Léquation de lamour et du hasard (Bloom) (French Edition)
Lithograph x cm. Maureen Ryan, the head of my Supervisory Committee, for her relentless dedication to and belief in my project, as well as for her many critical insights into the analysis of my material. Joy Dixon, another member of my Supervisory Committee, pushed my understanding of some of the material to the limit. I thank her for the very high critical standards to which she held my work. I would also like to thank Dr. Sherry McKay of my Supervisory Committee for her dedication to my project, her insights, and her patience and even-temperedness in the face of sometimes challenging and unforeseen circumstances.
Many thanks to Dr.
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John O'Brian, another member of my Supervisory Committee, for his belief in my work throughout my participation in the art history programme at U. I would like to express my gratitude to my colleagues for their invaluable support, especially to Dorothy Barenscott for her unflagging contribution - both technical and moral.
The first, "Father Murphy and the Heretic Bullets" fig. The first and largest, the Irish Rebellion of , had been suppressed by British and loyalist Irish forces, resulting in the incorporation of Ireland into Great Britain by the Act of Union in A second, short-lived attempt at an uprising against the British presence in Ireland instigated a few years later in , and led by the Protestant United Irishman, Robert Emmet, was equally unsuccessful.
Described in Maxwell's highly partisan, pro-English and Unionist account of the Irish uprising, the image emphasizes the involvement of Irish Catholic priests in both the rebellion and the attendant slaughter of pro-Union and Protestant "heretics. Maxwell, History of the Irish Rebellion in The illustration is taken from a later edition of the same work by W.
George Bell and Sons, facing Irish Academic P, Some of the latter are held aloft, surmounted by the rebels' caps, which take on the appearance of the famous liberty caps of the French Revolution of The second image, signed by the French artist Cham, appeared as part of an illustrated series, M. Trottman en voyage, in the satirical Paris journal, Le Charivari, in December of In "Vue prise n'importe ou — en Irlande" fig. Thin, weak and ragged, the Irish peasants are gathered with their pigs in front of their domestic hovel. Two of the figures appear to be looking beyond the picture frame, as i f puzzled to be the subject of interest.
The juxtaposition of these two images that circulated in in the very different venues of Britain and France raises a set of contentious issues that serve as the focus for this thesis. Both Cruikshank's satiric portrayal of Irish Catholic involvement in the brutalities of the rebellion and Cham's caricature of the sufferings of the Irish Catholic peasant within the British Union appeared during the months when early evidence of Ireland's devastating potato blight was being published widely in both the British and French press.
The slogan was also used during the radical Jacobin phase of the French Revolution. Killing Remarks Burlington, VT: French publication of data on the potato famine appeared in newspapers and journals which are discussed in Chapters Two and Three below. This exchange was registered in Britain in texts and images such as Maxwell's and Cruikshank's History of the Irish Rebellion..
In some instances such exchanges were explicit and involved the actual appropriations of imagery published in Britain and its re-contextualization in France. In L'lllustration featured two images on its front page: Other exchanges, however, were less straightforward and involved negotiating a range of anxieties raised by Britain's and France's status as competitors on an international stage. British anxieties devolved on the potential of Ireland to evoke the spectre of its traditional enemy, France. U of Kentucky P, Studies in Irish History, Second ser.
See Chapter Two below. See Chapter Three below. Simmons points out, by the second quarter of the nineteenth century the upheaval of the French Revolution and its violent overthrow of the Bourbon monarchy served as a marker in Britain of the ability of its own constitutional system to appease calls for radical reform. Portraying this body as militant and bloodthirsty, Carlyle considered the spirit of the republican sans-culottes to be still alive in modern France.
He termed the latter the "sans-potato. In France, as the range of French commentators in the late s and the s discussed in this thesis will demonstrate, Ireland served to call up images of a Catholic people impoverished and subjugated under British rule. Such representations effectively undermined Britain's reputation as a leader both in industrial development and in the advancement of constitutional freedoms.
In turn, for these French commentators, the example of modern Ireland underscored the risks of adopting a British model of an unrestrained market economy — laissez-faire capitalism — with its On French involvement in the Irish Rebellion see Chapter One, footnotes 12, 13, and Eyes Across the Channel: Party History and British Writing.
Harwood Academic Publishers, , 23, , In its concern with what can be termed the "transnational" significance to representations of Ireland and the Irish at mid-century, my thesis distinguishes itself from the large body of scholarly literature that, in focusing on the construction of English images of Ireland and the Irish in both textual and visual forms in the nineteenth century, has restricted its analysis to the "closed" internal dynamic at play within the British Union. For example, several assessments of the representation of the Irish at mid-nineteenth century have examined the racialized constructs foregrounded in British texts and visual imagery, and have usefully demonstrated the differentiation that marked out the troublesome and lazy Irish "Celt" from his law-abiding and productive English "Saxon" counterpart.
Williams' study has explored how both texts and visual imagery circulated by the mainstream British press played a role in the formation of English public opinion about Ireland during the height of Repeal agitation and the Irish famine years, from through roughly Drawing on post-colonial theory, Williams has demonstrated the complex ways in which a range of press sites circulated predominantly negative representations of the Irish to British and mainly English audiences at the same time as the Irish population was enduring the hardships of the Great Famine.
