Werke von Wilhelm Eichhorn (German Edition)

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Leipzig Insel Verlag. Der feldzug in Russland und die befreiungskriege von with a biography by Graf von Schlieffen. Rowohlts Klassiker der Literatur und Wissenschaft, Band Clausewitz, General Karl von. Verlagslogo Erschienen im Insel-Verlag zu Leipzig, Scanned into a modern typeface from the Fraktur edition by Gutenberg. Karl und Marie von Clausewitz: Politische Schriften und Briefe. Clausewitz, Karl, and Marie von.

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Zwei Briefe des Generals von Clausewitz: The text of this book has been posted by the Gutenberg Project at http: Edited and introduced by Werner Hahlweg. Deutsche Geschichtsquellen des Definition und weitere Eintheilung. Clausewitz an den russischen Oberstleutnant v. Clausewitz an Gneisenau, Koblenz, 4. Clausewitz an Gneisenau, Koblenz, Clausewitz an Gneisenau, Koblenz, Mai Clausewitz an Gneisenau, Koblenz, 3.

Clausewitz an Gneisenau, Berlin, Clausewitz an Gneisenau, O. Clausewitz an Gneisenau, Berlin, 8. Clausewitz an den Freiherrn vom Stein: Kapitel, Ueber die Theorie des Krieges. Die Schlacht bei Ligny am 16ten Juny Ueber die Theorie des Krieges. Der gesunde Menschenverstand im Kriege 2.

Neuer Standpunkt der Theorie des Krieges 3. Umfang der Theorie 4. Sicherheit des Erfolgs 7. Ueber die Kritik aus dem Erfolg 9. Kriegskunst oder Kriegs-Wissenschaft Eintheilung der Kriegskunst Eintheilung der Kriegs Kunst. Ueber die Theorie des Krieges 6. Handschrift der Frau Marie v. Die Schlacht bei Ligny am 16ten Juny S.

German Revolution of 1918–19

Collected, Edited, and introduced by Werner Hahlweg. Clausewitz an die Redaktion der ,,Allgem. Kriegswissenschaften I und II. Clausewitz an den Kronprinzen Friedrich Wilhelm, Clausewitz an Oberstleutnant v. Clausewitz an Scharnhorst Ein kunsttheoretisches Fragment des Generals Carl von Clausewitz. Herausgegeben und kommentiert von Matthias Kuster. Clausewitz, Marie von anonymously. Historisch-Politische Zeitschrift [edited by Leopold von Ranke], vol. Hegels Einfluss auf Clausewitz. Verlag von Eisenschmidt, Politische Vierteljahresschrift PVS , 50 4 , Clausewitz , by Karl Schwartz.

De l'un au multiple

Aeltere und neuere Strategie. Im Anschluss an die Bernhardische Schrift: Jahrhundert , by v. Geschichte der Kriegskunst im Rahmen der politischen Geschichte.

University of Nebraska Press, Zambon Verlag , Carl von Clausewitz in unserer Zeit. Ausblick nach zehn Jahren Clausewitz-Gesellschaft , hg. Freytag-Loringhoven, Hugo Freiherr von. Mittler, and Groote, Wolfgang von hrsg. Grosse Soldaten der europaischen Geschichte. Die deutsche Lehre vom Kriege ; v. I, Von Berenhorst zu Clausewitz. Some additional listings for Werner Hahlweg. Ein Beitrag zur politischen Ideen-geschichte des Wehr und Wissen Verlagsgesellschaft, Carl von Clausewitz Neue deutsche Biographie , Darmstadt, Wehr und Wissen Verlagsgesellschaft []. Hinterlassenes Werk des Carl von Clausewitz.

Den Krieg denken, um den Frieden zu sichern? Clausewitz, Jomini, Erzherzog Carl. Das Werk 'Vom Kriege' als 'Kriegslehrbuch'?

Den Krieg Denken, um den Frieden zu sichern? Zwischen Guerilla Und Proletarischer Selbstverteidigung: Frankfurt am Main ; New York: Das Reserveoffizierkorps im Deutschen Kaiserreich Studien zum bellizistischen Diskurs des ausgehenden Politische Theorie des Krieges im Widerstreit. Wilhelm Fink Verlag, Geschichte und Gegenwart Campus Verlag, Herberg-Rothe, Andreas, "Clausewitz im The common understanding of Clausewitz's concept of strategy has nonetheless followed only the hierarchical structure, which is not in line with the concept of a floating balance in his trinity.

