Lunas eléctricas para las noches sin luna (Spanish Edition)

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That is, Filipino nation- alists at this time wanted to be recognized not just as "Filipinos," for this merely meant in the late nineteenth century one who was not quite indio or Chinese, yet not quite Spaniard. They also wanted to be seen as Spanish patriots, as much at home in Spain as they were in the Philippines. Nationalism in the Philippines thus began as a movement among groups uncertain about their identity and anxious about their place in colonial society. Beneficiaries of the increasing commercialization of agriculture and the penetration of European trade starting the later eighteenth century,3 they sought not a separate nation-at least not yet-but a claim on the future and a place on the social map.

Their initial appeal was not for the abolition of colonial rule but for its refor- mation in ways that would expand the limits of citizenship and politi- cal representation. The first generation of nationalists thus sought not separation but recognition from the motherland. This wish brought with it the imperative to communicate in a language that could be heard and understood by those in authority. Such a language was Castilian. Traversing ethnolinguistic differences, Castilian served as the lin- gua franca of the ilustrados.

Learned haltingly and unevenly first from private tutors and later on for those who could afford it at clerically controlled universities in Manila, Castilian allowed this small group of 3. For details on the economic and political changes of the long nineteenth cen- tury in the Philippines, see Jonathan Fast and Jim Richardson, Roots of Dependency: Ateneo de Manila University Press, Thus they could address Spanish officials in Spain as well as in the Philippines; and Europeans and later on Americans who knew the language.

With Castilian, they found a second language common to each because it was native to no one. The foreignness of Castilian, the fact that it did not belong to them, was precisely what made it indispensable as a lingua franca for seeking recognition. Rather, its genesis lies in the transmission of messages across social and linguistic borders among all sorts of people whose identities and identifications were far from settled.

Further, such transmissions had foreign origins and destinations, crossing provinces and continents, emanating from distant cities and strange locales. These transmissions were in Castilian for the most part, a language long heard in the colony but, because of the colonial practice of dis- suading natives from learning it, largely misunderstood and barely spoken by the vast majority of those living in the archipelago. University of the Philippines Press, National Bookstore, for brief, laconic descrip- tions of grammar books that were used to teach children Castilian.

The exception to this would of course be the creoles, since presumably they would have been speaking Castilian as a first language. However, the number of creoles in the movement was relatively small, and the majority of first-generation nationalists were mestizos and indios.

Synonyms and antonyms of llavero in the Spanish dictionary of synonyms

But just as significant is the fact that prior to the s, the creoles were those to whom the term filipino with a small "f" was applied by the colonial state. Filipino thus began as a term denoting Spaniards born in the Philippines in the same way that Americanos first referred to those of Spanish parents born in the New World.

Rafael was in this sense a foreign language to most; and among ilustrados, it was a second language with which to represent the interests of the majority of the colonized.

Thus we can think of Philippine national- ism as a practice of translation, here understood first as the coming into contact with the foreign and subsequently its reformulation into an element of oneself. From this perspective, nationalism, as I hope to show, entails at least in its formative moments neither the rejec- tion nor the recapitulation of colonialism.

Rather, it is about the dis- covery of an alien aspect residing within colonial society and its trans- lation into a basis for a future history. The Promise of Castilian The sense of exhilarating possibilities opened up with one's contact with the foreign comes across in the La Solidaridad article on the teleg- raphy cable system. Reaching outside the Philippines, it was a system that surpassed the communicative limits of colonial society. The "lan- guage of electricity" cut across linguistic differences to the extent that it belonged to no particular group or country.

That it could send mes- sages to the world was due to the fact that all languages could be trans- lated into its codes. It was thus exterior to all other languages, and this is what gave telegraphic technology the quality of a new kind of lingua franca. The nationalist editors did not identify with the inventors of the telegraph or, as we saw, with the contents of its transmission, but with its peculiar power to cross linguistic and geographical boundaries. Such crossings were crucial to their project.