These — including satires and cartoons, as well as illustrations claiming a documentary "truth" - figured prominently in the mainstream press and in Laissez-faire refers to a form of "unregulated" liberal capitalism with its roots in eighteenth-century enlightenment thought. The notion rested on the belief that economic markets should be allowed to operate free of all government intervention. The laissez-faire approach was popularized in the nineteenth century by the work of eighteenth-century economist Adam Smith, the author in of the well-known Wealth of Nations.
In the nineteenth century a more extreme form of laissez-faire, the Malthusian doctrine, was appended to Smith's more humane formulation of the free market system. These principles were contained in Malthus' Essay on Population, written in Here the "political economy freed itself entirely from moral philosophy": See, for example, R.
Knopf, , Curtis, Anglo-Saxons and Celts: Studies in British History and Culture ser. Institute for the Study of Human Issues, ; R. Foster, Paddy and Mr. Connections in Irish and English History. Williams'study has underscored how the formulation of such images of the Irish during the decade of the s served broader agendas, with Britain using representations of Ireland to work through the mid-century English economic debate around the application of free-trade and laissez-faire principles.
This debate, which focused around the issue of the Corn Laws, pitted traditional landed interests with their protectionist policies against those representing the claims of modern capitalism and liberalism. While newer sites that catered to the growing middle classes, like the liberal and popular Illustrated London News, did offer more sympathetic perspectives on Ireland during the potato blight, with texts and images referencing the suffering and devastation of the Irish, such representations, Williams argues, still denied the full impact of the Famine by underscoring the inability of the Irish population to deal with the disaster.
In contrast to these studies which examine representations of Ireland within a national frame, I argue that in the period preceding, throughout, and after the Famine, complex and shifting tensions between Britain and France played an important role in The Corn Laws protected the price of English grain against competition grain at cheaper prices from outside England's borders, and in so doing served the landed interests.
The anti-Corn Law League wanted to abolish this protective tariff in favour of "free trade" — thus becoming a seminal movement in the dismantling of the old economic interest in favour of the new economic order of free market capitalism. The abolition of the tariff on corn was seen as one way to give Ireland, which paid the tariff on English grain, access to cheap food and motivation to change its subsistence crop from the potato to grain.
See Williams , , , For other representations of the Irish circulating in this period, see The Pictorial Times.
According to historian of Victorian periodicals, Patricia Anderson, the Pictorial Times was a general-interest illustrated journal of the s. It was a rival to the highly-popular, "a-political" and middle-class journal, the Illustrated London News. Don Vann and Rosemary T. U of Toronto P, , I examine this topic by first exploring the multiple meanings that "Irishness" could hold for an English audience.
I examine the relationship of Cruikshank's illustrations to Maxwell's text in order to demonstrate that this work, which circulated within a broader mid-nineteenth century field of English constructions of Ireland and the Irish, and which was widely disseminated with re-editions of the publication continuing from throughout the century,24 produced for English audiences an aspect of "Irishness" that stressed Ireland's Catholic, and thus "foreign" associations.
Maxwell and Cruikshank's condemnation of the Irish was also accomplished by connecting the Irish Rebellion of and its leadership by the United Irishmen to radical French Jacobin interests in the French Revolution of In turn, as I demonstrate, these associations of Ireland with France's violent anti-monarchical past raised contemporary social and political debates in the mid s ranging from calls for labour and political reform of the working-class Chartist movement, to British fears of a contemporary French invasion of Britain by sea.
This category of exchange — one that operated across artistic genres — contributed to the popularity of Maxwell's textual narrative while also serving to underscore the relevance of Irish upheavals against England in the past to Britain's modern present. The work's tenth edition was published in and the book continued to be published until Pantheon, ; for an account of British concerns about a French invasion at mid-nineteenth century see "Wellington and the defense of the realm, ," Wellington: Manchester UP, ; for an account of how this anxiety translated into the visual realm see Jonathan P.
Ribner, "Our English Coasts, M y research shows that the subject of "Ireland" arose repeatedly in a range of French publications between and These representations, and the tenor of their analyses were stimulated by the publication in of an influential account of the history and current state of Irish-English relations by the liberal politician and humanitarian reformer Gustave de Beaumont.
Subsequent studies like Flora Tristan's Les Promenades dans Londres, 28 published in and re-issued several times in its first half-decade, and J-. Prevost's Un Tour en Irlande29 of and Irlande du dix-neuvieme siecle published serially between and 2, 3 0 either acknowledged Beaumont directly, or similarly focussed on the abject poverty visible in Ireland and the implications of such destitution to British rule.
British and French analyses of poverty and its manifestation in Ireland differed in this period. In Britain, even before the Great Famine, Ireland had represented an underdeveloped economy at the heart of Britain's rapidly developing industrialized empire.
However, O'Donnell does not mention that Maxwell's book with Cruikshank's illustrations underscores the French association of the Irish rebels. French republicans and radicals of remembered the United Irishmen of the turn of the century, many of whom had taken refuge in France. Michelsen, As I discuss in Chapter Three below, Beaumont's text was a highly popular one and was republished several times between and The several re-publications of Tristan's study are discussed in Chapter Three below.
Mill believed in a form of peasant proprietorship for Ireland. Laissez-faire economics was particularly valued at a time when the abolition of any protectionist tariffs as called for by the British anti-Corn Law movement was high in the priorities of an industrializing nation of liberal middle-class interests. Several British liberals embraced this approach with respect to Ireland.