This article examines the relation of purpose, aims and means Zweck, Ziel and Mittel in Clausewitz's theory and emphasizes that this relation is methodologically comparable to the floating balance of Clausewitz's trinity. Geburtstag von Johannes Chr. Clausewitz—Ein Lebens- und Zeitbild.

Preface to Clausewitz, Vom Kriege , War, popular opinion and the politically incorrect Clausewitz," in: Times Literary Supplement December 11, , S. One of several articles Kessel published on this subject. Grundfragen einer philosophischen Theorie des Krieges: Platon - Hobbes - Clausewitz. He remained there initially as Professor of German Literature at the State University of Peking, later as a translator, poet and publisher-printer, and finally as director of a theatre group until his deportation back to Germany in China, the Chinese culture, perhaps also the almost unrestrained freedom that was granted to foreigners in those years fascinated him.

The country that was totally unknown to him until his arrival cast an enduring spell on him: But whatever this lawyer in his mid-forties, tired of Europe, apparently no longer satisfied with the work in his Berlin office, was seeking in the literature of his new country and also discovered: With my translation of the three masterpieces of the dramatic poetry of China: What caused Hundhausen to translate more than one hundred and twenty Chinese texts — mostly poems — in the s?

Hundhausen was an amateur sinologist with an apparently rather limited knowledge of the literary? Chinese language, 11 he happened to have excellent Chinese colleagues and helpers — like Feng Zhi 17 Sept. For all other publications of V. Hundhausen, I refer the reader to the Hundhausen bibliography which H. Walravens announced long ago and which is about to be published; I had access to the completed typescript version of , which has already been cited quite often above Walravens He does not translate individual lines, he rather translates the [whole] poem; he does not draw the words, but he paints the tone.

Quite a few verses appear a bit strange at first, but a closer look at the text shows that the translation is often an expression of something that lies between the lines With his own language, influenced by the late German Romanticism, and his particular literary style which quite satisfied the needs and wishes of a not-so-small reading public for the time, he transformed, for example, the alien i. Lessing, in his review of Westzimmer Lessing We can not say how faithfully the German translator has followed the original; but he has presented a piece of pure poetry, full of tender and deep feeling, utmost fascinating psychologically, formally perhaps a little dilettantish the rhymes of the numerous songs!

If the ideal of a translation were to make the reader forget that it is one, then the Westzimmer happens to be one of the most genial and excellent poetic translations that we possess. If we were not to meet so often images, comparisons, and references to mythical or historical events that are strange to us, if the location of the Singspiel on the whole as well as in the details were not filled with such a different spirit, then we would have believed we had a work from the heyday of late German Romanticism in front of us.

Whatever one may say about this work as a translation — I am not able to judge it as such — there is no doubt that Hundhausen is a master of poetic language. Hundhausen brings the ancient Chinese alive for us And Schmitt must have been even more enraged by the fact that V. However, this provoked the former pugnacious lawyer from Berlin and then poet, translator and professor in Peking, who was deeply hurt by this review; he not only instituted court procceedings against the reviewer for defamation! As a consequence, presumably enraged, Schmitt pursued his one and only argument.

He stuck to his premises, which had already been established, according to him: He totally ignored, for example, the above-mentioned possibility of different text versions which might have explained the deviations between the versions of Hundhausen and Julien. Schmitt was fined the sum of RM — for defama-tion although the fine was waived in the end on the basis of the Saxon Amnesty Law of April 12, ! In the statement of reasons, the District Court has stated [and not least on the basis of testimony from the sinologist Eduard Erkes , while Erich Haenisch had refused to testify] that the work of Hundhausen actually happens to be an independant translation and the translation is based on the Chinese original.

And is it even worth trying to settle the peculiar confrontation between the amateur and the specialist, the inspired poet and the philologist? The first reason refers to the present, mediating task of the discipline, strictly speaking: And this is also true for classical Chinese literature: Introduction and annotations by Hans Bethge. Review of Vincenz Hundhausen: Das Westzimmer , Frankfurter Zeitung, 13 Feb. Chinesische Dichter in deutscher Sprache , Literarisches Zentralblatt, Die Riickkehr der Seele , Monumenta Serica: China Aktuell, May , 5: Leipzig, Reclam Reclam UB Gabelentz, Georg von der.

