Professeur Béatrice Aguessy : Une vie de femme(s) (Ecrire lAfrique) (French Edition)

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Above all, and most importantly, they were involved in import and export trade. The article makes a survey of the activities of the British commercial enterprises in the context of its economic open-door policy. It also shows the measures taken by the enterprises to conform to the colonial philosophy espoused by Webster and Boahen on the mission of colonies to be self-sup- porting by providing agricultural export for imperial country and selling their manufactured goods in return.

For this central agenda to be attained, the commercial enterprises set up commercial plantations. The volcanic soils around the slopes of Mount Fako in Victoria made the cultiva- tion of a wide range of cash crops plausible. The crops included rubber, ba- nana, palm oil and kernel, cocoa, and tobacco.

The cultivation of these crops on industrial scale necessitated the establishment of commercial plantation companies to take care of the production and marketing of the produce. It was in this background that the John Holt and Company Ltd. They applied and obtained a temporary land lease at Munyenge-Muyu- ka where they established a cocoa plantation.

Some of the land was used for real estate investment. In , for instance, JHC used parts of its plots in Tiko to construct company stores as well as buildings for labourers and man- agerial personnel. Be- tween and , the company acquired acres of land for the cultivation of crops and provision of housing facilities for its workers. From to when the AFC took formal control over the management of the wharf from German contractors, the company invested a colossal sum of pounds for the construction of buildings, railways and develop- ment of the wharf in Tiko.

The Wharf was the principal exit channel for commodities destined for the international market, particularly, in Europe. British irms in the Import-export market Economy Most of the irms in one way or the other were involved in import and export trade. The British colonial administration played a considerable role in this endeavour. Import and export duties were levied on irms which acted as a source of revenue for the government.

Between and , for instance, ships from different European countries and America entered British South- ern Cameroons. The custom inspector, Mr. Manson at the Victoria port was charged with the responsibility to collect duties from the ships that entered and those which were cleared. Table 1 shows the number of ships which entered British Southern Cameroons and were cleared and the coun- tries which owned the ships.

Annual Report on Cameroons Province, From table 1, it is observed that in and , most of the ships that entered and cleared in Victoria were from Britain. This is understand- ably so because Britain was in control of the territory and were interested in establishing trade links that were to be beneicial to the British economy in England.

The signiicant presence of German ships especially in is ex- plained by the re-appropriation of most of the plantations by German plant- ers after the London auctions of the British plantations. As the new landlords of the plantations the German planters directed a good deal of the produce to Germany and in return shipped into the territory a considerable quantity of manufactured goods.

Evidence to this is the fact that in , for- ty-eight ships entered the territory from Britain while thirty-two came from Germany. In the situation was a little bit different where many more German ships entered and cleared in the territory than British ships. Six- ty-two and sixty-one German ships as against ifty-eight British ships that entered and cleared. The total number of ships that entered the territory in and were ninety-one and one hundred and thirty six, respectively. The total volume of goods were and This gave a gross total of tons of goods for the two years.

Out of these totals, British ships brought in some tons of goods, that is well over half of the volume of goods that entered the territory. Although the British brought in and cleared many more ships than all the other Western shipping countries put together, the current of competition to exploit and export plan- tation produce as well as the race to gain a wide market for the importation and sale of manufactured goods was very rife among the expatriate irms and budding African irms.

Due to the lucrative nature of the cash crop economy, a good num- ber of British commercial enterprises, notably, the AFC engaged themselves in the production and exportation of cash crops.

Account Options

Table 3 shows exports of cash crops and value in pounds in British Southern Cameroons from to Table 2 shows that among the different cash crops produced and ex- ported from the Victoria Division, cocoa outmatched the other products in terms of tonnage and value in pound. The second most valuable commodity was coffee. From to which either increased or remained stagnant. Most of the commercial enterprises in British Southern Cameroons were involved in the production and exportation of agro-industrial products and importation of varied semi-manufactured and manufactured commod- ities.