Thus, French representations of Ireland frequently referenced the dangerous depths to which segments of the British working classes could and did descend under the unconstrained system of industrial capitalism to which many British political economists subscribed, and which much of France remained anxiously hesitant to adopt. In France pauperism was understood as a decidedly "English" evi l. The main criterion devised for eligibility for state aid under the New Poor Law was an individual's proof that employment, i f available, was insufficient to satisfy subsistence requirements.
The plight of the latter was marked out by the pauper being required to receive assistance within the prison-like 3 3 See Glyn Williams and John Ramsden, Ruling Britannia: A Political History of Britain. In France through the s and s, as historian Timothy B. Smith has noted, there was broad-based French condemnation of the British example of state-funded assistance provided through the English New Poor Laws with its institution of the Workhouse. Socialists and republicans also warned that public charity as delivered by the English Poor Laws was "inhumane and punitive" and was in danger of producing "an outcast class of paupers.
The idea of an Irish Poor Law, which was enacted by the British government for the first time in ,44 also stirred up debates in France about whether such legislation was, in fact, capable of addressing the deep-rooted poverty and extensive pauperism which existed in Ireland. U of Toronto P, Also see Himmelfarb , who discusses the well-known British economist Nassau Senior's assessment that Ireland represented a special case which government intervention in the form of financial injections to develop the economy, rather than a poor law, would be appropriate.
For example, Gustave de Beaumont's political colleague, the liberal depute Alexis de Tocqueville, deplored the British system of state aid and reviled the "inhumane" institution of the Workhouse in his study Memoire sur le pauperisme. Eugene Buret's widely referenced De la Misere des classes laborieuses en AnRleterre et en France was published in and re-issued in Where Chapter Two considers major book-length publications in France that focused on Ireland as a way of commenting on the "logic" of laissez-faire capitalism, Chapter Three examines debates on Ireland in the popular press and the emergence of images of Ireland in visual satire under the strict press censorship imposed by the 4 6 McCaffrey 21, ; Nowlan For an account of the continuing condition of Irish poverty, see Mansergh Gustave de Beaumont, vol.
See also Peter Mandler, "Tories and Paupers: Eugene Buret, De la misere des classes laborieuses en Angleterre et en France. Jules Renouard, reprint Scienta Verlag Aalen, Faucher also published his observations in a book entitled Etudes sur l'Angleterre Paris: A couple of the articles from the Revue des Deux Mondes were published as Manchester in Ledru-Rollin's text was later published as The Decline of England, trans.
Trottman en Irlande," by the caricaturist Cham in the popular and moderate republican journal Le Charivari. The series depicts a sojourn in Ireland at the beginning of the Irish potato famine. Cham's commentary on Ireland emerges as part of the journal's attempt to emphasize a critique of Britain's response to O'Connell's Repeal movement and its demands for constitutional reform in Ireland, and England's neglect of Ireland during the famine.
I also assess other satires and features in Le Charivari including one by Paul Gavarni to show that references to Ireland offered a way for the journal to engage in an ongoing discussion of France's domestic economy. Thus, while the climate of press censorship under the July monarchy inhibited overt critique of Louis-Philippe's government, particularly in its application to caricatures,52 I argue that domestic issues of hunger and poverty were raised by the plethora of ongoing and detailed reports of the Irish famine in the French press. Visual Culture under the July Monarchy, ed. Petra ten-Doesschate Chu and Gabriel P.
Early French Lithographic Caricaturists. Kerr, Caricature and French Political Culture. Charles Philipon and the Illustrated Press Oxford: Clarendon, ; Elise K. Kenney and John M. Cornell UP, ; Gabriel P. Weisburg, "The Coded Image: France to Kent State UP, , I argue that the work contributed substantially to French perceptions of poverty in France as an "Irish" affliction. Chapter Four examines the transformation that took place in France's representation of Ireland following the republican revolution of February The temporary alliance of the bourgeoisie and the working classes that resulted in the Second Republic had an affect on revolutionaries throughout Europe, including those in Ireland.
By tracing developments within the Second French Republic, I explore the meanings that Ireland and its visibility had in this period. Through an examination of the previously untapped French press coverage concerning both developments in Ireland at this time and Irish republican liaisons with France through the spring and summer of ,1 show the extent of French engagement with Irish dissidents and the ongoing exchanges between Irish and French revolutionaries.
With the revolution the spectre of the republican United Irishmen is reinvoked in Ireland and France. Young Irelander, John Mitchel, had named his new and "defiant" newspaper that was first published in Ireland on February 12 of , the United Irishman. Its emergence in Ireland had produced a sensation, to the extent that its first edition was well sold out and its influence immediate. I argue that the failure of Irish republicans to carry out their uprising 5 4 Eugene Buret, De La Misere des classes laborieuses en Angleterre et en France.
Paulin, ; Paris et Leipsig: Gill and Macmillan; Totowa, NJ: Gill and Macmillan; Totowa NJ: As a conclusion and a postscript Chapter Five explores the reappearance of an image of Ireland in an unusual, but significant site: I argue that Courbet's painting, L'Atelier de l'artiste: The title of Courbet's painting refers back seven years to , the year of the republican revolution in France. As my analysis shows, L'Atelier de l'artiste: Investigating the figure of a destitute nursing mother that CO Courbet identified as "une Irlandaise" and as "un produit anglais," I argue that this marker of poverty served to undermine the exhibition's representation of Britain as a unified and untroubled nation, while simultaneously critiquing Emperor Napoleon Ill 's policies on poverty and his repression of republican reform.