Chinesische Dramen der Yuan-Dynastie. Zehn nachgelassene Ubersetzungen von Alfred Forke. Wiesbaden, Steiner Sinologica Coloniensia, Translated by Alfred Forke. Elf chinesische Singspiele aus neuerer Zeit nebst zwei Dramen in westlicher Manier. Erinnerungen aus meinem bunten Leben.

Grimm, Irmgard and Reinhold. Chinesische Gespenster- und Fuchsgeschichten. Gundert, Wilhelm et al. Das Westzimmer , Asia Major, 8: Die Laute , Sinica, 7: Die Oden des Horaz in deutscher Sprache. Chinesische Dichter in deutscher Sprache. Der Fall Erich Schmitt Epilog zum Fall Erich Schmitt. Ein chinesisches Singspiel aus dem dreizehnten Jahrhundert.

In most cases, SPD members had been elected into the councils who regarded their job as an interim solution. For them, as well as for the majority of the German population in —19, the introduction of a Council Republic was never an issue, but they were not even given a chance to think about it. Many wanted to support the new government and expected it to abolish militarism and the authoritarian state. Being weary of the war and hoping for a peaceful solution, they partially overestimated the revolutionary achievements.

On 15 December, Ebert and General Groener had troops ordered to Berlin to prevent this convention and to regain control of the capital. On 16 December, one of the regiments intended for this plan advanced too early. In an attempt to arrest the Executive Council, the soldiers opened fire on a demonstration of unarmed "Red Guards", representatives of Soldiers' Councils affiliated with the Spartacists; 16 people were killed.

With this, the potential for violence and the danger of a coup from the right became visible.

In response to the incident, Rosa Luxemburg demanded the peaceful disarmament of the homecoming military units by the Berlin workforce in the daily newspaper of the Spartacist League Red Flag Rote Fahne of 12 December. She wanted the Soldiers' Councils to be subordinated to the Revolutionary Parliament and the soldiers to become "re-educated". On 10 December, Ebert welcomed ten divisions returning from the front hoping to use them against the councils.

As it turned out, these troops also were not willing to go on fighting. The war was over, Christmas was at the door and most of the soldiers just wanted to go home to their families. Shortly after their arrival in Berlin, they dispersed. The blow against the Convention of Councils did not take place.

This blow would have been unnecessary anyway, because the convention that took up its work 16 December in the Prussian House of Representatives consisted mainly of SPD followers. Not even Karl Liebknecht had managed to get a seat. The Spartacist League was not granted any influence. On 19 December, the councils voted to 98 against the creation of a council system as a basis for a new constitution. Instead, they supported the government's decision to call for elections for a constituent national assembly as soon as possible. This assembly was to decide upon the state system. The convention disagreed with Ebert only on the issue of control of the army.

The convention was demanding a say for the Central Council that it would elect, in the supreme command of the army, the free election of officers and the disciplinary powers for the Soldiers' Councils. That would have been contrary to the agreement between Ebert and General Groener. They both spared no effort to undo this decision. The Supreme Command which in the meantime had moved from Spa to Kassel , began to raise loyal volunteer corps the Freikorps against the supposed Bolshevik menace.

Unlike the revolutionary soldiers of November, these troops were monarchist-minded officers and men who feared the return into civil life. The division was considered absolutely loyal and had indeed refused to participate in the coup attempt of 6 December. The sailors even deposed their commander because they saw him as involved in the affair. It was this loyalty that now gave them the reputation of being in favor of the Spartacists. Ebert demanded their disbanding and Otto Wels, as of 9 November the Commander of Berlin and in line with Ebert, refused the sailors' pay.

The dispute escalated on 23 December. After having been put off for days, the sailors occupied the Imperial Chancellery itself, cut the phone lines, put the Council of People's Representatives under house arrest and captured Otto Wels. The sailors did not exploit the situation to eliminate the Ebert government, as would have been expected from Spartacist revolutionaries.

Instead, they just insisted on their pay. Nevertheless, Ebert, who was in touch with the Supreme Command in Kassel via a secret phone line, gave orders to attack the Residence with troops loyal to the government on the morning of 24 December. The sailors repelled the attack under their commander Heinrich Dorrenbach, losing about 30 men and civilians in the fight. The government troops had to withdraw from the center of Berlin. They themselves were now disbanded and integrated into the newly formed Freikorps.