The UAC was involved in the importation and marketing of a wide range of goods especially, building materials. The British oficials equally needed these materials for the con- struction of private and public bungalows. Conscious of this exigency, UAC imported items such as water proof cement, expanded metal, rooing sheets, loor tiles, enameled baths, lavatory basins and lighting conductors.

They were involved in the importation of polythene packaging bags, sanitary and some construction materials like cold coat In order to market their imports, the company established retail shops in towns like Tiko, Buea, Muyuka, Mamfe and Kumba. The company imported polythene bags which was used for this purpose.

Juin-Juillet 2016

The company was equally involved in the importation of liquor. Importation of Liquor in gallons No Brand 1 Brandy 44 36 24 37 90 2 Whisky 3 Rum 9 2 12 14 18 4 Gin 1, 5 Beer 1, 3, 4, 10, Source: Annual Report Cameroons Province, The statistics on Table 3 gives quick iconic meaning when expressed graphically. Graphs presents a graphic picture of the importation of dif- ferent brands of potent but strictly controlled drinks in Southern Cameroons under British administration from to Brandy imported Graph 1, Shows that the quantity of brandy imported in was higher than succeeding years from In , the importation of brandy more than doubled indicating an unprecedented increase in demand.

Whisky imported Graph 2 shows that the quantity of whisky imported had a tidal na- ture, that is, it rose, dropped, rose again and nose-dived. In it rose, in it dropped, in it increased appreciably and dropped drastically in This could be explained by the international regulations on liquor trade and the British policy to cautiously apply the rules in the territory. Rum imported from According to Graph 3, in the gallons of rum imported were nine, in it dropped abysmally to two and between - , import in- creased due to high demand.

Gin imported From Graph 4, in , the gallons of gin imported were In import plummeted and increased appreciably from to Beer imported from Graph 5 makes evident that in some gallons of beer were imported and from imports increased at a stupendous rate indicating the growing consumer interest and lucrative business in the product. From the statistics on table 3 and the graphic representations on graphs , it is evident that signiicant attention was placed on the importation of potent drinks in Southern Cameroons. The differences in the quantities im- ported by brand and the variations across the years indicates that the liquor trade was not an open activity.

Rather it was an activity that succumbed to international trade policies. The relatively low quantity of liquor imported into the territory in could be informed by the inluence of the St Germain Convention31 which among other issues gave attention to the liquor trafic in Africa.

The Convention sought to continue the struggle against the dangers of alcoholism throughout the entire African continent with the exceptions of Algiers, Morocco, Tunis and South Africa as deined in Article 1 of the Act. Germain convention declared in its preamble that it was necessary to prohibit the importation of distilled beverages rendered more especially dangerous to the native population by the nature of the products entering into their compositions or by the opportunity which a low price gives for their extended use.

Germain Con- vention were marked by a general increase in the amount of spirits imported into British West African territories This came on the heels of petitions from the British Committee on Trade and Taxation and later the Conference of controllers of Customs of British West Africa in October that the prohibition on the trade in spirits was adversely affecting British trade. These calls led to the alteration of the deinition of trade spirits to allow the readmission of Dutch gins and all other spirits regardless of how cheap they were, that were manu- factured from fermented grape juice, barley, rye, sugar, maize or a march of cereal grains provided they did not contain extraneous harmful ingredients.

This explains why in relative terms, the quantity of liquor imported increased steadily from to Besides, the international trade activity of the irms, many other developments took place in the territory which could be described as side advantages of the open door economy. The company took advantage of the high demand for banana in the world market and embarked on the production and freighting of the fruit. In this connection, the enter- prise acquired acres of land in different localities along the fertile crescent of Mount Fako especially, Missellele, Tiko, Buea, Muea, Lysoka, Likoko and Masone.

This enterprise employed hundreds of British Southern Cameroo- nians to work on its plantations in order to increase35 productivity and to process the fruit before it was exported. They assessed the banana which was mature, wrapped with polythene and labelled. Apart from the incidence of World War II, the enterprise maintained an unbroken connection with banana growing areas and distribution in their own ships. In , at the request of the Colonial Ofice, they began to ship banana from plantations formerly owned by the Germans in the Cameroons.

