Je ne sais pas bricoler - Petits bricolages pour les non-bricoleurs (French Edition)

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XXXV, , a new source signed one month before the lease cited by Pierre. He was in poor health and had no discernable role in the performances. Perhaps Royer originally intended to finance the concerts himself, but offered Capperan a share to raise capital as the scope of the renovations grew. This document revised the lease portion of the earlier agreement, but did not affect the appended partnership. Both documents were silent about performing music with French words; while Royer rarely took advantage of this omission, Mondonville used it when he introduced French oratorios in Upon his return, he offered Royer new incentives: Capperan was born in or F-Pan M.

Simard had built loges along the walls in Royer proposed a multi-level structure that would triple the seating capacity along the perimeter of the hall. The Salle des Cents Suisses was certainly big enough to accommodate such a tall structure, rising unimpeded for two stories within the central pavilion of the Tuileries.

The November 1 concert was cancelled Spectacles de Paris, , 3. Royer rejected the strategy adopted by his predecessors for making the Concert Spirituel profitable. Instead of adding more concerts, he increased the seating capacity, generating more income per concert. He then took steps to fill these new seats by presenting new music and new performers.

New performers had always commanded a crowd, but using new music for this purpose was a daring innovation see the final sections of chapter 5. In , music was still the servant of words; it was not the main attraction at the opera, in church, or anywhere else. The focus on the grand motet was preserved, but in a unique way. Royer presented only two extra concerts Mercure, February , and December , 1: The program was a blend of old and new: The Adolfati motet and Tartini concerto were in the Italian galant style, but the contrast with French music was softened: He arranged his harpsichord pieces as concert symphonies—a new genre.

Symphonies soon displaced motets as the standard program openers, an innovation that influenced concerts all over Europe. Royer quickly put together a repertoire of French, German, and Italian symphonies, many of which were probably detached opera overtures. He also brought Italian arias back into the programs after a nine-year absence; not the baroque ones presented by Philidor, Simard, and Rebel, but galant showpieces composed by Hasse in Dresden and Jommelli in Stuttgart.

Royer accumulated a library of motets, Italian arias, and symphonies in seven years that was nearly as large as what Rebel had collected in twice that time. He installed an organ with a showy buffet at center stage fig. Daquin felt it necessary to explain the idea of making music the main attraction: Garnier, , 2: Angela Scholar New York: Cornell University Press, , —; updated in James R. Mercure de France, , 2: She formed a partnership with Capperan and Mondonville in time for the February 2 concert and strengthened her connection with Capperan by naming him guardian of her minor children.

He resigned from the Royal Chapel after a dispute over publishing his Spectacles de Paris, There was a partnership agreement dated January 31, , between Mme Royer, Mondonville, and perhaps Capperan. These works succeeded because of French interest in mimesis; although textual images were depicted musically in motets with Latin words, these touches were easier to appreciate in the vernacular.

Royer premiered 40 choral motets in seven seasons; Mondonville, in a similar period, did only half as many. Despite this lack of resolve, the concerts continued their success. There was always enough of an audience to enable the partners to pay the 9,livre redevance, thanks to the increased capacity of the concert hall. For the first time, there was competition for control of the Concert Spirituel.

On February 10, , Dauvergne signed a lease, eighteen months before the expiration of the current lease. Arthur Machen New York: Boni, , 2: Lambert, , —;. Mme Royer was more pragmatic: Her knowledge of the history of the concerts is evident: Philidor, Simard, Royer, and Mondonville may have been well-connected, but their Concert Spirituel leases were arms-length transactions. Naturally, they had long and untroubled tenures. Son of the first violin of the Concert de Clermont, Dauvergne came to Paris in and studied violin with Leclair.

John Adamson, — , 1: It took effect on July 1, , at the end of the Royer lease, and ran for nine years. Dauvergne gained minor improvements concerning indemnity if the king occupied the Tuileries: Neither he nor Capperan took an active role in the concerts; they merely invested capital and collected shares of the profits. Dauvergne provided himself with a 1,livre bonus in years when those profits exceeded 3, in recognition of his role as the sole active partner. Clearly, the Concert Spirituel had matured: Dauvergne claimed that Mondonville said: While much was made both in the eighteenth century and today of this shift from a floor- thumping batteur de mesure to a violinist conductor, a caveat is in order: Since the fire occurred at the end of the Easter fortnight, there was little effect on the Mercure, October , —; the reviewer had previously noted that the change gave the orchestra a better sound September , Mlle Schencker en mai ," Musique, images, instruments 1 , — He himself composed seven choral motets and an equal number of solo and duo motets for the Concert Spirituel, primarily in his second and third seasons.

These scores have not survived, so we cannot know whether his sacred style incorporated the Italianisms that had made his reputation in Les Troqueurs. The review of his first grand motet, a Te Deum, was positive: Dauvergne was the epigone of the ancient Lalande motet tradition. Dauvergne was not entirely bereft of ambition: In his first season, he replaced about half its members, and in the second, he eliminated the male sopranos. The traditional French five-voice chorus, dating back to Lalande, consisted of F-Pan O1 , pcs.