We can see this height- ened fascination with communication in their reliance on the Castil- ian language. La Solidaridad was not the first Filipino nationalist news- paper, although it proved to be the most influential publication of the movement. An earlier nationalist paper was Diariong Tagalog, founded in by Marcelo H. It was precisely the accomplishment of the first generation of nationalists to convert an ethnolinguistic term into a national one by the beginning of the 18gos.

Based in Malolos, a city north of Manila, it was a bilin- gual publication, featuring articles in the Tagalog vernacular and in Spanish. Though it did not last long, Diariong Tagalogwas the first in a long line of bilingual nationalist newspapers that would appear in the Philippines through the first half of the twentieth century. While vernacular languages such as Tagalog or Cebuano were used in specific regions to express political sentiments, Castilian invariably accompanied these expres- sions, allowing them to circulate beyond their regional confines. We can think of Castilian then as a second language for translating the pri- mary languages of the archipelago.

It relayed sentiments and wishes not only across linguistic regions: For those who could use it, it had the power to convey messages up and down the colonial hierarchy, linking those on top with those below. In this capacity, Castilian played a func- tion analogous to that of the telegraph, transmitting messages within and outside the colony.

Given the power of Castilian to expand the possibilities for contact and communication, it comes as no surprise that nationalist ilustrados should become invested in its use. Hence in the pages of La Solidaridad, we read of the persistent demand among nationalists for the teaching of Castilian to all inhabitants of the colony.

Translation of «llavero» into 25 languages

Colonial policy from the lat- ter sixteenth through the end of the nineteenth century had installed Castilian as the official language of the state. The Crown had repeat- edly mandated the education of natives in Castilian. However, as with many other aspects of colonial policy, such injunctions were honored more in their breach rather than in their observance. For a succinct overview of colonial policy and practice, see John L. Phelan, The Hispanization of the Philippines: Rafael more than three centuries of Spanish rule in 18g8, only about 1 per- cent of the population had any fluency in Castilian.

The Philippine colony was located at the furthest edges of the Spanish empire. Even with the opening of the Suez Canal in g, travel to the Philippines from Spain was still a matter of several months. Pos- sessing neither the gold nor the silver of the New World colonies, the Philippines had few attractions for Spanish settlers.

Fearful of repeat- ing the large-scale miscegenation between Spaniards, Indians, and Mricans in the New World, the Crown had established restrictive resi- dency laws discouraging Spanish settlement outside the walls of Manila. As a result, no sizable population of Spanish-speaking creoles or mes- tizos ever emerged. Enforcing existing laws, the government, if it chose to, could devote resources to building schools and providing for the more sys- tematic instruction of Castilian. Yet the state seemed not only inca- pable but unwilling to carry out these measures.

It seemed then to be violating its own laws. Such conditions came about, as ilustrados saw it, largely because of the workings of the Spanish friars. They had long blocked the teaching of Castilian in the interest of guard- ing their own authority. It was their steadfast opposition to the teach- ing of Castilian that kept the colony from progressing. Cast as fig- ures opposed to modernity, the Spanish clergy became the most significant target of ilustrado enmity.

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In their inordinate influence over the state and other local practices, the friars were seen to stand in the way of "enlightenment," imagined to consist of extended con- tact and sustained exchanges with the rest of the "civilized" world. Thanks to the friars, colonial subjects were deprived of a language 8. Government Printing Office, , 2: See Nicholas Cushner, Spain in the Philippines: From Conquest to Revolution Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila Press, To answer this question, one needs to keep in mind the immense significance of Catholic conversion in the conquest and colonization of the Philippines.

Spanish missionaries were the most important agents for the spread of colonial rule. Colonial officials came and went, owing their positions to the patronage of politicians and the volatile conditions of the home government. They often amassed for- tunes during their brief tenure and with rare exceptions remained rel- atively isolated from the non-Spanish populace.

By contrast, the Span- ish clergy were stationed in local parishes all over the colony. They retained a corporate identity that superseded the governments of both the colony and the mother country. Indeed, they claimed to be answerable only to their religious superiors and beyond that to a God that transcended all other worldly arrangements. It was their access to an authority beyond colonial hierarchy that proved essential in con- serving their identity as indispensable agents of Spanish rule.

