Körperbilder von Frauen und Männern (German Edition)

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The figures change with the progress of the war and the expansion of the concentration camp system. But the proportions of men and women remain constant throughout the entire period: Like most of the female guards recruited by the SS, Hermine Braunsteiner and Herta Ehlert came from the working class. Both of them left school after the compulsory eight years and were unmarried when they joined the SS. As a teenager in Vienna, Braunsteiner found employment as a maid, then as an unskilled worker.

She lived with her parents in difficult financial circumstances 5. She tried to leave crisis-torn Austria for the Netherlands, intending to train as a nurse there, but without success. In , Braunsteinerobtained a place as an au pair in London but left Britain after the annexation of Austria by Nazi Germany on 13 March , fearing that war would break out but also hoping that the new situation might offer her a chance to realise her dream of becoming a nurse.

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Her hopes came to nothing, and all she eventually managed to get was a job in a munitions factory near Berlin. She did not enjoy this work, which was exhausting and badly paid 64 Reichsmarks, RM, net per month from which 9. Her colleague Herta Ehlerthad trained as a saleswoman, and, by her own account, was running the branch of a shop when she was forcibly recruited through a labour exchange 7. Since we have no documentation relating to her appointment on 15 November , this cannot be verified. Braunsteiner and Ehlert fitted the profile of women targeted by the SS: The SS counted on the gratitude and loyalty of these willing and tractable recruits.

For women who had to make their own living and sometimes help their families as well, service in the SS was an important step up the social ladder and offered welcome financial security. As guards, the women gained the status of employees of the Reich, with salaries fixed according to the civil service pay scale. Once social security contributions, tax, and the cost of board and lodging in the SS sector of the camp were deducted, this left As a guard, Braunsteiner earned nearly twice as she had as a factory worker.

Professional dissatisfaction or the wish to escape intolerable working conditions were the main factors that motivated women to apply to Majdanek: Service in the SS offered them job security and, for their social level, very good wages, along with privileges cheap accommodation and meals, uniform, etc. Applying for such a job did not necessarily imply any political commitment or ideological motivation, but rather the desire for higher social status and a degree of comfort. Historians often seem surprised that these women signed up voluntarily, but our research shows the logic of their choice.

Nonetheless it is true that the young women who were recruited in , at the height of Nazi triumphalism, showed few signs of any scruples.

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Like everyone in Nazi Germany, they would have heard reports and rumours about the concentration camps, which until mainly held German and Austrian political prisoners 8. But the fresh recruits probably had no clear idea of what awaited them, and they did not ask themselves too many questions. But one question still remains: They became that in a specific social context and a specific institutional space. The concentration camp was a socio-cultural environment and a living and working reality that the guards experienced, interpreted and adapted in different and contradictory ways.

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The beginners usually appeared frightened upon first contact with the camp, and it took some time to attain the level of cruelty and debauchery of their seniors. Some of us made a rather grim little game of measuring the time it took for a new Aufseherin to win her stripes. As for the others, a week or two, a month at the most, was an average orientation period. It only took a few weeks to transform the shocked, frightened and clumsy newcomers into confident guards, capable of using verbal and physical violence on the prisoners.

What happened during the first weeks? How was training carried out? What did it mean for a young woman recruit to live in a concentration camp and wear a uniform? In order to explore the process of initiation and adaptation of the SS women to the reality of the camps, we propose two lines of enquiry: Of course concentration camps were institutions where people were imprisoned and supervised, on the basis of criteria that were initially political and subsequently racial. But for the SS personnel, these same camps were also places where they lived and worked, run according to military rules.

Life at the camp was a barracks life, if by barracks we understand an enclosed living and working environment, access to which is regulated and supervised. The guards could only go out through an official exit and needed a pass to do so. Their use of time, their space, their movements and their activities were all organised and regulated according to military rules. As Foucault has argued, discipline organises an analytical space which arranges the circulation and movements of people and distributes bodies in space and time Foucault, Institutions like the convent, the boarding school, the factory, the barracks, the hospital, just like the concentration camps, all make use of the same meticulous techniques, innocent in appearance, which until now have lost none of their power.

