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At this time, architect Armando Brasini replanned the northern curve of the piazza with pompous architectural splendor demonstrating the Palazzo di Giustizia's effect on contemporary architecture. The opening of the Navona wall was blocked, however, in A clearance opening at the southern edge of the piazza was also planned that would have designated the origin of the route to the Palazzo di Giustizia at the Piazza Pantaleone, the half-way point of the former "Via Nazionale" as stipulated in the convention21,.
The urban route to the Palazzo di Giustizia was to be integrated with the major artery of secular Rome and characterized by the political figures commemorated along that route, from the monument to Victor Emanuel, turning at Minghetti, to that to Cavour. The central piazza in Prati grew from Viviani's first ideas presented in Plans for the erection of a monument to Cavour in Rome were proposed in the city council since ; yet, the idea of erecting a national monument took precedence Prati attracted the attention of many designers in the context of the first Victor Emanuel Monument competition, such as Erolo Eroli who planned an ensemble of institutional buildings, including a palace of justice, around a "Piazza del Risorgimento Italiano" at the convergence of the Viali Vaticano and Nazionale "dove si potrebbe solennizzare da Roma intera le feste nazionali" At the center, an enormous version of Bramante's Tempietto supported a tumulus of celebratory sculpture.
With the simultaneous designation of the sites for the Victor Emanuel Monument on the Capitoline Hill and the Palazzo di Giustizia in Prati, the monument to Cavour found a suitable location with the ideological tone set by the courts building. The city council designated the piazza in honor of Cavour by October , and thus placed an image of the creator of Italy's ideal ecclesiastical policy before the key institution in implementing it. Municipal and national government forces converged to give Prati, at the base of the Vatican hill, a definitive political stamp which inspired Andrea Busiri-Vici, designing again the architectural terrain between Church and State, to propose in a monument for Prati entitled "La Legge uguale per tutti" The analysis of the expansion of Roma Capitale into the Prati di Castello evidences a clear political move to introduce near to the Vatican the secular juridical institution.
This same ideological and iconographical intention guided the selection of the architectural design for the Palazzo di Giustizia. The call for designs, opened only to Italian designers, at first elicited works ranging from the monotonous to the turgid; but everywhere evident was a prevailing consciousness of the project's relationship to its immediate environment of historical structures, exemplified by the unsolicited perspective view provided by Vincenzo Martinucci in which his campanile lined up with the archangel on the fortress and the orb and cross on St.
Even the jury members represented in their range of professional profiles a significant multivalent group. Giovanni Montiroli , the president of the first competition jury manifested a ductile political nature when he adapted his project for the Piazza dell'Esedra, originally prepared for Pius IX, as the Monument to Victor Emanuel II in Andrea Busiri-Vici, who was president of the second competition jury, prepared, among his many projects eloquent of the political situation, a design for the sventramento of the Borgo Spina, the ultimate symbol of the reconciliation of Church and State Reconciliatory intentions are evidenced in the judging criteria; they disapproved of motifs too closely associated with ecclesiastical buildings, such as domes and bell towers, and preferred more secular, horizontal "palazzo" type massings The pattern of their decisions suggests the proposal of a secular architectural equivalent or dialectical complement to the ecclesiastical building type, as is evidenced by the success of Calderini's three successive competition designs which elaborated insistently upon a broad, continuous horizontal three-story elevation.
In the final competition, closely supervised by Zanardelli, Ernesto Basile's Palermo, domed Neo-Imperial design lost to Guglielmo Calderini's rusticated palace inspired by Italian sixteenth-. Perugia, after the expulsion of papal rule and the destruction of the Rocca Paolina, was the arena of his first independent works. His few writings on architecture honor his compatriot, Galeazzo Alessi, and extol Michelangelo's exemplary breadth of creativity, "ambidue immensi e creatori di una nuova arte" Calderini practiced an architectural theory of free inspiration from historical prototypes rather than an imitation of set academic models and he emulated in his era the principled renewal of architecture of the Renaissance as understood in the work of Bramante For the Palazzo di Giustizia, Calderini developed themes from the Italian Classical Cinquecento in an historicist architectural language of formal associations to a range of appropriate historical precedents.