To make up for their humiliating withdrawal, they temporarily occupied the editor's offices of the Red Flag. But military power in Berlin once more was in the hands of the People's Navy Division. Again, the sailors did not take advantage of the situation. On one side, this restraint demonstrates that the sailors were not Spartacists, on the other that the revolution had no guidance. Even if Liebknecht had been a revolutionary leader like Lenin, to which legend later made him, the sailors as well as the councils would not have accepted him as such.

They could not have done Ebert a bigger favor, since he had let them participate only under the pressure of revolutionary events. Within a few days, the military defeat of the Ebert government had turned into a political victory. Rosa Luxemburg drew up her founding programme and presented it on 31 December In this programme, she pointed out that the communists could never take power without the clear will of the people in the majority. On 1 January, she demanded that the KPD participate in the planned nationwide German elections, but was outvoted.

The majority still hoped to gain power by continued agitation in the factories and from "pressure from the streets". This was a first defeat. The decisive defeat of the left occurred in the first days of the new year in The wave was started on 4 January, when the government dismissed the chief constable of Berlin, Emil Eichhorn. To the surprise [ according to whom?

On Sunday, 5 January, as on 9 November , hundreds of thousands of people poured into the centre of Berlin, many of them armed. Some of the middle-class papers in the previous days had called not only for the raising of more Freikorps, but also for the murder of the Spartacists. The demonstrators were mainly the same ones who participated in the disturbances two months previously.

They now demanded the fulfillment of the hopes expressed in November. The Spartacists by no means had a leading position. The demands came straight from the workforce supported by various groups left of the SPD. KPD members were even a minority among the insurgents. The initiators assembled at the Police Headquarters elected a member "Interim Revolutionary Committee" Provisorischer Revolutionsausschuss that failed to make use of its power and was unable to give any clear direction. Liebknecht demanded the overthrow of the government and agreed with the majority of the committee that propagated the armed struggle.

Rosa Luxemburg as well as the majority of KPD leaders thought a revolt at this moment to be a catastrophe and spoke out against it. On the following day, 6 January, the Revolutionary Committee again called for a mass demonstration. This time, even more people heeded the call. Again they carried placards and banners that proclaimed, "Brothers, don't shoot! A part of the Revolutionary Stewards armed themselves and called for the overthrow of the Ebert government. But the KPD activists mostly failed in their endeavour to win over the troops. It turned out that even units such as the People's Navy Division were not willing to support the armed revolt and declared themselves neutral.

The other regiments stationed in Berlin mostly remained loyal to the government. After the advance of the troops into the city became known, an SPD leaflet appeared saying, "The hour of reckoning is nigh". With this, the Committee broke off further negotiations on 8 January. That was opportunity enough for Ebert to use the troops stationed in Berlin against the occupiers. Beginning 9 January, they violently quelled an improvised revolt. In addition to that, on 12 January, the anti-republican Freikorps, which had been raised more or less as death squads since the beginning of December, moved into Berlin.

Gustav Noske , who had been People's Representative for Army and Navy for a few days, accepted the premium command of these troops by saying, "If you like, someone has to be the bloodhound. I won't shy away from the responsibility. The Freikorps brutally cleared several buildings and executed the occupiers on the spot. Others soon surrendered, but some of them were still shot. The January revolt claimed lives in Berlin. The alleged ringleaders of the January Revolt had to go into hiding. In spite of the urgings of their allies, they refused to leave Berlin. On the evening of 15 January , Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht were discovered in an apartment of the Wilmersdorf district of Berlin.

Their commander, Captain Waldemar Pabst , had them questioned. That same night both prisoners were beaten unconscious with rifle butts and shot in the head. Rosa Luxemburg's body was thrown into the Landwehr Canal that ran through Berlin, where it was found only on 1 July. Karl Liebknecht's body, without a name, was delivered to a morgue. The perpetrators for the most part went unpunished. The Nazi Party later compensated the few that had been tried or even jailed, and they merged the Gardekavallerie into the SA Sturmabteilung.

In an interview given to " Der Spiegel " in and in his memoirs, Pabst maintained that he had talked on the phone with Noske in the Chancellery, [19] and that Noske and Ebert had approved of his actions. Pabst's statement was never confirmed, especially since neither the Reichstag nor the courts ever examined the case. In the following years, both parties were unable to agree on joint action against the Nazi Party, which dramatically grew in strength as of In the first months of , there were further armed revolts all over Germany.