This service continued until November when imports of banana ceased from all sources because of war demands on shipping tonnage. Shipments resumed in March from the British Cameroons after the war. Elders Fyffes operated a shipping line which transported passengers. The ship was stratiied according to different grades and the fares for the grades depended on the facilities that were provided.

Passengers were classiied in alphabetical order. Clayton and Brothers and J. Williams that went operational in Besides, there was an increasing number of produce buy- ers, especially at the end of the Second World War, most of whom started as agents of the expatriate irms. The presence and activities of the irms also contributed to the de- velopment of a buoyant retail network much of which was dominated by Igbo retailers who entered branches of the import trade, specializing in wares such as stock ish and textiles.

The presence of the Igbo expanded the variety of goods in the territory as they readily established connections with com- mercial centers in British Nigeria, especially Onitsha, for the importation of cheap Japanese wares. The repercussion of this development was that the Igbo undercut the goods that came from British irms by selling at prices comparatively lower than British goods.

In addition to these trading factories, the A. Reading had a factory at Tombel. The spread of these factories did not effectively give the British irms competitive advantage especially in Kumba Division and Mamfe Division where discriminatory practices of buying local produce like cocoa and palm products forced the indigenes to link up with trading centers in French Cameroun especially in Nkongsamba and Douala and British Ni- geria respectively.

This trade diversion handicapped the scale of business of the British irms. This was just one of the side developments of the open door policy which liberalized trade in the territory and made the British irms vul- nerable to ierce competition from rival expatriate and African trading irms. Perhaps the most telling side development concerning British enter- prises, especially those combining agro-industrial production and exportation was the expropriation by the Custodian of Enemy Property and selling of the former German plantations to the British colonial government of Nigeria.

At the end of the war, the organisation of the plantatations was radically altered when the colonial government leased the plantations to the Cameroons De- velopment Corporation, CDC, a parastatal created in The CDC was charged with managing the plantations for the beneit of the inhabitants of the British Cameroons.

Heinzen alludes that this development had a crucial consequence in the fate of British irms in that: The plantations became state property and as such the proits to be made from that property were destined by law to be used for the in- habitants of the territory. This meant that the CDC operated under a collection of social obligations for schools, housing and health care that the interwar private plantations had not been expected to pro- vide42 Again, the CDC was required among other things to develop any lands as the government might put under its control.

It was to buy and sell livestock and produce, to operate wharves, marine craft and railways, undertake research works and engage in import and export trade. It was also stipulated that the Corporation be a proit making concern, pay income tax and that its proits paid over to the Nigerian government, were to be used in inancing speciic developmental projects in the Southern Cameroons. These two private irms depended on the CDC for the lease of the lands and were by virtue of their lesser size alone, under the inluence of the greater CDC administration. This was also true of the Elders and Fyffes enterprise that encouraged bananas production at cooperative levels, irst at village cooperative societies and secondly through the amalgamation of several village cooperative societ- ies that ended up in the Bakweri Cooperative Union of Farmers BCUF that gave managerial supervision for peasant farmers and small holder schemes.

Conclusion From when the British set up a provisional governing administration to when they formally left British Southern Cameroons, mile stone de- velopments occurred in the domain of trade. The article has examined and assessed the activities of the irms as they attempted to respond to the critical demands of the European economy.

It has been shown that in the context of the Open Door Policy, the British allowed different expatriate irms to oper- ate in the territory but tried to occupy the intermediate space that served the needs of the European industrial economy by securing vital raw materials for industrial production and consumption zones for manufactured goods.

By this, the irms centered attention on the exploitation of plantation products for exportation. This policy went in line with the vent-in-surplus philosophy where the territory stood as a consumer point for goods that were produced in Britain and other Western countries. The article has shown that in spite of the administrative advantage, the British irms did not effectively dominate the commercial economy of the Cameroon coast.