The income for the first nine concerts was published in the Mercure, July , 1: Some of the programs were published in the Mercure and Avantcoureur. Collin, , 2: The process began with an anonymous Miserere from the Royer library which bears names on the chorus parts that match the roster. In the years that followed, an increasing number of four-part choral works by Mathieu and Giroust were programmed alongside the traditional five-part repertoire. Like Royer, Dauvergne spent some of his creative energies on the development of young singers. His creative energies, such as they were, remained fully committed to the Concert Spirituel until at least , when he sponsored a competition in the tradition of the royal and provincial academies.

His announcement is a veritable definition of the ancient grand motet tradition: Les Juges seront M. On propose pour sujet du Motet, le Pseaume The names reflect the roster after the mass firings of the first season, but before the male dessus were sent away in the second season. The rosters in the Spectacles de Paris were retrospective: Berger- Levrault, , His citation should be corrected to read F-Pan O1 , The French scholarly prize tradition was still going strong years later when Constant Pierre wrote his Histoire du Concert spirituel for the prix Bordin competition.

Here was a test for vrai connoisseurs: There were more than two dozen entries. The judges selected three and gave each two performances in the opening week of the Easter concerts. This was pure persiflage: The mysterious donor offered a medal for setting the psalm Deus noster refugium, and a new donor offered medals worth and livres for setting J.

The judges found only two motets and two odes worthy of performance. Reviewers Concours were a time-honored tradition in France. Sorbonne, , — Jacob, an 9 , 7—8. The requirement for a choral fugue in the ode was objected to and eliminated a month later Avantcoureur, August 22, He had good reason: His conservative programming at the Concert Spirituel must have been a factor in their decision: The Maison du Roi naturally approved the decision, since it kept the old repertoire, representing the former glory of the monarchy, on the boards. At the last minute, Pierre Montan Berton — and Jean-Claude Trial — snatched the plum from his hands, thanks to their patrons, the prince de Conti and the duc de Choiseul.

None of the four wanted the Concert Spirituel: The deterioration was exacerbated by competition from private concerts. The redevance continued at 7, livres per year: The city fathers tied this unexciting offer to a pot-de-vin for Berton and Trial: During the summer of , Dauvergne and Berton wrote to the king reporting the financial results of their first season under the new lease: The organ had three keyboards, several ranks of flue and reed stops, the large ornamental casing depicted in fig. The breach with Mondonville was evidently healed in , when two of his motets appeared on the Christmas programs.

Someone, writing in the s, appended an update to the s-era history of the Concert Spirituel in O1 , see chapter 1 , and summarized the debacle as follows: The Concert Spirituel finally achieved maturity: This made them willing to take risks, and in only three years, they accomplished a complete overhaul of the repertoire. He was born in Bordeaux, but his father, a violin maker, brought him to Paris at age six, probably in response to his precocious talent.

The names of his teachers are not known. He trained three violinists who later became Concert Spirituel leaders: For the order of names, see Spectacles de Paris, — and Mercure, April , 1: Perhaps the injury to his hand which had kept him out of the concert hall for several months in recurred. Ancelet, writing during this hiatus, offers the more mundane explanation that he quit the Concert Spirituel to play in badly run private concerts.

Dauvergne kept him on for the first year of his experiment of eliminating the batteur de mesure for instrumental pieces, then replaced him with Capron. After losing control of the Concert Spirituel, he occupied himself with teaching and composition. Born in the Austrian Netherlands, he set out for Paris from the cathedral choir school in Antwerp at age 17, perhaps armed with a letter of introduction to Rameau.

Brossier, , Additional claims that Gossec took an active role in the Concert Spirituel: La Borde, Essai, 3: La Colombe, , 12— He played the violin and contrabass, gave lessons, and composed symphonies in the style of Stamitz, who had replaced Rameau as director of the orchestra. Gossec succeeded Stamitz in at a comfortable salary of 1, livres per year. There is no evidence that Gossec took an active role in the affairs of the Concert Spirituel.

Fischbacher, , — He preferred composing to performance, and generally left it to his younger brother Pierre to present his sonatas and concertos. His symphonies, performed by both the Concert des Amateurs and the Concert Spirituel, were cosmopolitan, forward-looking pieces that combined German trends in harmony and orchestration with a Franco-Italian three-movement structure. If Gossec was the father of the French symphony, Le Duc was its young Turk, introducing Sturm und Drang, minor keys, and chromaticism in his symphonies in , approximately the time Haydn wrote his first minor-key symphony Hob.

Because they did not hold court appointments, Versailles exerted little influence: The result was a sudden and complete overhaul of the Concert Spirituel repertoire. Capron, rue Sainte Anne. Imbault, rue du Chantre. Lebel, rue Neuve S. See table 4, below, for calculations.