The houses and flats built for the female guards remain unique in the Nazic oncentrational system. Eight houses were arranged symmetrically in two rows around a wide square, lending a certain majesty to the group of buildings. According to the anthropologist Insa Eschebach, the arrangement and architectural style of the houses express the self-concept of the SS. They reflect the ideological frame and life world inhabited by the SS personnel Eschebach, Each house contained ten single-occupant studio flats on two floors, and four single attic rooms, thus accommodating up to 14 guards.

On each floor five residents shared toilets, a bathroom, and a small kitchen.

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If we take into account the conditions in which most of the guards had lived with their families until then, like Braunsteiner who shared a small three-room flat with seven people, the accommodation was impressively modern and comfortable. Their uniforms, too, played an important role in the experience of power.

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Upon arrival the new recruits each received two uniforms summer and winter , two pairs of boots, a pair of gloves, stockings, blouses, a field cap, and sports kit From its inception, Nazi society was a society of uniforms. Women had worn them since they joined the work force en masse during the First World War — as postwomen, ticket inspectors, etc. But the uniform acquired a very different meaning under Nazism.

It was no longer just work clothing but a sign of belonging to a community, to a political elite established according to racial criteria. Although the status and duties of female guards were comparable to that of their male counterparts, subtle distinctions were still apparent in the dress code. They had to be content with the imperial eagle, an emblem reserved for state functionaries. Nonetheless, their uniform was still charged with significant political and social meaning, for the wearer and the observer. It marked out these civilian employees as legitimate representatives of the Nazi state.

The uniform concealed individual features and character traits behind those of the group. Their wearers enjoyed a common feeling of power and belonging. The uniform contributes to forging an esprit de corps , even though it does not exclude hierarchies of rank and frictions within the group.

In her study of SS men, the political scientist Paula Diehl has clearly shown the dividing line traced between those who belong to the group and those who are excluded. This division of power also applies to the female guards Diehl, The question of the aura of the uniform was never discussed by former guards. But it occupies a very important place in the memoirs of former deportees. Even before they received their field-grey uniforms, they all came in a body to see the chief overseer.

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Most of them were plainly and rather poorly dressed, and stood shyly in the office, looking ill at ease and anxious; many did not know what to do with their hands. Langefeld [the chief overseer, EM] told them which houses they would livein, where to get their uniforms and when their duties would commence.

High leather boots already changed their manner; add a field cap cocked jauntily over one ear, and they started looking more self-confident. For the SS, the concentration camp was a disciplinary space. Barracks life and the uniform enabled the transformation of an assortment of unique individuals into a single homogenous group.

The entrance gate marked the boundary between two worlds: These living spaces were also subject to the internal regulation of the camp, and inside them the guards observed and supervised themselves. But these physical and mental controls over the guards operated on a very small scale.

Living in the camp thus meant limits and rules for the guards. But they also enjoyed certain privileges. The tasks of cooking, cleaning, washing up, ironing, were all performed by the camp prisoners, under their supervision. So the guards did not need to concern themselves with laundry or housework. Few of them would have had such luxury in their civilian lives. It is quite clear that camp life, at least at the start, offered the women a degree of comfort until then unimaginable: The disciplinary control to which the guards were also subjected should therefore not be regarded as something purely negative —prohibition, law, restriction.

Michel Foucault criticises the reduction of the concept of power to mere repression and negation, to you must not Foucault, To understand the workings of power it is also necessary to analyse its positive and productive dynamics. You will be surprised to receive these lines from me today. Since this office post does not greatly suit me, I would like to ask you whether you might not have a position for me, in the camp administration if possible.

I would gladly return to you.

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I do not enclose a cv since you will still remember my conduct in service. Should you require it, I could of course send it to you separately. If a suitable post was available for me, I would be grateful if you could let me know soon since I have to give notice at my current post. I look forward to your answer in this matter and send you my greetings.