Disinterest, lack of techni- cal know-how to manage the plantations and eventual liquidation of most of the estates to former German planters, re-empowered German trading con- cessions. The German commercial resurgence watered down British ability to exert inluential control over the cash crop trade. In the same perspective, inadequate tenacity, and loose protectionism gave opportunity for commer- cial leakages that went in favour of French Cameroun.

The study equally revealed that the entry of the Igbo in the retail network and diversion of trade towards British Nigeria undercut the British irms and made them incapable of establishing a sustainable commercial hegemony on the Cameroon coast. It has also been discussed that in the context of the Open Door Policy, the British lexible concessions, especially the opening of the Cameroons Devel- opment Corporation in , drastically fragilised the grip of British irms and brought new actors and developments in the economy of the territory that replaced the activities previously coordinated by the irms.

A study of the economic evolution of British Cameroons. A study in colonialism and underdevelopment Madison: Nkemnji Global Tech, Macmillan Publishers, , Boahen, The Growth of African Civilization: Longman, , O Ogunremi and E. Rex Charles Publication, ,. Encourage- ment of Policy, Europeans who traded with Cameroon and other parts of Black Africa from the 15th to the 19th centuries were interested in, and dealt more with items other than slaves.

Even when slaves became the most proitable commodity, trade in other articles continued to be voluminous. Not up to half the total number of traders became in- volved in any way with slave trade. From Prehistoric times to the nineteenth century, London and Oxford: Macmillan Education Ltd , Occupation of Native Plot at Tiko, It was the most popular road surfacing material used on Nigerian roads. With this notion in mind, the public works department in British Southern Cameroons requested for the importation of this material.

Finish Foundation for Alcohol Studies, , 33 Ibid. Macmillan, , The British Southern Cameroons A study in colonialism and underdevelopment. Edited by Njeuma, M. In- troduction to the History of Cameroon in the nineteenth and twentieth Centuries. Rex Charles Publication, From Prehistoric times to the nineteenth century. Macmil- lan Education Ltd, Pan, Lyn, Alcohol in Colonial Africa. Finish Foundation for Alcohol Studies, Webster, B and Boahen, A. The Growth of African Civilization: Occupation of Native Plot at Tiko, Bua, Encouragement of Poli- cy,Buea, Consequently, pollution rituals with religio- cultural roots are used by the Weh in removing impurities.

Using resources gleaned from ritual and anthropological studies, as well as from traditional African religion, this paper explores Weh religious cleansing rituals which are directed at removing impurities in individuals and the community. The paper is intended to illuminate the value and signiicance of traditional African rituals for the surmounting of polluting forces in the Weh context.

These rituals, as the paper asserts, represent an indigenous religious process which is still relevant today in spite being trapped in sustained western inluences. Weh Traditional Religion, Belief Systems, impurities, puriication rituals Introduction The pollution of society and the rituals accompanying the restoration of purity have been studied by various authors.

Hutchings holds that the belief in the mystical forces of pollution and the consequences accruing from it has been a widespread phenomenon in Africa. In some cases, the whole society is considered tainted by the tragic death. So, community members, especially among the Yoruba and Zulu participate in cleansing ritual ceremonies performed by ritual specialists. Adewuya underlines the centrality of cleansing rituals in the African setting by arguing that traditional Africans are not only familiar with puriication rites but understand the reasons underpinning such religious acts.

Indeed death rituals in traditional African cultures help in the puriication of the mourners who are believed to be tainted from contact with the dead. In the Bamenda Grassields of Cameroon where Weh is located, the people involved in traditional religious practices to win the favour of God and ancestral spirits as regards the restoration of purity. Among the Esu, Fungom, Aghem and Weh of the northwestern grassields, there existed priests whose role was to perform religious rituals to relief the society of pollution. These rituals as earlier noted were performed by ritual priests who possessed powers circumscribed on them by the will of the gods and ancestral spirits.

During the pre-colonial era, belief in these fertility-related religious practices was communal and absolute, and scarcely challenged. With the colonization and westernization of the Bamenda Grassields as elsewhere in Africa, the people started losing some of their indigenous religious values including puriication ritual practices. Apart from discrediting most aspects of indigenous religion, missionaries proposed Christianity-related solutions to the problems faced by Africans including pollution.