In some states, Councils Republics were proclaimed, most prominently in Bavaria the Munich Soviet Republic , even if only temporarily. These revolts were triggered by Noske's decision at the end of February to take armed action against the Bremen Soviet Republic.

In spite of an offer to negotiate, he ordered his Freikorps units to invade the city. Approximately people were killed in the ensuing fights.

This caused an eruption of mass strikes in the Ruhr District, the Rhineland and in Saxony. Against the will of the strike leadership, the strikes escalated into street fighting in Berlin. The Prussian state government, which in the meantime had declared a state of siege, called the imperial government for help. By the end of the fighting on 16 March, they had killed approximately 1, people, many of them unarmed and uninvolved.

Among others, 29 members of the Peoples Navy Division, who had surrendered, were summarily executed, since Noske had ordered that anybody found armed should be shot on the spot. The situation in Hamburg and Thuringia also was very much like a civil war. The council government to hold out the longest was the Munich Soviet Republic. According to the predominant opinion of modern historians, [20] the establishment of a Bolshevik-style council government in Germany on 9—10 November was impossible.

Yet the Ebert government felt threatened by a coup from the left, and was certainly undermined by the Spartakus movement; thus it co-operated with the Supreme Command and the Freikorps. The brutal actions of the Freikorps during the various revolts estranged many left democrats from the SPD. They regarded the behavior of Ebert, Noske and the other SPD leaders during the revolution as an outright betrayal of their own followers. The USPD received only 7. On the one hand, the Weimar Constitution offered more possibilities for a direct democracy than the present Basic Law for the Federal Republic of Germany , for example by setting up a mechanism for referenda.

On the other hand, Article 48 granted the president the authority to rule against the majority in the Reichstag, with the help of the army if need be. In —33, Article 48 was instrumental in destroying German democracy. From to , nationalist forces continued fighting against the Weimar Republic and left-wing political opponents. In , the German government was briefly overthrown in a coup organized by Wolfgang Kapp the Kapp Putsch , and a nationalist government was briefly in power.

Mass public demonstrations soon forced this regime out of power. In and , Matthias Erzberger and Walter Rathenau were shot by members of the ultra-nationalist Organisation Consul. The newly formed Nazi Party , under the leadership of Adolf Hitler and supported by former German army chief Erich Ludendorff , engaged in political violence against the government and left-wing political forces as well. In , in what is now known as the Beer Hall Putsch , the Nazis took control of parts of Munich , arrested the president of Bavaria, the chief of police, and others and forced them to sign an agreement in which they endorsed the Nazi takeover and its objective to overthrow the German government.

The putsch came to an end when the German army and police were called in to put it down, resulting in an armed confrontation in which a number of Nazis and some police were killed. The Weimar Republic was always under great pressure from both left-wing and right-wing extremists. The left-wing extremists accused the ruling Social Democrats of having betrayed the ideals of the workers' movement by preventing a communist revolution and unleashing the Freikorps upon the workers.

Right-wing extremists were opposed to any democratic system, preferring instead an authoritarian state similar to the Empire founded in Both sides were determined to bring down the Weimar Republic. In the end, the right-wing extremists were successful, and the Weimar Republic came to an end with the ascent of Hitler and the National Socialist Party. The failure of the Weimar Republic that this revolution brought into being and the Nazi era that followed it obstructed the view of these events for a long time.

To this very day, the interpretation of these events has been determined more by legends than by facts.

II. Des traducteurs d'envergure

Both the radical right and the radical left — under different circumstances — nurtured the idea that a Communist uprising was aiming to establish a Soviet Republic following the Russian example. The democratic centre parties, especially the SPD, were also barely interested in assessing the events which turned Germany into a Republic fairly. At closer look, these events turned out to be a revolution supported by the Social Democrats and stopped by their party leadership.

These processes helped to weaken the Weimar Republic from its very beginning. After the imperial government and the Supreme Command shirked their responsibilities for the war and the defeat at an early stage, the majority parties of the Reichstag were left to cope with the resulting burdens. In his autobiography, Ludendorff's successor Groener states, "It suited me just fine, when the army and the Supreme Command remained as guiltless as possible in these wretched truce negotiations, from which nothing good could be expected". Thus, the " Myth of the Stab in the Back " was born, according to which the revolutionaries stabbed the army, "undefeated on the field", in the back and only then turned the almost secure victory into a defeat.