But how are we to comprehend concentrational violence? Observing the everyday activities of the female guards can give us a better understanding of how the concentration camp worked as an institution, but also of the cultural and social function of physical violence. The principal task of SS personnel was to ensure the supervision and orderly management of the camp The regulations, the frequent warnings issued by the Chief Economic and Administrative Office of the SS for the camps in Oranienburg 15 Wirtschaftsverwaltungshauptamt, WVHA , and messages from Heinrich Himmler himself, strictly forbade all gratuitous use of violence.

Only in the case of physical assault or attempt to escape did chief overseers and guards have the right to use a firearm On joining the SS, every man and woman had to sign a declaration on their honour not to decide on the life or death of an enemy of the state except on the orders of a superior.

SS supervisory personnel, then, never officially had the right to use violence on prisoners, still less to kill them. Yet witnesses and evidence from the trials show that violence was frequently employed. In the Majdanek camp the most common forms were verbal abuse, slaps, blows, and kicks. The task of these Austrian women was to redistribute clothes and shoes to other prisoners.

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The guard oversaw and checked the work. When I arrived at the clothes store, the accused suddenly stepped out of it, then kicked me and I fell down. She needed space and since I was standing there, she took the opportunity to kick me. The guards frequently supervised prisoners performing tasks they did not know how to do themselves. Physical violence allowed Braunsteiner to get the upper hand, to cut a path for herself, literally and brutally, by striking blows with her hands and feet.

Using violence was a way of showing that she was in charge. As a demonstration of power, violence was addressed first of all to the victim. SS personnel used all kinds of whips and sticks to beat prisoners mainly to avoid touching them with their hands and thus risking infection. These instruments greatly increased the force of the blows and added humiliation to physical injury. She kicked the prisoners and literally walked over people. That happened more than once. She walked through the barracks or the field.

If someone was in her way, she lifted her foot and kicked. I met her in the field and did not manage to get out of her way in time. She kicked me so hard that I fell. As I was lying on the ground she kept kicking.

Synonyms and antonyms of androgyn in the German dictionary of synonyms

The entrance gate marked the boundary between two worlds: Akademische Arbeit aus dem Jahr im Fachbereich game - Sportsoziologie, observe: Die von Barthels et al. Please check that your connection is enabled to keep browsing the site. They knew more than we young people did. She kicked the prisoners and literally walked over people.

While I was standing, she kicked me in my back, causing me to fall. Even then, she continued kicking me, then walked away and left me there Kicking took the degradation of the victims to a new level. It is a greater act of contempt than striking the face because it emphasises the asymmetry between the torturer and her victim.

The uniform, that is the leather boots,meant to protect the wearer against any injury or direct physical contact, is used as a weapon.

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The impact of a blow is much greater if administered with the foot. Braunsteiner aimed carefully and targeted the most sensitive parts of the body, like the stomach, lower abdomen and back. Violence reached a climax in Majdanek: How can we explain this radicalisation of behaviour? The decision to build a concentration camp in the Lublin district of the Polish General Government goes back to the summer of During its existence from October to July , Majdanek had a number of different functions: Yet two-thirds of the victims at Majdanek estimated at 78, people, of whom 59, were of Jewish origin did not die in the gas chambers or under the bullets of mass execution squads, but as a result of the appalling sanitary conditions and of daily abuse and brutality by the guards, female and male Kranz and Majdanka, The radicalisation of their behaviour, like that of Braunsteiner, for example, can be explained by the conjunction of several factors.

The transfer to Majdanek in October came as a real shock to the guards. Sanitary conditions were so bad that they were directly affecting supervisory personnel, more than in other camps. Contact with the prisoners mainly Jews, Poles and Russians , who were in a dreadful physical state, was experienced as particularly unpleasant. For the guards, working conditions had drastically deteriorated. Von seinen Umtrieben im Rotlicht-Milieu von St.

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