As part of this analysis I show that not only does Courbet's painting cross over national boundaries in terms of its focus on British and French relations, but its exchange across the normally carefully-policed genres of "high" and "low" art constitutes a form of traffic that underscores how the hierarchical ordering mechanisms of mid-nineteenth century art discourses played a role in the representation of Ireland and the Irish.
In L'Atelier de l'artiste: Clearly, the impoverished figure assumes a greater credibility and permanence in the visual medium of paint in than it had done intermittently during the past decade-and-a-half in France in the print press and in visual satire. Gustave Courbet, L'Atelier de l'artiste: I also argue that the figure of Ireland as a destitute woman in Courbet's painting, which was designed to be exhibited outside Napoleon Ill 's Exposition universelle, could also call up Ireland's radical revolutionary past, and in , its relationship to France's Second Republic and to other European revolutionary republicans.
In this way the image underscores the suppression of republicanism that characterized the imperial government of Napoleon III. Taken as a whole, the chapters of this thesis demonstrate that the concerns about Irish links to France which are registered so evocatively in both Maxwell's History of the Irish Rebellion.. As Chapters Two and Three demonstrate, significant French commentary focused on the social and political condition of Ireland from , through the s, and into the mids. Indeed, a major feature of Maxwell's text and Cruikshank's illustrations — emphasis on the insurrectionary capabilities of the United Irishmen in and and the susceptibility of the Irish to French republicanism — would be borne out in contemporary events in , when the memory of the United Irishmen was re-invoked in Ireland among militant republicans, and support for an Irish revolution was taken up in the rhetoric of radical republicans in France of the Second Republic.
Along with ongoing British resistance to Irish independence through the nineteenth century, these French engagements, including radical interventions like Courbet's L'Atelier de l'artiste: See n24 above for the publication history of Maxwell and Cruikshank's work. It is worth noting that the History of the Irish Rebellion of The work had several more 16 publications until, at least, , during the time that Charles Stewart Parnell and other Irish nationalist leaders from the s to sought Home Rule, for instance.
It was in , after years of civil strife and conflict, that an Irish Free State in the south of Ireland grew partly out of the de facto Irish republic that had been established in , finally severing most formal political ties with the rest of Britain. See "Irish Free State," Wikipedia. Constructing an 'Irish Savage": William Hamilton Maxwell was a popular writer known primarily for his publication of gentlemen's adventures and amateur histories of the British in the Napoleonic Wars against France. The work was advertised by its London publisher, A.
The first part of the serial publication was to appear on Jan 1st, , and to continue in successive installments over the following year. Their titles underlined the author's interest in Britain and its military conquests: The second, Life of the Duke of Wellington, was a three-volume account of the military career of Maxwell's celebrated Anglo-Irish compatriot, the Duke of Wellington.
U of Toronto P, , , On Cruikshank's independently authored works of caricature: Cruikshank was also known for his illustrations to the popular revivals in and of Sir Walter Scott's works of historical fiction, the Waverley Novels. Michael Wynn-Jones, George Cruikshank: His Life and London London: David Kunzle discusses Cruikshank's popularity in the mid-nineteenth century which rested in part on comparisons that linked his work to that of Hogarth. As the present chapter will show, the publication unabashedly stressed Anglo-British interests in its account of both the Irish Rebellion of , and Emmet's subsequent insurrection against Britain of Patently ignoring Irish grievances about the economic and political legacy that six centuries of English occupation had created, both Maxwell's narrative and Cruikshank's illustrations avoided instances of English or Protestant brutality to focus repeatedly on acts of Irish Catholic violence.
Yet the popularity of the history — it would be published in four editions in London in the 10 years following , with editions appearing regularly until the end of the century had other significances.
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Central to my argument in this chapter is that a large part of the popularity of History of the Irish Rebellion.. Of key importance here is that while the publication conjured up an image of a brutal and violent Irish population, it also gave form to widespread British fears concerning the role of the nation's traditional enemy, France, in fostering past, and significantly 5 W.
Another publication of the same title was issued in London in by George Bell. The initial appearance of the History of the Irish Rebellion.. Since its development six years earlier, the illustrated serial had been associated primarily with the marketing of fiction. On the illustrated serial see: Perry Curtis, Apes and Angels: Smithsonian Institution, On serialized fiction see J. Modern Language Association, Altick, the English Common Reader Chicago: U of Chicago P, , has noted, the serial form allowed publishers to increase sales by undercutting the circulating libraries.
Given that the illustrated serialized format was low cost and played on the appeal illustrated works had for a mid-century public, the mode of publication provided an innovative means of advertising Maxwell's study. Irish Academic P, , provides a short commentary on the work and describes it in similar terms. However, O'Donnell's account, while succinct for example: It was the rhetorical strategies of Cruikshank's illustrations that highlighted these features of the text.
As I will show in a more detailed analysis of the images in the second half of this chapter, Cruikshank's visual programme effectively underlined the ignorance and brutality of the rebel masses by emphasizing their association with both radical French Revolutionary and republican tendencies, and with a Catholicism deemed to be foreign. This pictorial narrative made visible widespread British concerns that focused on modern Ireland and the Irish. By drawing on current anxieties around contemporary Irish political events and working-class activism, and by marshalling current theories on race and nation that circulated as part of discourses on progress and civilization, the signed engravings in the History of the Irish Rebellion Ireland emerges through this representational strategy as Britain's internal colony, incapable of ruling itself except through surrogate and civilizing hand of the British parliamentary system.
