Contents:
If the appointment of the Elder as head of the Monitoring Council for the Agreement was tailor-made and already symbolized the double concern of easing of tension of the political climate by the relative co-management of the pre-election period and research of the rigor in the monitoring of commitments, it is easy to infer that its sudden disappearance would significantly weaken the Monitoring Council in its effectiveness, putting every possible substitute to the challenge to prove at each trial that it would be as credible and incorruptible as a Etienne Tshisekedi wa Mulumba in the same role.
There is no doubt that the opposition can demonstrate maturity by negotiating responsibly and agreeing on the measures to be taken to successfully fill the vacuum left by the illustrious disappeared at the head of the Monitoring Council for the Agreement to ensure its effectiveness. It is an established fact in Congolese politics that political parties do not survive their leaders. The issue of the financing of political parties in the DRC is still unresolved, while the authoritarian regimes that have so far succeeded continue to lead a hard life to the opposition political parties: And even more so when the leader disappears, things become even more complicated: Things are not so automatic for all parties.
The endurance of the UDPS is also and above all the fact of the broad support that this party enjoys on behalf of the majority of the Congolese population because of the accuracy and the nobility of its long and painful political struggle: I appeal to all the cadres of this party to remain calm during the Party Congress which will definitely determine its new leaders to pursue the noble struggle of the Limete Sphinx by placing the interests of the people above all else. The UDPS is a big party. Its survival is important for the democratization of the country and as a counterweight to the ruling power.
My hope is that future leadership will bring together all the different factions of the party to put themselves in order of battle for the upcoming presidential, legislative and local deadlines. Can we say that he was successful? If not, what could he have done otherwise?
The thirteen signatories were arrested and stripped of their parliamentary seats. Democracy Political groups Political parties. My hope is that future leadership will bring together all the different factions of the party to put themselves in order of battle for the upcoming presidential, legislative and local deadlines. Archived from the original on Tshisekedi was a heavyweight political leader who, through his political commitment, has made a significant contribution in laying the foundations for democracy in the DRC. According to International Crisis Group, the opposition is repositioning itself because of the prospect of elections: He has played a remarkable role in democratization efforts and the advent of the rule of law in the country.
The correctness of the noble struggle of Etienne Tshisekedi has been largely favored by the permanent dictatorial drifts suffered by the people of the DRC from the Second Republic to this day. This constancy was punctuated by moments of great frustration: Moreover, the fight of Etienne Tshisekedi throughout these different episodes was not only a success or failure for his person.
It was above all a source of inspiration and a model for the new generations. The advent and easy rise of citizen movements in civil society circles throughout the Republic Filimbi or Lucha among others must, among other causes, be explained by the same factors as those which Have justified the political struggle of Etienne Tshisekedi. Consequently, this struggle certainly had the merit of influencing the one in which the said movements now appear to be engaged.
Do you think that his death could play a role in favor of the power and lead it to renege its commitments, in particular on the limitation of the mandates for Joseph Kabila? The vacuum created by the death of Etienne Tshisekedi will certainly influence the political calculations both in the staffs of the Power and in those of the opposition.
Under these new conditions, it is possible that the opportunistic adjustments of both parties lead to a curious reconfiguration of power relations to the point of endangering the Agreement of 31 December and the current round of negotiations on The peaceful and consensual management of the pre-election period. The different rounds of negotiations arising from the non-organization of elections within the limits and conditions laid down by the Constitution have had the unsuspected power to convey a pedagogical message for the population.
The latter is increasingly convinced that it is the last bulwark of respect for the constitutional order and that it has the historical mission to weigh with all its weight for this.
From until he was a provincial minister of Education. He was elected Deputy of Lubumbashi in and again in In he was appointed State Commissioner for Sports and Leisure.
In November , Kibassa was among thirteen members of parliament who signed an "open letter to the president of the republic", a ten-point document cataloging corruption and abuse of power in the regime, and calling for legalization of a second political party. The thirteen signatories were arrested and stripped of their parliamentary seats.
In the UDPS split into two factions. His year-old son, Berthos, was killed and other family members badly injured.
Alone among pre Zairian opposition groups, the UDPS began as a dissident faction within the legislature. In November , thirteen members of. Democratic Republic of Congo: The Union for Democracy and Social Progress ( Union pour la démocratie et le progrès social, UDPS).
Tshisekedi was the prime minister of the country at the time. Kibassa died from a heart attack in Brussels on 5 April , following a long illness.
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada.
Political Handbook of the World Agence France-Presse in French.