Careful identification and analysis of the historicist nature of the Palazzo di Giustizia will reveal a correspondence between architectural image and political program upon the basic theme of the courthouse before the church. The composition of the Palazzo di Giustizia presents "una intiera massa, su base quadrilatera, nella zona inferiore del fabbricato [che] fosse assai utile a guadagnare quella imponenza e grandezza che sono necessarie per imprimere il dovuto carattere all'edificio" Academic traditions maintained the rhetorical along with the architectural forms and in nineteenth-century texts "aspetto" appears not in substitution of "style" but describes an essential character of an architectural form beyond connotations of historical idiom.
Calderini's handling is equally vigorous with rusticated Doric and Ionic orders, heavy fenestration ornament, and a remarkable vitality carried throughout the. Calderini's historical sources for the rusticated image may have included the Etruscan arched gates in Perugia, Roman Imperial remains, palaces of the Florentine Renaissance and Mannerist periods, the "stile rustico", and Piranesi and the prison architecture in the Italian Renaissance and French Beaux-Arts, the amalgamation of which underscores his eclectic historicist nature; yet to none of these sources was Calderini tied in an imitative sense.
Rustie stylobates had a particular power for the architect. A similar process of appropriation of an appropriate pre-existing rusticated stylobate was undertaken for the Palazzo di Giustizia in Rome. The papal Palazzo dei Tribunali by Bramante was begun by order of Pope Julius II, the church's greatest temporal ruler and most comprehensive architectural visionary; only the lower portions were. Bramante's project was understood in Calderini's time as the ruins of proud papal ambition and a lost Bramantean masterpiece, according to Emile Zola's cicerone Calderini, in turn, guided his own student, Gustavo Giovannoni , to the first modern study of the structure Just as Bramante's centralized design for New St.
Peter's fixed the ideal Renaissance church type, scholars of the nineteenth century pondered that the Palazzo dei Tribunali, if completed, would have been the quintessential Roman palazzo The nineteenth-century hagiography of architectural history conferred on Bramante a towering status and praises of him - the ability to reform architecture by the rejuvenation of an historical architectural style - coincide with contemporary trends in theory. Instrumentalizing Bramante's work was central to the education of the architect of the historicist period48, and Calderini, while evoking the unrealized Bramantean masterpiece, simultaneously preempted papal aspirations to temporal power by appropriating the Via Giulia stylobate.
Bertelli, Milano, Skira, , pp. Ambrogio e il culto dei Santi. Nazarius should also have met twice, in Milan, Gervasius and Protasius. The plan of the building is roughly square, arranged according to a five-meter modular unit on a network of continuous corridors following planning methods codified by Durand Gervasio e Protasio di Milano e di s. This idea is proposed also by many later local authors.
The connection is less formal than it is emblematic; the rusticated base served as the basis for the appropriate accent of secular character for a building of temporal justice and would have been inspired as much by Vasari's description as a free and imaginative reconstruction of the building from its impressive remains.
Arturo Calza, writing at the time of the inauguration of the Palazzo di Giustizia, clearly enunciated the relationship between the two buildings and the building programs of Julian Rome and Roma Capitale49,. With Calderini's foundation upon Bramante, the Palazzo di Giustizia stands rightly at the threshold of Church and State relations. The Palazzo di Giustizia lifts an emphatically horizontal profile in Roman skyline in marked contrast to the dominant curvatures of churches' domes.
Repeatedly, the designer and the competition juries excluded consideration of any vertical accents like towers or domes and Calderini worked up an imposing mass which recalled his precedent work for a Roman monument, his first Victor Emanuel Monument, in which he sought. He identified the Palazzo della Cancelleria and the Palazzo Farnese as his specific models for the proportions53 probably in an effort to make his Alessian creation seem more Roman to the judges of the competition yet thereby indicating Bramante, Peruzzi and Michelangelo.