Cambridge UP, , and O'Donnell, passim. Madden's publication, The United Irishmen. Their Lives and Times 2 vols. He also argues that Emmet's uprising was also downplayed in British histories because the rebellion of demonstrated both the extent of Irish opposition to British rule and the participation of Irish Protestants, along with Catholics, in republican opposition to Great Britain. Central to his account was that the origins of the United Irishmen could be traced to the republicanism of the American Revolution, and especially to French Revolutionary republicanism.
Accounts of rebel cruelty in Kildare and the military confrontations and reports of rebel atrocities in Wexford and other insurrectionary counties in the first third of the book they were reformist rather than radical in intent Preface, vii-xvii. Maxwell's publication was in part a rebuttal to Madden's account. Maxwell never explicitly names Madden or his work; however, he claims in the preface to History of the Irish Rebellion.. John Stockdale, , and Rev.
For a recent study that discusses French involvement with the Irish rebellion against the British Crown, and particularly the rebel United Irishmen's expectations of French support for Emmet's 'Rising' in , see O'Donnell passim. Proceedings, The narrative of the Rebellion concluded with the suppression of the rebels by British loyalist forces and the lifting of martial law in These included the turbulent parliamentary process which resulted in the dissolution of the Irish Parliament and the Union of Ireland with Great Britain in , and the subsequent uprising led by the United Irishman Robert Emmet in Dublin in One of Emmet's declarations, "I am charged with being an emissary of France,"19 underscored a key feature of the trial: British claims that the rebel Emmet had sought support from the French government for his insurrection.
As the recent study by Ruan O'Donnell has emphasized, pro-British Union accounts of Emmett's uprising treated the event dismissively and attempted to downplay the significance of the revolt by disassociating Emmet's activities from the larger network of United Irishmen opposed to the Crown and the Union. Maxwell was an Anglo-Irishman clergyman, and, as O'Donnell notes, , "deeply hostile to towards the United Irishmen. Many returned to Ireland in to aid in the uprising in Dublin. See for example, O'Donnell , 7, , 57, n For an account of Emmet's encouragement from the French government he had lived in Paris in and reportedly met with Napoleon , see O'Donnell 9, , , n For reports of French contingents massed to invade Britain, see O'Donnell n The twenty-one signed engravings by Cruikshank22 were supplemented by six engraved portraits depicting leading British military, legal, and political representatives associated with Ireland at the time of the rebellions.
Quelles étaient les probabilités statistiques pour que Graham et Ellie se rencontrent un jour? Minimes, négligeables, voire nulles: Graham Larkin habite à Los. L'équation de l'amour et du hasard (Bloom) (French Edition) and millions of . Livre De Poche Jeunesse (); Language: French; ISBN
The deployment of such engravings was a typical feature of historical publications and their appearance in the History of the Irish Rebellion However, supplementing this visual programme was another series of images: This chapter is followed by an Appendix which reprints the Constitution of the United Irishman in ; Emmett's Manifesto: It was significant to the inclusion and condemnation of Emmet's famous speech from the dock, that in the early s the radical working class organization, the Chartist's were publishing editions of Robert Emmet's speech from the dock as a rallying cry for reform.
The Chartists use of Emmet's famous speech from the dock is discussed in more detail at a later point in this chapter. See particularly the latest and authoritative biography on Cruikshank's art: Patten, George Cruikshank's Life. Times, and Art, vol. Even an article contemporaneous to the publication of Part I of the serial edition of Maxwell's History of the Irish Rebellion.. Lord Lieutenant of Ireland in Maxwell, facing pag. Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. Viscount Kilwarden Maxwell, facing pag. He was assassinated by Emmet's supporters in ; John Fitzgibbon.
Earl of Clare Maxwell, facing pag. He supported Protestant issues in Ireland and ardently opposed Catholic Relief bills and the election of Catholics to Parliament. These were interspersed throughout the work and conformed to Maxwell's chronological sequence. Cruikshank's images were strategically placed in the publication on pages facing key incidents in the narrative, most often providing an opportunity to emphasize rebel violence, atrocities or savage disorder. For example, bloody rebel assaults against both military and loyalist civilian groups are imaged in several of the engravings: The illustrations also foregrounded attacks on representative bodies of the state, as in The Murder of Lord Kilwarden fig.
McGhee's House Successfully Defended fig. Threats to the safety of individual — and significantly Protestant — citizens and their property are emphasized, for example in Murder of George Crawford and his Grandaughter; the Attack on Capt. Thus, before examining Cruikshank's images in more detail in the second half of this chapter, the following sections will address the set of factors that gave a compelling resonance to the publication's pictorial narrative. These include the Irish Repeal movement, Irish emigration to Britain's industrial centres, working class agitation for reform and representation, and the role of discourses around contamination and disease, Catholicism and the British constitution, and theories of race and ethnic difference.
From England's point of view, the Act of Union had been a necessary measure to secure Ireland from its associations and sympathies with revolutionary France forged through the s. Columbia UP Nowlan, The Politics of Repeal. On the state trials see Leslie A. The trials received much publicity. See for example London Illustrated News. November 18, , p. London Illustrated News 25 November Calkin, "La Propagation en Irelande des idees de la revolution francaise, " Annales Historique de l'histoire de la 25 Involved in a life and death struggle with the French Revolutionary armies, William Pitt the younger in the late 's decided that an autonomous Ireland was a weak link in Britain's chain of defenses.
