no isshun de ii no, ii no Daikirai na boku juu-kyuu-sai Daikirai na boku juu-kyuu-sai Ku ku ku kuro ageha chou no you ni hokorashii hane de tobitai Ku ku ku kudaranai-tte iwanai de sonna jinsei ga ii no Ku ku ku kuro ageha chou ni natte dare kara mo aisaretai Ku ku ku kubukurin nai toshitemo hon no isshun de ii no, ii no Ku ku ku kuro ageha chou no you ni Ku ku ku kudaranai-tte iwanai de Ku ku ku kuro ageha chou no you ni Ku ku ku kudaranai-tte iwanai de English You applied poison to your lips and came into my room, right?
With your kiss, my body and mind seem to melt away already The me who I really hate, at age 19 The me who I really hate, at age 19 Even though your heart is so beautiful that it nauseates me Why do you kiss me, when I can't even do a thing? The days that I really hate, at age 19 The face that I really hate, at age 19 Like a black swallowtail butterfly, I want to fly with proud wings Please don't say, "It's pointless," such a life is fine, is fine If it's impossible to only remove my soiled soul Then where do I walk to will I be able to call it my future?
A suspended dream, at age 19 A suspended lie, at age 19 I want to be a black swallowtail butterfly and be loved by everyone Even if I'm not almost there, just a tiny moment is fine, is fine The me who I really hate, at age 19 The me who I really hate, at age 19 Like a black swallowtail butterfly, I want to fly with proud wings Please don't say, "It's pointless," such a life is fine I want to be a black swallowtail butterfly and be loved by everyone Even if I'm not almost there, just a tiny moment is fine, is fine Like a black swallowtail butterfly Please don't say, "It's pointless" Like a black swallowtail butterfly Please don't say, "It's pointless".
Sokka kore ga koi na no ka tte, maji de!! Majime ni kimi no subete suki sokora no aidoru, moderu yori mo ii Takaku mo hikuku mo nai kimi no se mo me mo te mo kami no nioi mo Soshite nani ijou ni issho ni itai hoka wa nani mo iranai yo isshougai Oto mo Mellow boku wa meromero tsukisasu shisen choito eroero Noroketorokesou na hodo no hanasenai hanasanai yo Hold On!
Posted by Rin and Len Kagamine at 3: If you want to make a few bucks from all the hard work you are putting into your blog then consider adding a Paypal donate button to your Blogger Blogspot blog. Adding a donation button will encourage all those happy readers to say a big thank you for helping them out. Not everyone will donate but you will get the odd generous soul who will willingly donate some chump change to shout you a coffee.
In this tutorial we will be adding a gadget to the Blogger sidebar but we won't be changing the template.
Otenkiame Translations
Skill level is rated easy. Get yourself a Paypal account if you don't already have one 2. Login to your Paypal account 3. Click on the Merchant Services tab 4. Choose Donations from the list of key features displayed in the right sidebar of the PayPal Website Payments Standard Option first of 3 payment solutions 5. Stick with the default button unless you wish to customize it 7.