It was mainly Ludendorff who contributed to the spread of this falsification of history to conceal his own role in the defeat.

Clausewitz Bibliografie (Deutsch)

In nationalistic and national minded circles, the myth fell on fertile ground. They soon defamed the revolutionaries and even politicians like Ebert, who never wanted the revolution and had done everything to channel and contain it, as "November Criminals" Novemberverbrecher. In , Hitler and Ludendorff deliberately chose symbolic 9 November as the date of their attempted " Beer Hall Putsch ". From its very beginning, the Weimar Republic was afflicted with the stigma of the military defeat.

A large part of the bourgeoisie and the old elites from big industry, landowners, military, judiciary and administration never accepted the democratic republic and hoped to get rid of it at the first opportunity. On the left, the actions of the SPD Leadership during the revolution drove many of its former adherents to the Communists. The contained revolution gave birth to a "democracy without democrats".

Depending on their political standpoint of view, contemporaries had greatly differing opinions about the revolution. Ernst Troeltsch , a Protestant theologian and philosopher, rather calmly remarked how the majority of Berlin citizens perceived 10 November:. On Sunday morning after a frightful night the morning newspapers gave a clear picture: No man dead for Kaiser and Empire! The continuation of duties ensured and no run on the banks! Trams and subways ran as usual which is a pledge that basic needs are cared for.

On all faces it could be read: Wages will continue to be paid. The liberal publicist Theodor Wolff wrote on the very day of 10 November in the newspaper Berliner Tageblatt , lending himself to far too optimistic illusions, which the SPD leadership also might have had:. Like a sudden storm, the biggest of all revolutions has toppled the imperial regime including everything that belonged to it.

It can be called the greatest of all revolutions because never has a more firmly built Only one week ago, there was still a military and civil administration so deeply rooted that it seemed to have secured its dominion beyond the change of times. Only yesterday morning, at least in Berlin, all this still existed.

Yesterday afternoon it was all gone. The extreme right had a completely opposite perception. On 10 November, conservative journalist Paul Baecker wrote an article in Deutsche Tageszeitung which already contained essential elements of the Stab-in-the-back myth:. The work fought for by our fathers with their precious blood — dismissed by betrayal in the ranks of our own people! Germany, yesterday still undefeated, left to the mercy of our enemies by men carrying the German name, by felony out of our own ranks broken down in guilt and shame. The German Socialists knew that peace was at hand anyway and that it was only about holding out against the enemy for a few days or weeks in order to wrest bearable conditions from them.

In this situation they raised the white flag. This is a sin that can never be forgiven and never will be forgiven. This is treason not only against the monarchy and the army but also against the German people themselves who will have to bear the consequences in centuries of decline and of misery. In an article on the 10th anniversary of the revolution the publicist Kurt Tucholsky remarked that neither Wolff nor Baecker were right. Nevertheless, Tucholsky accused Ebert and Noske of betrayal, not of the monarchy but of the revolution. In he wrote in "November Coup":.

The things taking place were not a revolution. There was no spiritual preparation, no leaders ready in the dark; no revolutionary goals. The mother of this revolution was the soldiers' longing to be home for Christmas. And weariness, disgust and weariness. The possibilities that nevertheless were lying in the streets were betrayed by Ebert and his like. A republican constitution in which every sentence rescinds the next one, a revolution talking about well acquired rights of the old regime can be only laughed at.

The German Revolution is still to take place. Walter Rathenau was of a similar opinion. He called the revolution a "disappointment", a "present by chance", a "product of desperation", a "revolution by mistake". It did not deserve the name because it did "not abolish the actual mistakes" but "degenerated into a degrading clash of interests". Not a chain was broken by the swelling of spirit and will, but a lock merely rusted through.

The chain fell off and the freed stood amazed, helpless, embarrassed and needed to arm against their will. The ones sensing their advantage were the quickest. The historian and publicist Sebastian Haffner in turn came out against Tucholsky and Rathenau. He lived through the revolution in Berlin as a child and wrote 50 years later in his book about one of the myths related to the events of November that had taken root especially in the bourgeoisie:.

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