Eskapaden (German Edition)

Translation of "die Wetter-Eskapaden" in English

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Cum spunea Lenin, orice lucru este legat de toate celelalte. Geld denkt nicht - Hanno Beck proofreading General field: Und wer nicht ihrer Meinung war — so wie Hank —, der war eben ein Idiot. Und hier kommt wieder die Herde ins Spiel: Ce people aguerri et hospitalier, cette terre de contrastes et de contradictions vous passionneront. Vingt fois autour du soleil - Evgen Bavcar General field: La question qui maintenant me tourmente est: I am a 39 year-old Romanian translator, willing to develop a successful career in this domain. I have been working until present in a different domain HR management , doing also translations out of passion, in my free time.

I translated books from English and French languages, mainly in human sciences history, anthropology, tourism, literature. My main languages are English and French, but I also have developed an advanced level of German recently, even if I haven't used it much in conversation yet and am currently working on that, too.

"Eskapaden" in English

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It was passed with 70 votes in favor out of , 10 negative ones, 2 abstentions, and the rest of MPs being absent of the chamber as a form of protest.

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Despite the intended solemnity of the event, there was no real parliamentary debate, the opposition leaders were not permitted to question the President or to discuss any aspect of the resolution, and a clear awareness of doing something illegal and shameful among the secessionist MPs was palpable. It is difficult not to get upset by such a confession, whether you are secessionist or not. Civil order and democracy in Catalonia was being jeopardized just for an aesthetic move.

In any case, secessionists, within the Parliament and outside, celebrated the declaration with joy and ecstasy. The Parliament opened doors to hundreds of Catalan secessionist Mayors there are municipalities in Catalonia, most of them tiny and rural, where independentism gets much of its force , and they took pictures of themselves to remember that historical day. The Catalan media reported that the Catalan Republic had been declared.

But the joy was extenuated by the awareness that nobody really thought that Catalonia was going to be actually independent. In fact, the Spanish Senate authorized that same day the activation of Article of the Spanish constitution, which allows the central government to intervene in the government of an Autonomous Community when it violates severely its constitutional duties or seriously harms the general interest of Spain.

And everyone informed knew very well that the declaration was not going to be effective at all. What happened next is well known: No government, no important organization, no central actor on earth recognized the new Catalan state. Many of them, indeed, rushed to issue an official statement making it very clear that they considered the declaration contrary to Spanish law and giving firm support to the government of Mr. It is impossible to know with certainty what kind of phone calls and secret communications were made that day among intelligence agencies and powerful organizations of all sorts.

What is obvious, until the opposite is proved, is that Catalan independentists had no international ally whatsoever on their side, neither governmental nor private. By doing so they avoided the order to appear before the judge who is investigating their case in Spain it is the pre-trial judge the one who investigates, not the public attorney. They avoided also a very likely pre-trial detention, even if some of the ministers who stayed here, despite being immediately detained, were finally released when their judicial process was backlogged in the Supreme Court.

But instead of organizing that, the government disbanded and partly fled to Brussels in a clear attempt to internationalize the conflict.

A few days after the declaration, Article was officially enforced. It is important to clarify that this Article does not imply the suspension of the Autonomy in Catalonia. But it allows the central government to make the necessary interventions to redress a situation of unconstitutionality.

The limits of that permission are controversial in Spanish Constitutional law. Many have argued that Article cannot be used to suspend a regional parliament. Some think that it cannot cover the suspension of the regional president either, or a call for elections, which is a presidential prerogative. Interventions from the central government must be limited just to redress the decisions or initiatives that had violated the constitutional legality. That remains, as I said, unclear. If it is true, then Mr.

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We will see, eventually, whether the Constitutional Court is of the same opinion. The interventions made by the central government, however, have been much less aggressive than what many people expected. Even if the President and his ministers have been removed from their offices, the ministries have not been fully brought under control, the Catalan public broadcasting has not been neutralized or tampered with, the education system is unchanged, and the administration of Catalonia is basically going on as before.

What is more, calling for elections in December 21st with the aim of letting the new Parliament elect a new government in January and let such new government rule autonomously again as soon as possible, was an unexpected move that shortened the period of application of Article to its minimum.

That does not mean neither that activating Article was necessarily the best idea to deal with the terrible political situation, nor that its implementation is fully constitutional. But, frankly, things could have gone much worse. It is important to say that in the days before the declaration of independence many were expecting the conflict to spiral out of control, with violence on the street and maybe even casualties.

That this did not happen is a reason for gratitude and a token of responsibility on both sides — the comparatively mild response from Rajoy and the decision of Puigdemont and his cabinet to avoid an open confrontation, dissolve the crowds in the streets, and fly away. You can imagine how this deeply disappointed some secessionist citizens and organizations. It was a tough decision to be made.

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They rejected the intervention and declared to be determined to defend the autonomy of Catalonia. But they did nothing to prevent or obstruct its enforcement. We had a quiet November, and a very quiet, even boring, electoral campaign in December. All debates were insubstantial, with all political parties blaming each other for the conflict.

The citizenry, after such a Red October, was mostly caught in a sort of post-traumatic stress disorder. Secessionists were mostly depressed after realizing that independence was still a phantom, that the Catalan government was unprepared and had admittedly lied about the prospects of becoming a real Republic, and that their cause had virtually no international ally, and thus no chance to succeed in the short-run. Non-secessionists were still in shock about the events of the previous weeks.

Spanish nationalists in Catalonia and the rest of Spain started demonstrating and hanging Spanish flags from the balconies, but other than that they kept relatively quiet. The three secessionist parties combined had lost two seats but kept the majority. Moreover, many people had the impression that secessionist citizens cast their votes not out of enthusiasm and hope, but rather resigned and hopeless, but fearful of the alternative.

Thus, despite the reiteration of results, something has changed in Catalonia. A majority of Catalans, for the third consecutive election, voted for non-independentist parties, that is, they voted against the independence of Catalonia. At the same time, Partido Popular , Mr. And this is how we got stuck in the current situation, with no clear prospect in one way or another.

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