Calderini's historicist consciousness which dwelled on the succession of sixteenth-century masters inevitably arrived at a contemplation of the history of Roman architecture guided by the masters of the Fabbrica of St. Any influence of the cathedral, however, manifests itself in dialectical formal terms. The historicist design of the. Palazzo di Giustizia is both a synthesis of the secular works of Fabbrica masters and a wholly secular image against the background of ecclesiastical symbols in the capital.
The plan of the building is roughly square, arranged according to a five-meter modular unit on a network of continuous corridors following planning methods codified by Durand A segregated distribution designates separate routes into and through the building for the public at the center, magistrates from the rear and detainees from below, in "immediata comunicazione con tutti i principali punti del pianoterreno mediante varie scale e scalette"55, models for which were available in recent European constructions as well as the Doge's Palace in Venice.
Distributed across three major floors, the juridical divisions and all their ancillary offices are arranged hierarchically throughout the building: An "ambulatorio centrale" in the center of the building, three bays deep and nineteen bays long, serves as the public vestibule to all the courts and is repeated on the three superimposed floor levels, so it differs from the northern European "Salle des pas perdus" which Calderini rejected for reasons of circulation, climate, and, he says, conformity to local tradition The ambulatorio is demarcated with robust pier masses signaling graphically an intensity at the center of the building which demonstrates a centralized, crystalline quality of organization typical of the appreciation of Bramante's and Michelangelo's plans for St.
Marcello Piacentini , architect of the only other major courts building in Italy, wrote that the Palazzo di Giustizia has "una pianta di taglio grandioso e monumentale - che avrebbe forse suggerito ambienti di altro taglio, come una Chiesa", for whose monumentality "potremo classificare a carattere basilicale giustificata dal prestigio solenne del pretorio pianta atta a dare agli ambienti un significato e una suggestione spirituale per incitare rispetto e soggezione"57, words applicable to the sensations elicited by Rome's greatest churches.
The Cortile d'Onore is the major open space within the building and is wholly ceremonial in its function. Its square arcaded plan derives from the palazzo courtyard, again Calderini cited the Cancelleria and Farnese58, and may have some reference to a basilican church's forecourt such as Calderini was designing with Giuseppe Sacconi for San Paolo fuori le mura in The cortile is significant as the key to the Italian typological identification of the building.
Against the well-defined foreign model of the court house building type there was an inverse deficiency of Italian examples. As a modern building type with foundations in the eighteenth-century juridical reform, its codification came with French academic research in character60 which would inspire the built projects across Europe.
While for Italy, thoughts on the court house building type remained with Alberti and Palladio who developed the idea of re- secularizing the basilica from Vitruvius to reaffirm its pre-Christian origin as a space for forensic orators. In the program for the final competition, the open "Cortile d'Onore" was stipulated in counterdistinction to the "Salle des pas perdus", with obvious nationalistic overtones, which excoriated Basile's design for a grand thermal hall while Calderini had already experimented with the. Resisting foreign models, a search for an indigenous type was required, and was forged from appropriate historical precedents.
This applied to the implicit iconography of the architectural forms which were intended to transmit a trenchant secularity. Mi accorsi che la detta Aula [Massima], nel modo come io la ideai nel precedente progetto prendeva un poco l'aspetto di chiesa: The inclusion of a cortile helped to define a secular, Italian solution to the new building type. So Calderini, while elaborating on Renaissance palazzi and ancient basilica, posited the new building type in Rome as if to rival in diametrical opposition the accomplishments of sixteenth-century masters in the ecclesiastical type.
The plethora of decorative and sculptural details presents a panorama of iconography on national and secular themes. A bronze quadriga by Ettore Ximenes , a clear pre-Christian allusion to the acroterial sculpture of ancient temples, is the secular answer to the campanile, as was abundantly demonstrated later by the Victor Emanuel Monument's similar commanding bronze groups. Under the entrance archway, a sculptural group by Enrico Quattrini of enthroned Justice flanked by Strength and Law, an alert male and an acquiescent female figure, goes further back through the church tympanum motif to origins in templar pedimental sculpture.