Using the power of the British government and the wealth of its treasury he managed to achieve a legislative Union between Britain and Ireland. The inadequately French-supported Irish rebellion of , which allied the radical middle class United Irishmen, the Catholic peasantry of the South, and the Protestant peasantry of the North in an effort to establish a democratic Republic seemed to confirm the fears of the Establishment. They exchanged Irish sovereignty for a permanent Protestant ascendancy supported by the British government and its armed forces.
Within this frame, any organized Catholic dissent posed a threat to the British polity.
Yale U P, The Act of Union was also designed to curtail the increasingly sympathetic attitudes of the Protestant Ascendancy the Irish Protestant aristocracy and gentry for the ideals of economic and political independence symbolized by the formation of the American republic after the American Revolution of Cambridge UP, U of Kentucky P, passim. His election to Parliament in although at that point he was prohibited as a Catholic from taking his seat and finally took it in 39 had forced the British government to pass the Catholic Emancipation Act of The Act had extended the franchise and the right to hold public office to both Irish and British Catholics of propertied, and therefore privileged, status.
Catholic Emancipation was received in Catholic Europe, and significantly in France, as a major step towards democratization in a traditionally oppressed "colonial" Ireland. This rupture was exacerbated by the critique of British institutions in O'Connell's Memoir on Ireland, Native and Saxon, published in the spring of Issued in Dublin and London, and then in France in both English and French,42 O'Connell's Memoir was a scathing analysis of the history of English contact with Ireland from the first in a succession of English "invasions" in the twelfth century.
As but one example, liberal politician Gustave de Beaumont, whose publication on Ireland was translated into English and published in London, made it clear that the Emancipation Act was a landmark achievement for Catholics. Gustave de Beaumont, Ireland, social, political and religious, trans.
Richard Bentley, For a decade following Emancipation, in the s, heated debates still continued among Anglicans, Dissenters, and Catholics over the status of religion within the constitution. Tractarianism, supported by highly-placed members within the Anglican Church, posed a particular concern. Tractarianism called not only for the reinstatement of many Catholic rituals to Church of England practices but also argued for the recognition of papal authority over the spiritual lives of Anglican constituents.
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The increasing popularity of Catholicism among members of the educated classes, and the publicity given the beliefs adopted by its followers, had an inflammatory effect on anti-Catholic and, by extension, anti-Irish, prejudice among vast numbers of the middle and upper-class public. Edwin Mellen, Ortaire Fournier Paris, C. Native and Saxon, ed. Blanc et Hervier, A second French publication also appeared in Highlighting land confiscation, rape, wholesale massacre, enforced starvation, murder, exile, and transportation for the Irish people,4 3 O'Connell emphasized the extended period of racial extermination during which the Irish population "sought for, but could not obtain, any species of legal protection" from the English.
As a final option, he advocated Repeal of the Union with Britain. The timing of O'Connell's publication — which coincided with the huge political gatherings in Ireland termed Monster Meetings in the British press and which were part of Repeal agitation54— underscored the threat the Irish movement posed to modern Britain. International relations also played a role in British anxieties. Ireland's general poverty excluded it from benefiting from the franchise.
For the Reform Act's effects, see Williams and Ramsden Such unease was fed not only by geography and history but also by the current actions of the French government itself. As art historian Jonathan Ribner has demonstrated, in spite of very public and friendly overtures between the English and French monarchs in the s, a fear of French invasion had never entirely abated in the aftermath of the Napoleonic period and Britain's exhausting wars against France which ended in As the introduction to Maxwell's History of the Irish Rebellion..
As historian Lionel Gossman has pointed out, early nineteenth-century histories of Europe served to popularize such a connection by assigning a common ancestry to On the history of the links between France and Ireland at the time of the Irish Rebellion see Marianne Elliot, Partners in Revolution: See nl2, 53 for a dissenting view. Lord Wellington, who had played a crucial military role in the Napoleonic wars, was instrumental in fanning this anxiety at mid-century. Welllington's concerns regarding a French invasion were tabled in January of and are discussed in Chapter Four of this dissertation.
For example, 2 September The Challenge to Britain's Social Body: Irish emigration to Britain, and working class poverty and agitation. The threats to the British Union posed by both the Irish Repeal movement and by Catholicism shaped one aspect of the social and political context in which Maxwell's and Cruikshank's work emerged. At the same time, other factors such as Irish immigration to mainland Britain gave currency to the publication.
The s saw a large influx of Irish emigrants into England and this was exacerbated in and after by the devastation of the potato blight and the resulting Great Famine. Repeatedly, the Irish communities in mainland Britain were selected by the media as the incarnation of the worst of the British fears about the working classes in general. Given that Catholicism was viewed in Britain as a papal challenge to the authority of the British Protestant state, the "oppositional" religious practice of the Irish stood as a particular threat.
Because of their increasing numbers in industrial centres in England and Scotland in the early s, the Irish immigrants' tendency to group together under the protective wing of the Catholic church made them particularly visible. As a result, the immigrant Irish communities raised a set of problematic issues which struck at the heart of British and Protestant notions of constitutional stability. Particularly influential in the formulation of an unfavourable representation of the immigrant Irish were current views of their presence in both England and Scotland as a source of infection within the polity.