Thus, the introduction of Christianity and western education on the heels of colonization had a negative bearing on African religious rituals.

This is the context in which the mutation of its cleansing rituals should be placed. In this Tikar chiefdom, the successive German and British colonial governments alongside Roman Catholic and Protestant missionaries helped in transforming the religion and world view of the people. In his general assessment of the impact of Christianity in Cameroon, Mbaku observes that Christianity remains very attractive because it offers new answers to personal problems.

All these have reduced the inluence of religious practices connected with puriication. Since the establishment of the Weh polity in the mid nineteenth century, therefore, people have attempted to solve the problem of impurity in a variety of ways, ranging from faith in indigenous puriication rituals to a reliance on Christian practices. These western inluences notwithstanding, Weh traditional religious cleansing rituals continue to play vital roles in solving the problem of pollution.

In this paper, I focus on the changing nature of the cleansing rituals in the Weh community alongside their striking continuity. As the study posits, the practice of the rituals has changed with time when compared to the way they were observed in the past, especially before the colonial encounter. In the irst section of the article, I briely describe the theoretical background against which an appreciation of Weh puriication rituals can be done. The second section lays out Weh belief systems as a means of interpreting the origins of cleansing rituals.

In the third section, I discuss how cleansing rituals were observed before the colonial encounter. Finally, the fourth section examines the continuing signiicance of these rituals despite the introduction of competitive western forces. Frame of Analysis This study on puriication rituals in the context of Weh beliefs and indigenous religion draws its analysis from several postulations.

Some scholars have argued for and against the relevance of ritual observances. For Rama Mani rituals emerged as diverse responses of humankind to the bewildering wonderment of our planet. According to Douglas, pollution rituals along with the cultures underpinning them are not rigid and stagnant. Drawing his insight from various African Indigenous Religions, Awolalu has argued in favour of the religious status of African puriication rituals.

Clearly, therefore, ritual and belief are intertwined given that the former cannot exist without the latter. I have briely attended to the foregoing debates in the hope that these will form a theoretical background against which an appreciation of Weh puriication rituals can be done. These puriication rituals in the light of these debates represent an indigenous religious process which is still relevant today in spite being caught in injurious colonially inherited practices.

It forms part of the area referred in scholarly literature as the northwestern grassields. The Weh population which is estimated to be around 8. The removal of impurities in the community is therefore the preserve of the ritual priests. The origin of Weh cleansing rituals can be understood in the context of their belief systems and indigenous religion. According to Christraud Geary, a German anthropologist who devoted many years of research to the traditional belief systems of the Weh and their religious ritual societies and associations, the traditional beliefs were with the Weh from the time of settlement while others were acquired from their Tikar neighbours in the northwestern region of the Bamenda Grassields.

The people believe that the Supreme Being manifests in all life and nature and provides solutions to myriad of problems. And given that they believe that Keze created the world and all in it, a breach of, or failure to abide to societal principles amounts to the displeasure of the Supreme Being and ancestral spirits. This could be positive if the behavior was in line with the norm or vice versa if it was a breach of the established rule.

So impurity, to some extent, was a product of forbidden conducts. The Weh saw forbidden conducts as actions that go against the good and wellbeing of other individuals, the community, and even against Keze and ancestral spirits. The agents of death-related impurity can be the angered spirits of those who die tragically suicide, murder, drowning and other accidents , or those whose burial does not conform to established norms. As conirmed by our informants, such angry spirits can be at the origin of misfortunes to their family members or the community as a whole. Such tragic deaths and improper burials, the informants said, are polluting forces that necessitate cleansing rituals in the hope of appeasing such angry spirits.

As regards to killing in every circumstance even in the event of war, it is considered as bloodshed among the Weh. The killer, it is believed, is vulnerable to pollution at the origin of which is the embittered spirit of his victim. Consequently, a specialized ritual society known as Ndau Ifa House of Ifa ritually purify the killer as shall be discussed later in this paper.