In the cortile the standing Law with book and scepter, also by Quattrini, evokes the pagan idol in her temple cella. Figured keystones present Minerva, Quintino Sella's preferred symbol of. Masculine figures are used to represent the active protectors of the institution: The upper-most cornice of the building was originally designed with lions as brackets Many figures of lions had been planned for the building, many more than appear in the final version, but the imagery, perhaps too autocratic, was altered in to figures of kneeling bulls, yoked with laden garlands The image of subjugation overrides any association of the animal to other uses in papal heraldry; similar figures also appear on the Victor Emanuel Monument.
The transformation may have some connection with contemporary attitudes toward the justice system in and of authoritarian abuse of the institution especially against southern unrest, and the yoked bull turned the feature into a didactic notion directed towards the citizenry and its implicit responsibilities. Throughout the building, monarchic symbols are downplayed and in some documented cases suppressed Savoia arms occur discretely in the decorative program, on the crown of the piazza facade in bronze and above the Aula Massima door where they are held by genii, others held by lions, yet often the shields are tied into place with ribbons like the arms of titular cardinals on churches.
Instead, the symbols of a strong and independent justice institution are promulgated. In the right hand of Justice the sword, the medieval symbol distinguishing temporal from spiritual power, appears in preference to the scales common in scenes of the Last Judgement and archangel Michael's attribute bringing an association with papal justice meted out in the fortress nearby.
The book of law, the caduceus, the balance and inscriptions on shields in the metopes of the doric frieze reconvert the appropriations of Bramante's Tempietto frieze back to the secular domain. Heavily-laden garlands, trophies, shields, fasces, cartouches, lion masks and grotesques, and a myriad of inscribed plaques and attic fascia deprived of their intended inscriptions along with a host of other unexecuted items round out the decorations, pushing the ensemble towards an iconographical completeness as if to match Sacconi's plans for the national monument on the Capitoline and any of Bernini's for the Vatican.
The martyrium had then, according to the anonymous author, taken place in the age of Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus. Grig, Making Martyrs, ext. Bovini, J mosaici di S. A dating before the mid century has been almost generally abandoned, and has been recendy supported by Maoce, Early Christian Chapels, cit. This is also in contrast with some traditional dating of some reflections on the cult of the saints and on civic politics as we have said, should have been killed, according to the other letter, un- der Diocletian and Maximian Ep. But this makes no difference: The family came from Milan to Ravenna, following the army, and there the con- version of Vitalis - and consequently of the entire family - took place.
Only through the meeting with Ursicinus did he meet Christianity. Ur- sicinus also came from Milan, as the Passio clearly states, but the meet- ing, the conversion, the acquisition of sanctity happened in Ravenna. Zanetti, Les Passions des Ss. AmbrogioeU culto dei Santi, eft. Later Ravennate traditions appear to shift the death of Vitalis and Ursi- cinus to the age of Nero, and in particular to the year 58 Tomai, Historia di Ravenna, cit, p.
But this success spread also geographically: But he gets converted by a Valentinus, and goes then to Ravenna to be killed in his turn delehaye, L'bagiograpbie anaenne, eft. And we already know what should have happened there. There is again some chronological confusion these events are Sashed forward to Diocletian's persecution , but also this passio has been written not earlier than ie 6th century. The hierarchy is absolutely clear: This legend was of course not immediately accepted in Milan, as the mentioned mosaics of S.
Vittore in Gel d'Oro, most probably realized when the legend of the "Ravennate Vitalis" had already begun to spread, clearly show, and the brotherhood of the two saints will only later be adopted here. In addition, the "hagiographical hierarchy" arose at the same moment in which, even on an ecclesiastical level, the contrast between Milan and Ravenna was very strong: Boesch Gajano alludes only very briefly to the "competition" between Milan and Ravenna p.
See also Deuyannis, Ravenna in Late Antiquity, ck. When, after the death of pope Zosimus in , a synod to decide the succession was organized on the 8th February in Ravenna itself, so that the emperor could take part in it, the Ravennate bishop, it has been noted, played almost no role in the meeting. When in , after the death of pope Anastasius another meeting was organized by Theuderich in Ravenna, to solve the controveisy between Symmachus and Laurence, the local bishop, Petrus, seems to have played a completely different and much more important role: Simonini, Li cbiesa ravennate, cit.