One is tempted to think that Gossec was brought into the partnership to conduct the large choral works, but this was not the case. There is no record that he conducted his own works, let alone those of other composers. Observation autographe de Gossec: Rice, personal communication, August 18, The first was an intermission. In addition to providing a new opportunity for social intercourse, it changed the distribution of high-status and low-status pieces on the program.

Whereas the most prestigious pieces had formerly appeared at the beginning and end of the program— Mondonville, for example, always used his own motets as closers—the new management could now reinforce the idea of the symphony as a high-status genre by opening each half of the program with one and still close with a large choral piece. For the first fifty years, instrumental music had been the filler between important vocal pieces.

Now, the latest works by the best composers within and outside of France were instrumental. His opening night featured a new genre that was developing in Paris: The pipeworks could have remained in the Cent Suisses, since it was the console that was in the way. The console was gone by , when a letter refers to the organ that was formerly in the Cent Suisses F-Pan O1 , But the truth is that they, like the Royers, were victims of success.

The revitalized Concert Spirituel again became a takeover target. University of North Carolina Press, , — F-Pan O1 , Berliner Wissenschafts-Verlag, , 94— My calculations table 4 show one way to arrive at the total amounts paid, but other solutions might be possible. Then Legros outbid him by offering 6, livres per year, and took over the Concert Spirituel effective February 15, Fortunately, he was far more competent, musically and administratively, than Dauvergne.

Legros was born in near Laon, about 80 miles northeast of Paris. They sang duets there for about a year, beginning shortly before their marriage. By , he was rich: Firmin Didot, — , 5: LIII, , new source. She even attended the Concert Spirituel on March 31, , and brought her brother, the Emperor Joseph II, to the concert two months later on May 8, an unprecedented mark of favor.

A certain Mme Gouday suggested as much: Perhaps he did so at the request of the queen, or perhaps the time had finally come when a musician could begin a major undertaking for artistic, rather than financial, reasons. At any rate, Legros gave his first concert on Passion Sunday, March 16, , introducing vocal music by Anfossi, Piccinni, and Traetta alongside the instrumental soloists recruited by his predecessors.

Legros avoided the mistake of his predecessors: This occurred between May and October Regardless of whether his motivation was economic or aesthetic, the result was a cleaner, more transparent texture: Within a year, the Spectacles de Paris reflected a four-part chorus: The orchestra, if it was indeed reduced at all, did not stay so for long. Cette Simphonie est de M.

Torrent9 au hasard

Legros beefed up the violas at the expense of the cellos and bassoons, consistent with the trend away from their French role as harmonic filler and toward the German vision of independent voices. Legros expanded the number of symphonies on the programs and reinstituted Italian arias in enormous numbers: He used them as Royer did: He must also have given Mozart free concert tickets, since Mozart attended several, despite being in financial straits.

Briefe und Aufzeichnungen Kassel: Mozart family letters are cited below by their numbering in these two editions. Legros next awarded a benefit concert to her rival Mme Mara, and to the violinist Viotti in Journal de Paris, April 15, , — and April 21, , , and continued the practice for the remainder of his tenure. Neither the old lease which took effect in nor this one has been found. Pierre provides an extensive analysis of what the ticket prices were, whether the concerts were profitable, and which concerts had the best attendance: Because the Salle des Cent Suisses, located in the central pavilion of the palace, was the guardroom for some of these apartments, the Concert Spirituel had to move.

The capacity of the parquet level is given in the inventory: The inventory states that the benches each held four persons, and that the number of benches and stools did not change between and The ticket prices were 6 livres for the first-level loges, 4 livres for the galleries above them, and 3 livres for the parquet. The largest crowd recorded was December 8, , when 1, persons attended. For ticket prices, see the Journal de Paris, April 16, , Reviewers were divided about the acoustics.

Some thought the seating arrangements were good, but others complained that the room was smoky or smoke-stained and no remodeling had been done except for a semicircle of unpainted boards for the partition and the placement of benches in the parterre. The story was not the one we hear today: He lost the battle and had to continue to pay. He never eliminated grand motets entirely: Piccinni conducted his own in , and three by Giroust had their Concert Spirituel premieres in The ensuing recriminations show how far Legros went to attract his stars: It is unknown which of them selected the soloists and repertoire.

On October 5, the royal family was forced to return from Versailles to Paris and live under guard at the Tuileries, but the November 1 and December 8 concerts took place as scheduled. Legros abandoned the enterprise to Bertheaume after the December 8 concert: These events, however, had no connection to Legros or Bertheaume. He died in Russia on March 20, In probing the lives of the Concert Spirituel entrepreneurs—their origins, employments, families, friends, professional associates, and business partners—this chapter has laid the groundwork for establishing a field of bricolage for each of them.

In addition, the constraints on their fields of bricolage have been defined through laws, contracts, and finance. Each entrepreneur selected music that was available and close at hand to adapt for use in a new environment: University of Chicago Press, , 74— Panckoucke, — , After a necessary foray into the topic of music libraries chapter 3 , the all-important question of how they made their selections will be taken up in chapter 4.