Carnegie Mellon, passim, for a discussion of historians' racial theories of national origins. The trope of contamination relied on the notion of an alien element willingly entering into the healthy body and circulating through it to produce disease. It was a construct that ignored the fact that the destitute Irish entered mainland Britain under duress and in response to demand, and that their presence had more to do with economic displacement pressed upon them by an indifferent Parliament than with a voluntary absence from their historic homeland.
It also ignored the fact that Ireland was a member nation of the British Union. Cultural historian and theorist of nineteenth-century England, Mary Poovey, has shown the degree to which the formation of the modern British nation around notions of the organic social body was fraught with contradictions.
Central to the organizing notion of the social as body was, however, the idea that the whole was susceptible to disease in any of its component parts. Within this model Ireland and the Irish Catholic population represented a special site of illness that was reconciled only with great difficulty to the British nation. Presumably the remedy for its ailments would benefit Britain as a whole, but the fact that Ireland was seen to require strict containment and independent healing implied at the same time that it was indeed a foreign problem.
Under these terms of exclusion, immigrant Irish in mainland Britain were represented as unwelcome outsiders, whose removal would restore health. Especially significant in circulating an image of the "Irish infection" that essentialized an entire community as primitive and dangerously contaminating was a medical pamphlet written by Dr. U of Chicago P, Poovey, , engages the trope of the "social body" which was used in the nineteenth century to refer to British society as an organic whole. Kay was secretary to the Special Board for the Board of Health in Manchester; he gave extensive evidence to the commission on the state of the Irish poor and before the Poor Law Commission in Resting on medical authority and "recasting] physiological disorders into more general social and political terms,"66 Kay's study provided a charged description of the squalid living conditions of the Manchester poor during the Asiatic cholera epidemic which struck Britain in Kay targeted the growing Irish presence in England's north in the midst of this epidemic — which struck rapidly and violently and appeared to centre in low-income crowded conditions — as the source of social and moral degeneracy among the British lower classes and a significant threat to the institutions of civilized society.
His highly-detailed descriptions constructed the Irish body as an alien and destabilizing influence on an otherwise harmoniously-functioning British body. More pointedly, his analysis also constructed a monolithic account of "race" associated with the cultural habits of the lower forms of human life which he associated with cholera. Irish cultural practices were linked to those of uncivilized "savages," and were presented as constituting a dangerous influence that would tend to spread "corrupt" habits among the British, particularly the "naturally" clean and disciplined English working classes.
Poovey stresses how the incidence of cholera from onwards gave all these Irish associations a heightened urgency. She argues that, couched in a medical discourse that concerned itself with the economy of hygienics, Kay's condemnation of the immigrant Irish really rested on an economic argument in favour of free trade. Poovey underscores the connection Kay made between the Catholic Irish population and popular violence. In the failure of a reform bill in Britain was followed by widespread working-class violence. Parliament reacted in haste, and within a year the Reform Act of had extended the British franchise to members of the middle classes.
Though neither act immediately benefited the working classes, whose income was not high enough to qualify them, the passage of these acts could be traced back to the effect of working-class discontent. Presumably, the radical violence and disruption to the entire social body that working-class discontent appeared to produce, would be placed at the feet of the immigrant Irish. By displacing internal political power struggles onto the model of the social body, Kay was able to represent a healthy system under attack from a foreign infection.
The dangers of mobility and migration were underscored by the conflation of Asiatic cholera and the immigrant Irish, both of which entered England through its ports, bringing contamination, it was thought, by connections with the "outside" world. Kay's plan to restore a healthy balance to the social body was connected to his promotion of the middle-class liberal values of free trade and required the "purging" or removal of the infectious foreign part and the inhibition of further "invasions.
Kay's argument that Irish immigrants in Britain return to Ireland set up a conflict with his promotion of free trade. While he set Ireland to one side, Kay proposed opening the rest of the Union to free trade practices across international borders. In this way a symbiotic relationship between employer and employed could be established where the English labourer could take advantage of his employer's unfettered profits in open markets, and benefit himself by way of 33 Kay's influential pamphlet on the working classes effectively stigmatized the Irish while raising other points of anxiety in relation to Ireland and the Irish.
The Reform Act of , in enfranchising propertied members of the bourgeoisie, had rejected representation for the working classes. In the following years, when workers demonstrated for the full rights of representation or when the working poor actively sought relief from extreme conditions, their actions would be represented in terms of unlawful unrest, and not as desperate means to accomplish legitimate demands. Often these popular actions were linked to republicanism with its threat of destruction of the status quo. The oppositional practices coming out of the radical working class movement, Chartism, which took form in the years following the Reform Bill's exclusionary enactment, not only fanned such charged responses, but served as well to tie working-class agitation to the "Irish Question.
Obviously, there was an inherent contradiction in Kay's plan to stop up the porousness of mainland Britain's borders to Ireland while promoting the equivalent movement across borders that free trade practices require. As Poovey points out, according to Kay's plan, the end of protection for the Irish export of grain to mainland Britain would eliminate Ireland's burden on the British economy. The responsibility for Irish poverty would be restricted to Ireland, where Kay envisaged a "natural" solution.