Besides, the Weh have a religious attitude towards land as well as all other things connected to it. For them, the guidance of land with its natural resources is the preserve of ancestral spirits.

And given the centrality of these spirits in Weh religion, the attitude to land is religious and this accounts for the existence of prescribed restrictions relating to it. This hinges on the belief that the breach of the sacredness of land can anger ancestors and the Supreme Being who are capable of causing punitive drought, epidemics and poor harvest. What emerges from the foregoing is that pollution among the Weh as elsewhere in Africa was a religious matter that had to be addressed in a religious manner.

It was supposedly the need to appropriately perform observances to Keze and divinized ancestors that resulted in an aura of traditional religious rituals performed by ritual experts. These ritual practices as already noted accrued from the intellectual acumen and creative endeavours of the Weh. Generally, the Weh indigenous religion has many ritual practices having to do with various aspects of human problem solving. Some of the rituals were intended to cleanse the community when there was pollution and misfortune while others were concerned with marriage, birth, death, the fertility of farmlands, and childlessness.

This is because cleansing rituals are also observed in neighboring fondoms like Fungom, Aghem, Mmen, and Fang. Like elsewhere in Africa as Taringa conirms, these spirits act as guardians of the family traditions, providers of fortune, and punishers of breakers of accepted rules. This explains why Weh ancestors are, among other things, associated with misfortunes: Irrefutably therefore, the question of puriication stands in the heart of Weh beliefs and religion.

As already argued, therefore, the religiosity of Weh cleansing rituals hinges on their connection with accredited characteristics of religion, namely, belief in supernatural beings, ritual acts focused on sacred objects, a worldview, a moral code believed to be sanctioned by the gods, and a social group bound together by the preceding characteristics. Douglas observes that ritual is relevant for controlling human experience at a societal level.

These rituals which lourished almost unperturbed before the colonial encounter were the preserve of ritual priests who headed speciic and specialized ritual lodges. Generally, Weh cleansing rituals were related to tragic death, murder, removal of impurities in farmlands and the annual puriication of the whole community. This section pays attention to the performance of these rituals before the colonial encounter.

It was the Ndau Keum House of cleansing and protection that had and still has the preserve to perform cleansing rituals relating to tragic deaths and the puriication of the entire community. So, in the context of tragic deaths and community cleansing, the Weh performed puriication rituals known as Keum. It was noted that tragic death Vuih Nyung is considered as a source of pollution to the society. In Weh culture, it is believed that relatives of those who die tragically are not only in a position of danger themselves, but are also a source of pollution to the society.

As such, they need appropriate Keum rituals in order to be puriied of misfortunes accruing from the embittered spirits of the dead. The latter receives his esoteric knowledge from his predecessors, members of the same patrilineage. The Chief Priest was ranked among the spiritual and moral leaders of the community because of his status as agent of Keze and ancestral spirits. Membership during the pre-colonial era was opened to heads of patrilineages across the chiefdom. Those who met the entrance conditions were given special bags Mbeughe ku Keum which they carried during the rituals. Although the Fon is not a member of Keum and does not control it, he requested the ritual when Weh experienced a tragic death.

Therefore, the ritual generally took place when the need for it arose and when the Fon expressed the wish for action. After receiving instructions from the Fon to perform a cleansing ritual in the event of tragic death, the Ritual Priest then held a preparatory meeting with the members of Ndau Keum. It was during such meetings that some ritual experts were assigned to harvest the herbs required for the ceremony from the lone sacred forest in the fondom. In Weh culture, as Moses Kum Keum Chief Priest observed, it is believed that particular trees and herbs are imbued with cleansing powers accruing from ancestral spirits.

The ritual experts also agreed on the day of the ritual and informed the Fon and the whole community. The family of the deceased provided the items needed for the ritual: As narrated by some ritual experts, the dog is used because of the belief that it possesses mythical and religious powers. On the day of the ritual, all members gathered in the Ndau Keum for the preparation of the powder and liquid medicine. The ritual was an occurrence that was separated from normal affairs because it required special preparation by ritual experts with the hope of attracting the intervention of the supernatural beings.