The Libraries Today, it can be hard to appreciate the extent to which the logistics of acquiring, copying and storing music influenced Concert Spirituel programs. But as the concerts continued, the efficacy of having a library of music already copied and ready to play became clear. Each entrepreneur created a commercial asset that would generate a reliable income stream for many years to come: Music libraries were inventoried for a variety of purposes, including leases, estate inventories, and transfers of ownership. Seven inventories of Concert Spirituel music libraries are currently known, of which three have been published and two more are scheduled for publication.

Inventories of Concert Spirituel music libraries. Initially, the audience was content to simply be present at the sort of spectacle that had formerly been reserved for the court and a few of the largest Parisian churches, so the entrepreneurs could use the same music over and over again. But after the concerts became a regular part of the Parisian cultural landscape, the original group of motets which had already taken on some of the characteristics of a canon had to be supplemented with new music to attract a sufficient number of listeners.

The inventories are far more detailed than the published Concert Spirituel programs, which lack many of the work titles and sometimes even fail to identify the composers. This specificity helps us to understand how the concert entrepreneurs constructed their programs. Rebel did not relish having to attend this lengthy process, and was even more put out when the attorney sealed all the doors and file cabinets. The morning was devoted to the Concert Spirituel library, and after lunch, they continued with the opera music. The headings within the list probably represent boxes, cartons, or shelves containing homogenous groups of music: Lalande, 41 grand motets, scores and parts 2.

Couperin, 6 motets, scores and parts; 5 motet scores 3. Various authors, 19 petit motet scores 5. The first group contains manuscript scores and parts to all the grand motets of Lalande that were printed between and , plus one Laudate pueri that was not. Nicaise, so the Concert Spirituel music had been moved there at some point after the inventory, probably upon the retirement of Lallemand in or Ricordi, , 51— In fact, it had not changed in two decades.

One suspects that the parties agreed simply to copy the earlier list without conducting a sight inventory, although they made two important changes without giving any explanation: But within the genre groups, there was no apparent order. Perhaps the music was kept in the order in which it was acquired: More research may uncover the logic of how the music was stored; surely a large and well-run atelier with so much music to keep track of would have needed a logical system for locating music when it was needed. First of all, many of the 40 motets never appeared on any program; it is unlikely that Simard would have incurred such enormous copying costs without a definite purpose in mind.

Second, the printed edition was a reduced score, so it would be difficult, but not impossible, to create a complete part set. Third, there is no relationship between the publication dates and the Concert Spirituel premieres. Publication began in February , but the Lalande motets premiered that year were Credidi propter, which was not yet in print, and Veni creator, which was never printed. There were no further Lalande premieres reported in the press until Some of this music may have been present, but hidden within the various paquets that were not opened.

It is divided into three sections of vocal music, numbered in red pencil, plus a short list of instrumental music: Motets with scores and parts, plus a packet of Italian arias 2. Motets in score 3. Motets in separate parts [4. They were initially very methodical, noting the key of each motet and sometimes adding personal recollections about a piece. For the first group, they put the music in alphabetical order as they wrote the inventory the letter headings are evenly spaced with large gaps under some of them.

They changed their method for the remaining three sections: The city officials made their own version of the list later in Their successor Dauvergne leased both libraries,19 so he had three separate collections at his disposal: There were also items that appeared on the programs for the first time after XXXV, , new source; M.

It does not appear on the inventory, but does on the inventory. Perhaps, as he sorted through music that he had heard all his life, he thought about its passage from the realm of everyday concert life into that of music history. The writer opened the packages at random and took out handfuls of documents: A dozen items appeared for the first time. A Performance History — Ph. The seizures took place between and , and the redistributions began in and continued until Parent, , Labiche notes that all of these things happened to other books and papers in the depots.

The potential matches—music that is headed with title and composer attributions that resemble those on the inventory and also bears performance markup consistent with Concert Spirituel practice—generally have call numbers traceable to the Paris Conservatoire table 1. The copies with these call numbers have use marks implying that they belonged to the Concert Spirituel see appendix 2. The call numbers from the inventory do not, however, appear on them.

The Concert Spirituel music remained in the depots until at least ; at that time one of its conservators wrote a short note to the head of a special music depot, alerting him to the existence of the Concert Spirituel collection: Au conservateur du depot de Musique Rue. His strategy was to attract a larger audience with a radical entry into the vanguard of new Italian 30 F-Pa ms. Georges Chamerot, , reprinted Geneva: Anne Bongrain et al. Firmin-Didot, , reprinted Hildesheim: Olms, , v—ix. Whether by design or by accident, his decision to import music in the developing galant style proved successful.

Within a few years, the re-ignition of the longstanding debate about French versus Italian music, the querelle des bouffons, contributed enormously to his attendance figures and concomitant financial success. New repertoire, however, had to be copied, and in six seasons, Royer built up a library of 55 grand motets, 49 small vocal works, and 65 French and Italian symphonies. Because he paid for the copying, this material belonged to him, and after his death, his widow.