Since he blamed the "animalistic" appetites of the Irish, with their immoral propensity to reproduce beyond the means of their potato culture sustenance, he promoted a Malthusian approach. This remedy drew on the thought of Thomas Malthus, the eighteenth-century political economist, who believed that a population that outgrows its means of subsistence should be subjected to natural mechanisms to reestablish its balance - death by starvation not excluded. Pantheon, , See also Nowlan Gill and MacMillan, See Chapter Four below for the alliance between Repeal and the Chartists by For the Chartists, the name of the young United Irishman, Robert Emmet, whose insurrectionary action against the Union in had attempted to shatter the hold of elite interests over the people of Ireland,74 became an evocative and ongoing symbol of resistance.
The name of Robert Emmet was constantly evoked in Chartist speeches. Not only was Emmet's final "speech from the dock" with its ringing condemnation of British imperialism and endorsement of universal liberty re-published by Chartist groups in London and Manchester through the s and s,75 but as well Chartist groups performed the famous speech in dramatic performances "in all parts of the country. As a result, as the rebellions ofl and raised the spectre of revolutionary events in France,77 so in the s both the Chartist and Irish demands for reform could re-invoke the United Irishmen and their links with French republicanism.
Both Maxwell's History of the Irish Rebellion.. Chartist working-class disruptions were invariably marked out as realms of illegality and irrationality in relation to middle-class norms. Heterogeneity has also been used to refine risk estimation. Functional statistical modelling allows to describe reality as seen by a biologist or physician and to use various indirect measurements to better describe biologic phenomena.
The conceptual models we use are better described using causal diagrams and generalized linear latent and mixed models GLLAMM. A model was proposed to describe the incubation of infectious diseases. The same models were used to analyse complex biological issues. Bayesian inference methods were explored to integrate prior information and obtain estimations from the posterior parameter distributions in complex models. A robust modelling of the progress of a longitudinal biomarker was developped, as well as a Bayesian method to estimate the optimal threshold of a diagnostic criterion that reflects the progression of a longitudinal biomarker.
Studies on the tools to evaluate the properties of individual prediction models and information quantity explained by the models have been performed, especially in the context of Cox model. We designed a graphical method of analysis to explore the geometrical structure of transcriptome data and study the effect of that structure on the predictive properties of differential analysis models.
A joint analysis of the classical prognostic factors and factors originating from exploratory analyses of the transcriptome led us to caracterize the determinants of that optimism bias. We demonstrated that the identification of biomarkers from proteome analysis was impaired by the measurement variability. Designs for reproducibility studies and appropriate analyses of variability respectively due to biological and technical factors were proposed. A Bayesian approach enabled us to estimate the association between the individual genotype and the risk of a pathology.
We also designed a phylogeny-based method to identify disease susceptibility loci and quantitative trait nucleotides in candidate genes. During our studies of bacteria identification, we have proposed the use of supertrees to mitigate the loss of information in phylogenetic reconstruction studies using a multigenes approach for bacteria loss of sequence data or species. Our progiciel website leBIBI is widely used to identify bacteria using a phylogenetic approach. This networks is a reservoir of problems, solution and discussions in the biostatistics field. Both research and teaching are impacted.
This original program concerns students from medical and scientific origin and is oriented toward medical science without neglecting theoretical aspects. The idea is to prepare the students to advanced technologies developments in medicine. The separation of the two structures is administratively grounded although somewhat artificial. Axes are freely organized around a core of scientists on a given project.
There is a weekly meeting of the team every Monday morning , with a short administrative part and a hours scientific meeting presentation of a member of the team on fresh results or problems or bibliographic actuality, discussion.
The team organizes a monthly meeting on Biostatistics. The aim is to present and discuss original works or bibliographic analysis in biostatistics and sometime an epistemology analysis. The aim is methodologically oriented to develop new statistical methods in relative survival analysis. The study is coordinated by Roch Giorgi Marseilles and the works involves foreign teams: Grell is a collaborative study whose aim is to provide national incidence estimation when no national cancer registration exists and to provide short term less than 10 years projections using different common data sets and different statistical approaches.
Eurocare is an European Project for cancer patients relative survival evaluation. Data standardization, quality control and methods of statistical analysis. Characterization of testicular toxicity using traditional and omic tools. International collaboration with Bayer Crops Science teams. Our aim is since two years to develop a long term cooperation of the whole team with industry. This is possible because we are cooperating with our colleagues working in industry on biostatistics and bioinformatics for teaching see above and research see CEFIC project.
The main issue could to develop a joint academic-industry platform of advanced statistical and bioinformatics expertise. This is a good situation to extend the cooperation between our academic team and the industrial world. A case series , Journal of the American Academy of Dermatology , vol. New insights on diagnosis and pathology , Neurology , vol. A retrospective single-center study on epidemiology and morbidity due to EBV , Pediatric transplantation , vol. Experience from a single-center study , Pediatric transplantation , vol.
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Should a trochanteric belt be added? A cadaveric study , Injury-International journal of the care of the injured , vol. Benet T, Ecochard R, Vanhems P Letter to the editor regarding "impact of vaginal-rectal ultrasound examinations with covered and low-level disinfected transducers on infectious transmissions in France" by Leroy et Al.
First results from the Ideal Trial , Journal of human hypertension , vol. Statistical modeling for predicting the prognosis of stroke patients. Ozenne B, Subtil F, Maucort-Boulch D The precision--recall curve overcame the optimism of the receiver operating characteristic curve in rare diseases , Journal of Clinical Epidemiology , vol.