Through the clergy, the Crown validated its claims of benevolent conquest. Colonization was legitimized as the extension of the work of evangelization. Acting as the patron of the Catholic Church, a role it had zealously assumed since the Counter-Reformation, the Crown shared in the task of communicating the Word of God to unknowing natives. While the state relied on the Church to consolidate its hold on the islands, the Church in turn depended on the state in carrying out its task of conversion. Missionaries depended on the material and monetary support of the state, drawing on colonial courts to secure its landholdings especially in the later nineteenth century , on military forces to put down local uprisings and groups of bandits, and on the institution of forced labor for the building of churches and convents.

For another treatment of the place of the friar in the ilustrado imaginary, see Vicente L. Transloeal Essay in Filipino Cultures, ed. Ateneo de Manila University, Rafael However, the success of the Spanish missionaries in converting the majority of lowland natives to Catholicism rested less on coercion - it could not, given the small number of Spanish military forces in the islands-as it did on translation. As I have elsewhere discussed at length, evangelization relied on the task of translation. Beginning in the lat- ter sixteenth century, Spanish missionaries, following the practice in the New World, systematically codified native languages.

They replaced the local script baybayin with Roman letters, used Latin categories to reconstruct native grammars, and Castilian definitions in constructing dictionaries of the vernaculars.

Belén Gache

Catholic teachings were then translated and taught in the local languages. At the same time, the missionary pol- icy insisted on retaining key terms in their original Latin and Castilian forms. Such words as Dios, Espiritu Santo, Virgen, along with the lan- guage of the mass and the sacraments, remained in their un translated forms in Latin and Castilian so as not to be confused, or so the mis- sionaries thought, with pre-Christian beliefs and rituals.

Through the translation of God's Word, natives came to see in Spanish missionaries a foreign presence speaking their "own" lan- guage. As I have demonstrated elsewhere, this appearance-as sud- den as it was unmotivated from the natives' point of view-of the foreign in the familiar and its reverse, the familiar in the foreign- roused native interests and anxieties.

Conversion was thus a matter of responding to this startling-because novel-emergence of alien messages from alien speakers from within one's own speech.

Meaning of "llavero" in the Spanish dictionary

It was to identify oneself with this uncanny occurrence and to submit to its attractions, which included access to an unseen yet omnipresent source of all power. Conversion translated the vernacular into another language, con- verting it into a medium for reaching beyond one's own world. Rafael, Contracting Colonialism, esp. He stood at the crossroads of languages, for he spoke not only the vernacular but also Castilian and Latin.

And because of his insistence on retaining untranslated words within the local versions of the Word, he evinced the limits of translation, the points at which words became wholly absorbed and entirely subservient to their referents. The imper- atives of evangelization meant that translation would be at the service of a higher power. Unlike the telegraph cable, which opened up to a potentially limitless series of translations and transmissions, evangeliza- tion encapsulated all languages and messages within a single, ruling Word,Jesus Christ, the incarnate speech of the Father.

Through the missionaries, converts could hope to hear the Word of the Father resonating within their own words.

Put differently, Catholic conversion in this colonial context was predicated on the transmission of a hierarchy of languages. Submitting to the Word of the Father, one came to realize that one's first language was subordi- nate to a second, that a foreign because transcendent presence ruled over one's thoughts, and that such thoughts came through a chain of mediations: We can think of the missionary then as a medium for the com- munication of a hierarchy of communications that was thought to frame all social relations.

Through him, native societies were reordered as recipients of a gift they had not expected in the form of a novel message to which they felt compelled to respond. What made the mes- sage compelling was precisely its form. The missionary's power lay in his ability to predicate languages, that is, to conjoin them into a speech that issued from above and was meant to be heard by those below at some predestined time. The power of predication, therefore, also came with the capacity for prediction, that is, the positing of events as the utterance of a divine promise destined to be fulfilled in the future.