She and Mondonville used it for a further eight seasons. The Royer inventory F-Pan, M. The legibility has been digitally enhanced. The music is first segregated into genres grand motets, petit motets, Italian arias and symphonies and then ordered by composer. This may be a trace of the way in which the music was stored and used: Within the composer sections, the works may be in order of acquisition or perhaps the order in which the pieces were last played.

Several items were crossed out, and one was added to the list and then crossed out. All but one of the deleted works Collet, shown in fig. Royer may have known their identities, but the names had been forgotten by Perhaps this illustrates the increasing importance of the composer and his reputation: Mme Royer, by the way, seems to have been interested in the music qua music. Her exactitude and the depth of her knowledge are evident in the listings—one of the most accurate and complete of the seven Concert Spirituel inventories—and she was interested enough to negotiate continued access to the concerts for herself and her children as a condition of the lease: He also made an arrangement of a motet for basse-taille by Maurizio Cazzati c.

Vrin, forthcoming in Royer introduced German and Italian symphonies to the French public, beginning in The concert reviews seldom identified them,35 but thanks to the inventory, we now know what they were between and These scores and parts later disappeared without a trace: Because they were nearly all listed as complet score and parts , we can assume they were actually performed. Handel, Latilla, Pugnani, La Borde. Johann Stamitz is absent from the list—his symphonies were performed from to —as is Rousseau performed in , so they must have lent scores and parts to the Concert Spirituel.

The second most interesting thing in the inventory is the list of airs italiens. This inventory solves a puzzle relating to the querelle des bouffons: No Italian opera seria were performed in Paris until long after the querelle had ended. Indiana University Press, CNRS, , While he made a special effort to send away to distant cities for a few identified in cha. It seems likely that many of the Italian arias and perhaps also the Hasse symphonies were brought to Paris by famous opera singers who stopped over in Paris and sang at the court, at private salons, and at his Concert Spirituel, including Dorothea Wendling from Stuttgart and Regina Mingotti from Dresden in and , and the great Caffarelli from Naples in As noted above, his widow and Mondonville relied so much on this music library that the public did not perceive any change.

They continued to premiere new pieces, of course, but the ownership of the new scores and parts must have gone to Mondonville: Affiches de Paris , and Mercure, May , ; Mingotti: Affiches de Paris , , and Mercure, December , The reviews paint a picture of gradual acceptance of the Italian aria idiom. They do not appear on the inventory because Mme Royer did not own the performance materials, so she could not lease them to Dauvergne. Dauvergne led the Concert Spirituel from until One possible explanation is that Mme Royer executed a brilliant coup: Dauvergne brought in Claude Balbastre as a regular soloist.

Balbastre was an up-and-coming young organist who would, within a year of his first appearance, become the titulaire at the St. Roch parish church, then later, Notre Dame, and finally, the Royal Chapel. Dauvergne renewed the Concert Spirituel privilege in , and it is likely—although no contract has been found—that he renewed the Royer lease too, since the organ continued to sound in the Tuileries concert room.

Mme Royer died in ,40 and a big stack of Concert Spirituel documents was listed in the inventory of her estate. XLVII, , item Because the extracts were obtained in , two years after the organ had been sold to the city, we can guess that the purpose of this paperwork was to return the music to the Royer family.

The heirs could easily have stored it in their homes; all three sons-in-law were royal functionaries and had recently split the proceeds of a ,livre estate, so presumably they had large homes. Some time in the second year of the Republic i.

Recherches Torrent9

The first two donations contained 67 items from the Royer years; suggesting that he had been in contact with the Royer heirs. The third donation contained motets by Lalande, Mondonville, Rameau, and some less well-known composers, plus the entries for the motet- writing competition held during the Dauvergne administration in , , and The donations were organized as follows: XLVII, and ; new sources. The pieces do not seem to be in any particular order within their genre groups.

Although the names in the sample happen to be in alphabetical order, the inventory as a whole is not: The Rua inventory F-Pn Vma ms. The four Campra motets correspond to those shown in figure 2. Rua wrote the call numbers, and sometimes the composer, title, and genre, in the upper left corner of the grey paper wrappers he created to contain the larger works or on the first page of music for small works.

Droz, , Vm8 23 Division du catalogue de la musique pratique, , online at gallica. Robert Levin raises the possibility that the timing of these donations, close to the death of Joseph Legros in December , implies that Rua acquired them from Legros. The view that there was one Concert Spirituel music library, begun in the early years and augmented by each successive entrepreneur, must be rejected. Pendragon Press, , — Clearly, these pieces were not plucked at random from among the scores and parts: His partners for his first lease died in Capperan and Joliveau.

His second-lease partner, Pierre Montan Berton, died in The other idea is that these bodies of music are almost mutually exclusive: One is an anonymous Miserere score that may be the one catalogued as Vm In , Philidor leased or borrowed the resources he needed in order to found the Concert Spirituel: It is likely that he also borrowed the music.