He led the ritual experts in saying prayers to the Supreme Being through the ancestors and in sprinkling the medicine with palm wine. All these took place in the ritual lodge and constituted the irst phase of the Keum ritual. The second phase of the ritual took place in a special stream called Dzu Wai. This stream is, in fact, a space set apart for the ceremony because of the sacredness of the water in it. It is worth mentioning that water bodies in Weh are considered to be under the mystical tutelage of ancestral spirits.

So Dzu Wai is a vital part of Weh religious life and it is here that the relatives of the deceased and other members of the community gathered for the ritual. This explains why ritual experts used it to remove impurities as well as to cool the avenging spirits of victims of tragic deaths. Before moving to the cleansing ritual site in a religious procession, the Chief Priest invoked the spirits of his predecessors by pouring the medicine and palm wine on their graves.

Besides, the ritual priest placed a peace plant Ikeng across his mouth indicating that he was not allowed to talk to anybody. At the ritual site, all participants were stripped naked before the ceremony began. The pot containing the medicine - a blend of plants, oil and palm wine — was placed in the stream. The dog was slaughtered and the blood lowed into the pot.

After the saying of prayers and invocations, the Chief Priest held the hen together with some herbs for the blood bath to begin. From this moment, the hen and herbs were put into the pot and stream and sprinkled on the participants a few meters downstream. Thus, the participants were washed with the medicine, blood and sacred water in the stream in the hope of getting rid of impurities. The dog and hen were not consumed; rather they were thrown into the river as sacriice to the ancestors. Here, the powder medicine was administered to each of the participants. All the participants warmed their hands and feet on the ire and inhaled the smoke for the purpose of internal cleansing.

This concluded the second phase and the participants returned to their homes with assurances of being cleansed from misfortunes and protected from avenging spirits. It is important to note that the cock, though taken back to the Ndau Keum, was not consumed by the Keum ritual experts. Rather, it was eaten only by the members of the Ndau Ifa an association of persons who have ever killed a human being. As we shall discuss later, Ndau Ifa involves in the ritual cleansing of killers.

The Ndau Keum, as earlier pointed out, was also concerned with the general cleansing of the community, especially when many deaths, prolonged drought, infertility, poor harvest and many other misfortunes were recorded. It was the Fon who expressed the need for general cleansing which involved only the ritual experts. Its initial stage involved the ritual sacriicing of a black dog in the Ndau Keum.

This pouring of blood was meant to appease the angered spirits of the ancestors. If these misfortunes persisted, as recounted by our informants, the Fon was taken to Dzu Wai for the Keum ritual. In Weh culture, therefore, it is believed that the Fon can be polluted. We now turn our attention to rituals directed at removing impurities in people who involved in bloodshed. Le 29 juillet au festival Jazz in Marciac voir page La culture et la valorisation patrimoine sont es- sentielles pour le territoire. Elle occupe une place importante dans le cadre des politiques que nous mettons en place.

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Du 25 juin au 10 septembre. Sandro de Palma, piano. A 21h30 sur la Place J. Les 12, 13 et 15 juillet. Soprano - Thierry Jam: Du 18 au 30 juillet. Du 7 juillet au 15 septembre. Duodel, duo de guitare et violon. Du 18 au 29 juillet. Schumann, Quatuor pour Piano et Cordes op. Camerata Avem sous la direction de Vladimir Stoupel. Mendelssohn, Octuor pour Cordes op. Lara 1 Oruno D. Mvone Ndong 5 Simon-Pierre E. Ananfack 1 Zacharia Sall 1 Zacharia W.

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L'Afrique subsaharienne et la mondialisation. Loin de Varanasi de Bertrand Du Chambon. Droit congolais de la famille de Antoinette Kebi-Mounkala. Essais sur le discours Somali de William Souny. Carnets de route de Ernest Psichari. Ces jours qui dansent avec la nuit de Caya Makhele. Comprendre autrement le Mvett de Laurent Minko Bengone.

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