To experience language hierarchically unfolding, as for example in prayer or in the sacraments, is to come to believe in the fatality of speech. All messages inevitably reach their destinations, if not now, then in the future. Moreover, they will all be answered, if not in one way then in another. The attractions of conversion thus included the assurance that one always had the right address. Rafael In tracing the linguistic basis of missionary agency, one can begin to understand how it is they became so crucial in legitimating colonial rule and consolidating its hegemony.

The rhetoric of conversion and the practice of translation allowed for the naturalization, as it were, of hierarchy, linguistic as well as social. They made colonization seem both inevitable and desirable. At the same time, one can also appreci- ate the depth of nationalist fascination with the friars and their obses- sive concern with the Spanish fathers' influence over the motherland. As "sons" of the motherland, the ilustrados wanted to speak in a lan- guage recognizable to colonial authorities. To do so meant assuming the position of the friar, that is, of becoming an agent of translation who could speak up and down the colonial hierarchy, making audible the interests of those at the bottom to those on top.

It also implied the ability to speak past colonial divisions: It is with these historical matters in mind that we can return to the nationalist demand for the teaching of Castilian.

Belén Gache - Wikipedia

The Risk of Misrecognition Remarking on the royal decrees providing for the teaching of Castil- ian to the natives, a writer for La Solidaridad deplores the failure of authorities to enact these laws. All the more unfortunate since "the people wish to express their concerns without the intervention of intermediary elements elementos intermediarios. Moreover, in the Philippines, the ability to speak and write in Castilian constitutes a distinction. There, it is embarrassing not to possess it, and in what- ever gathering it is considered unattractive and up to a point shame- ful for one to be in a position of being unable to switch to the official language.

Unlike the Dutch East Indies, for example-where Melayu existed as a common language between colonizer and colo- The cita- tion appears on p. Educational reforms that would spread Castilian would eliminate this "shameful" situation. However, as the writer notes, Spanish friars have refused to give up their position. Instead of recognizing the desire of natives to learn Castilian, friars have come to suspect their motives.

He or she who advocates the teaching of Castilian are treated as potential "enemies of the country Not only do Spanish fathers stand in the way of direct contact between the people and those who rule them, they misrecognize natives who speak Castilian as subversives and criminals. While nationalists associ- ate the learning of Castilian with progress and modernity, the Spanish friars see it as a challenge to their authority: For indeed, the word for "subversive," jilibustero, also refers to a pirate, hence to a thief.

Blocked from disseminating Castilian, nationalists also become suspect. Rather than accept the position laid out for them as "natives," they insist on speaking as if they were other, and thus foreign to colo- nial society. For the history of Melayu, see HenkJ. Maier, "From Heteroglossia to Polyglossia: Princeton Uni- versity Press, My understanding of the history of the language of nationalism in the Philippines has been influenced not only by the ways it seems to have differed from the history of the Indonesian language but also by the ways in which such dif- ferences have produced at certain moments instructive similarities.

Cornell University Press, , have been indispensable guides for thinking through the top- ics of language and politics in the Philippine case. Cited in Schu- macher, Making of a Nation, It is not they who are criminals, but the friars who accuse them. Over and over again, writers for La Solidaridad refer to friars as "unpatriotic Spaniards," hence the real filibusteros. In an article not atypical in tone and content, one writer asks: In fact who is the friar? Somebody egoistic, avaricious, greedy They have been assassins, poisoners, liars, agitators of public peace Look at the true picture of those great men From their perspective, the friars are subversives who stand in the way of a happier union between the colonial state and its subjects.

Yet neither the state nor the Church recognizes this fact. The fourteen net-poems in this anthology are rooted on the historical avant-gardes, using strategies as randomness, tautology, appropriations and are influenced by concrete and conceptual writing. A second collection made in , Gongora WordToys , focuses on the figure of the Spanish Baroque poet Luis de Gongora deconstructing his masterpiece Soledades Solitudes. Since , she develops the Sultan Florvag project, an example of "distributed literature" or "literature across networks", through different media blogs, YouTube, and other platforms 2.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Retrieved from " https: Views Read Edit View history. This page was last edited on 17 April , at

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