From the biography sketched in chapter 2 we know that Philidor was a professional music copyist at Versailles, so he could have produced his own performance materials at minimal cost. Lalande had been updating his motets ever since , even though there was little need to do so for a child-king who had no interest in music, and was probably eager to hear them played in public. Although we are used to the idea now, in it must have seemed strange to hear sacred music sung in a secular setting.

It must have seemed even stranger that Louis XV would allow the special, unique repertoire of the Royal Chapel to be used for any but state occasions. He or his advisors would have appreciated the social and political ramifications of moving these musical emblems of royal power from their home at Versailles to a public hall in Paris. The forty-year old Philidor, still only a rank-and-file court musician and copyist, could not have approached the king, the noble master of the Royal Chapel, or anyone in their inner circle directly, but Lalande, who had been an intimate of Louis XIV, could have conducted this delicate negotiation.

Indeed, the provisions of the agreement seem designed to keep Philidor from making copies: The concert reviews in the Mercure match the provisions of the agreement: These reviews make it possible to construct a list of motets that Philidor must have borrowed table 2. Motets lent by Mme Lalande to Philidor, In his third season, when he formed the partnership with Simard, he thought a music library was important enough to mention in the contract: But when the concerts resumed in December, the Lalande motets no longer appeared in pairs: In his first three seasons, three-fourths of the choral motets were written by Lalande.

The small solo pieces that supplemented them—Italian opera arias, sonatas for flute or violin and continuo, and a few concertos—could be copied inexpensively or provided by the soloists themselves. The fact that two-thirds of the solo pieces were performed by just four soloists—the singers Marie Antier and Catherine LeMaure and the violinists Jean-Baptiste Anet and Pierre Guignon59—suggests that Philidor may have hired them for the season and left the choice and acquisition of the music up to them.

These pieces required little or no rehearsal time, since the soloists could play their own works, improvise, or choose works and continuo players they already knew well. The first three were court composers whose motets were readily available in the Royal Chapel library through his father. The music that he borrowed was returned to the lenders, but the music he purchased and copied became an 59Pierre, Histoire, — Picard, , By way of contrast, the Courbois grand motets were played only under Philidor Omnes gentes, five times between and and Quare fremuerunt, once in , and they do not appear on any Concert Spirituel inventory, probably because Philidor borrowed and returned the music each time he used it, as he did with the Lalande motets.

Perhaps he never turned his library over to Simard; the missing resignation document dated June 21, , would clear up this point. But all three methods of acquisition—purchase, copying, and borrowing—were affected by his field of bricolage: Their first three concerts August, September, and November, premiered five grand motets: Both lived within walking distance of the Tuileries concert hall, so the scores to these works were probably borrowed, although the Couperin piece could also have been obtained from the Royal Chapel.

We know that Simard and Mouret made copies of some or all of these pieces and kept the copies. These copies are in some way related to the printed edition, since both sets contain almost the same motets. Creating nearly a hundred parts for each of forty motets was an extremely expensive undertaking, so any solution to this conundrum must explain the reason for this massive copying project.

The scores are extraordinarily clean and show no sign of having been used in performance. Creating a music library had repercussions. Because the copying of scores and parts represented a substantial capital investment—whereas borrowing was free or inexpensive— entrepreneurs experienced financial pressure to program fewer works and use them more often. But as they began to collect their own music, they could not have failed to notice that the scores and parts, once copied, cost them nothing, regardless of how frequently they were used. The effect of this transition from borrowing music to owning it was the creation of a clearly delineated repertoire.

The performance history of this work illustrates the transition from bricolage to repertoire to canon: These processes will be examined in more detail the chapters that follow. In an age before the existence of effective legal protection of intellectual property rights, possession was the best defense. This behavior was not unique to Mondonville. Campra kept control of his autograph scores and parts and bequeathed them to Nicolas le Prince, one of the Royal Chapel singers, in return for services rendered. The Political Economy of Music, trans. University of Minnesota Press, , 52— She would fournir les motets.

The list of motets and oratorios followed. Both of these provisions demonstrate the power of possessing the physical copies of the scores and parts: But this sort of caution had unforeseen consequences: By the second half of the eighteenth century, it was becoming increasingly clear to most professional musicians that a large library of old music was no longer a marketable asset.

There is nothing on these inventories, however, that can be traced to Legros or Bertheaume. The first was to copy parts for four new grand motets that helped fill the void left by Mondonville. Of that number, the three by Blanchard were probably performed from borrowed parts, since they had been in the repertoire of the Royal Chapel since the s.

Both motets are now lost. They have vanished without a trace. Dauvergne stopped using the atelier in , when he had finished with his project of replacing the Mondonville motets. Sauvant, at a time when a M. Lefevre no relation to the composer Lefebvre was 74A number of pieces were advertised as having been played at both the Concert Spirituel and the Concert des Amateurs.

Legros seems to have had some informal arrangement with his predecessors to continue using music from their repertoire. Gossec scribbled notes to this effect on various pieces of scrap paper on two different occasions. Much later, Gossec drafted a paragraph on the loss of two of his two oratorios in the flyleaf of the libretto to Gustave Vasa, a poem he considered setting then rejected in Sauvant was still listed in the and issues, but by this time, the publishers had stopped listing affiliations.

Le tout par abus de confiance. The question of his competency is important for research into the history of the Concert Spirituel. Only two names from the Legros era appear on the Rua lists: Etienne Joseph Floquet and Niccolo Jommelli.

But the Floquet works are settings of texts used in the — motet contests, so they probably date from the Dauvergne era. The rest would therefore have ended up in the vast collections of the Institut. It has since been catalogued as F-Pc L Finding even a few works from their libraries may reveal the path taken by the collections of which they were a part, and may eventually lead to the recovery of lost works by major composers: Two general conclusions emerge from this mass of data.

First, there was never one single Concert Spirituel library. The individual entrepreneurs each built up their collections over a period of years and jealously guarded the physical copies of music. For the music to survive in performance after the end of an administration, the outgoing and incoming entrepreneurs had to negotiate an exchange of money for music, and they were careful to recover their music at the end of the lease. In searching for the music in the Concert Spirituel repertoire, the best course is to follow the trail of the entrepreneur who owned it.

If this methodology leads to a few works from one of the missing music libraries, it may eventually lead to the recovery of others. Second, what appears to be a sudden change in taste or artistic vision—the major renewal of the repertoire in the s, for instance—was partly the result of music libraries, leasing arrangements, and personal custody of scores and parts. When there was a music library lease, repertoire change was gradual: Their decision reflected the appetite of the public for new music, but the suddenness of the change stemmed from loss of the right to use the older materials.

A lease of a music library slowed musical change, and refusal to lease a music library accelerated it. Bricolage The term bricolage has been part of academic discourse for fifty years, yet it has no English- language equivalent. To use it to conceptualize how the Concert Spirituel repertoire formed, we must examine anecdotes and make an extensional definition. The first anecdote concerns a member of the committee for this dissertation. One day when she was having trouble lighting the water heater, she asked him for help; when they needed to remove the cover to the control unit, a screwdriver was not to be found.

Lyotard used a knife from the kitchen cutlery tray, saying with a wry smile, je fais du bricolage. In other words, a bricoleur takes an object that is close at hand and uses it for a new purpose. Lyotard was making a joke by appropriating a term from academic discourse and applying it to do-it-yourself-ing by academics. There still exists among ourselves an activity which on the technical plane gives us quite a good understanding of what [their science] could have been on the plane of speculation.

As a result, they incorporated the musical past into their present and future: The possibilities always remain limited by the particular history of each piece and by those of its features which are already determined by the use for which it was originally intended or the modifications it has undergone for other purposes. I opened the paper tray to see if it was empty. Clearly, my sin involved none of the elements of bricolage mentioned so far: I was using the equipment for its intended purpose and had done nothing creative to meet my need.

When the victim is dredged up out of the water, quickly force his mouth open to let the water out and place a chopstick in it horizontally. Blow into both ears through a bamboo tube. If the drowning occurred during the summer months, drape the victim across the back of an ox, belly-down. Have people support him on both sides, while leading the ox so that it walks slowly.

The water in the abdomen will naturally flow out from his mouth. Similar limits of time, distance, and relationships applied to the Concert Spirituel entrepreneurs. As will be demonstrated, Royer rejected numerous works that came his way through bricolage. Finding new uses for available materials is a form of artistic creation, a voluntary constraint of choices, a game such as a composer plays by limiting a composition to variation form or a particular pitch collection.

Selecting locally available music for the delectation of a particular audience and making it into a concert repertoire that blends old and new, local and distant, is a challenging and creative form of artistic expression. What is more, the Concert Spirituel entrepreneurs could not have done otherwise. The Chinese Medicine Database, , The most radical discourse, the most inventive and systematic engineer, are surprised and circumvented by a history, a language, etc. The idea of the engineer breaking with all bricolage is dependent on a creationist theology.

Only such a theology can sanction an essential and rigorous difference between the engineer and the bricoleur. Because the Concert Spirituel was a new kind of social structure, and the sole instance of it for much of its existence, the entrepreneurs had to use old musical materials in new ways; they had no other choice. We are all bricoleurs, says Derrida. But since he finds the term efficacious in two of his most significant early works—Of Grammatology and Writing and Difference—he justifies his bricolage of bricolage: No longer is any truth value attributed to them; there is a readiness to abandon them, if necessary, should other instruments appear more useful.

In the meantime, their relative efficacy is exploited, and they are employed to destroy the old machinery to which they belong and of which they themselves are pieces. Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak, corr. Johns Hopkins Press, , University of Chicago Press, , They were constructed by bricolage, and as each entrepreneur added to his library, it gradually became his most important programming source. Nor did bricolage end with the entrepreneur who assembled a library: Yet while libraries kept the music of the past in play and eventually spawned repertoires and canons, their effect should not be overstated.

They contained many works that never appeared on the concert programs—too many to think that these pieces might have been performed but omitted from the press reviews. Sometimes, it is possible to discern the reasoning behind these decisions. Music libraries and the practices of professional copyists made bricolage successful by keeping a large pool of heterogeneous, unperformed works close at hand. To enter the Concert Spirituel repertoire, a piece of music had to surmount three hurdles. When the score or parts still exist, examination of paper and handwriting often makes it possible to distinguish music that was in the field of bricolage from music the entrepreneur went to great trouble to acquire.

Simard and Mouret, for example, probably programmed the Lalande motets simply because scores and parts of this music were easy to obtain from Mme Lalande bricolage. But their score to the motet Diligam te by Jean Gilles was copied in Toulouse in May , just six months before its premiere at the Concert Spirituel. They must have first conceived of the idea of presenting this famous work at the Concert Spirituel and then purchased a score and made their own parts.

The second and third hurdles are manifest in the inventories: But even when the entrepreneurs thought that the risks were worthwhile, they were disappointed in a remarkable number of cases. More than sixty percent of the grand motets they presented were set aside after only one or two performances.

This motet had clearly entered the Concert Spirituel repertoire, because the programs document regular performances beginning in But it was never singled out for special mention in the concert reviews, and it disappeared from the programs after Unlike some motets by Lalande that were canonic even before the founding of the Concert Spirituel see chapter 6 , Quemadmodum never gained the respect that will be shown to be a component of canonicity. This chapter must necessarily concentrate on the Royer administration — as the only period with nearly complete data: The middle of the chapter shows where, how, and why Royer obtained his concert music and categorizes his methods of acquisition.

Performing Forces The time and money spent on copying Concert Spirituel music must not be underestimated. Costs increased during the eighteenth century: Perhaps both sources are correct: Legros may have performed grand motets with all available performers, but reduced the orchestra for symphonies and concertos. The roster of shows typical soloist, chorus, and orchestra assignments at midpoint in the history of the Concert Spirituel fig.

Spectacles de Paris, , 2—4.

Le Meccano imaginaire de Chris Marker

The issue lists the personnel in The roster begins with Royer alone, confirming that Capperan took no active role in managing the concerts. Each dessus section was a mixture of women and male faussets; the latter were freelance music teachers who could sing in falsetto, rather than castrati or boys. This five-part chorus lasted as long as the Lalande motets remained in the repertoire: Legros completed the transition while reducing the size of the chorus.

Numerous works scored for SATB chorus appear on the programs of the s, but, curiously, Legros preserved the top-heavy distribution of his predecessors and rehired some of the faussets. The unusual layout of the Spectacles rosters during this period structured his chorus in three groups: His string forces consisted of two violin sections, a desk of parties de remplissage staffed by one haute-contre de violon viola and one taille de violon bigger viola , and basse players. The basse 16 Of the 32 faussets who sang between and , 9 were listed as voice or harpsichord teachers in the Almanach musical.

The churches did not employ female choristers. The Lalande grand motets, mostly written before and revised before , originally had five-part strings for the choral movements: His smaller works—French solo motets and about half of his collection of Italian arias—did not have inner string parts. The mid-century basse continue consisted of an organ, strings, and bassoons. Sometimes the parts were headed violoncello, bassoon, or organ, but more often the instrument was not specified. The two contrebasse players, when they played, got separate parts.

The organist sometimes added figured-bass indications to one of the regular basse parts. The basse continue as a group within the larger ensemble was probably phased out in , when the organist disappeared from the roster. We do not know if the inner parts disappeared from the Concert Spirituel orchestra as well. Perdre little by little son cultural influence est normal for un pays qui becomes de plus en plus weak and decline depuis 40 years.

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Il y a de tout et pas simplement les 3 exemples que vous citez. Votre commentaire est on ne peut plus faux. Mais les e-books, pdf, DjVu, png sont devenus la principale source de lecture des comics et mangas. Si les mangas et les comics sont principalement lus au format PDF en France, c'est parce qu'il n'y a pratiquement pas d'import. C'est ma faute, au temps pour moi, effectivement les QR codes datent de plus de 10 ans c'est vrai.

Prenons l'exemple du guide touristique de Berlin: C'est beaucoup plus pratique. Et puis, on arrive devant le panneau: Dans ce cas, heureusement que "Monsieur Michelin" publie toujours ses cartes et guides avec plans de villes. Manque de chance, boulevard impraticable because travaux sur la ligne de tramways! Auteur - Sa biographie. Charles Dudule Pourquoi "non marchant"? G 16 ans de retard sur les Etats-Unis? Oui c'est dans l'ordre des choses Paul Paulo Avant, on disait des bricoleurs.

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