The same Pfeter Chrysologus, piobably the first metropolitan bishop, could have been repre- sented in the Placidian mosaics of S. Giovanni Evangelista - well inserted then in the political message of the imperial family as setded in the city Agn. This interpretation, which contrasts entirely with the local sources and traditions, would underline in any case how the Ravennate tradition remembered Peter Chrysologus, and his bishopric, in connection with Galla Pladdia, with her building program in Ravenna, with the increased importance of the city in that period.
The problem of the connection be- 4 filippo carl a Theodoret of Cyrrhus also states that, around the mid-5 century, Ra- venna must be considered on the same level of Milan and Aquileia Ep. In connection with this, we can also recognize a hagiographical development, in which the doubling s. Vitalis in two saints, one from Bo- logna, killed under Diocletian and found by Ambrose and whose body could have been thought to be, at least in part, in Florence and one from Ravenna, although originally coming from Milan, converted and killed un- der Marcus Aurelius, and father of Gervasius and Protasius.
This second Vitalis symbolizes the new role of the city, its opposition to Milan and tween such relationship and the mysterious bishop Johannes is not to be here further ana- lyzed. Simonini, La cbiesa ravennaie, at. Maria del Monte, , pp. Such a tradition should have been generated over a long period of time, through a successive stratification, diffusion, 'consolidation', and transmission of elements Two manuscripts of the 10thth century containing the epistle have a differ- ent version, in which the death of Vitalis and Ursicinus is omitted, although Vitalis and Valeria are named as parents of the Milanese martyrs: ApollinareNuovo, as realized in the Justinianic age after on the occasion of the de-Arianiza- tion of the church.
Vitale had been originally dedicated to the three saints, he proposed that the name of the church led to the creation of the false fatherhood. A Greek translation, containing only the first part of the letter, i. The origin of this tradition is therefore obscure. But what can be taken from it is the idea that the tradition asserting the apostolic nature of the Ravennate see was prob- ably born and established through a gradual process, exactly as in the case of Vitalis' legend.
In Ravennate litanies, as in these mosaics, we And these four saints together as in the mosaics; in the Milanese Canon of the Mass Vitalis is remembered with Apol- linaris, but separated from Geivasius and Protasius, and Ursidnus is absent; in the Roman canon of the Mass they are all missing: Zattoni, La data della Passio S.
Christi ecclesiam apostolica institutione re- tinebat. On the other hand, making Ravenna an apostolic see meant underlin- ing that Milan was not, and that Christians in the latter city had much less noble patrons. On the one hand, there is Anatalon, supposed first bishop sent by Peter, and on the other, Barnabas, friend of Paul. The former is attested for the first time in Paulus Di aeon us - and was probably invented by him; Anatalon enjoyed little popularity until the 12th century. If the Ravennate tradition, which had meanwhile be- come the most popular one, dated the death of the 'twins' at the end of the 2nd century in Milan, the 'new' list of bishops, attested in the Datian history of the 9th century, collocates a bishop Caius in the 1st century, between 63 and 85 Under Caius is also located the activity of a certain Philip, first g.
Cracco Ruggini, Nascita e morie, at. Tomea, Tradizione apostolica e coscienza attadina a Milano ml Medioevo. La leggenda di s. Bartiaha, Milano, Vita e Pensiero, , pp. Tomea, Tradizione apostolica, cit. The conversion of Vitalis and of his whole family is then shifted once again in time and in space: Yet another hagiographical construct connected with Ravenna's enno- bling may be identified, but we lack of sufficient information to be abso- lutely certain.
A church of S. Victoris in the Mar- tyrologium Hieronimianum for the 27 January referred to this church. Victor experienced much less success than Vitalis, and it must be noted, additionally, that he is absent in any of his "identi- ties' ' - exactly as Nazarius and Celsus are - from the procession of saints in S. KmovA, La dittrutta chiesa di S. Vitalis gets a church Since the middle of the 5th century, Vitalis acquired continously greater importance in the civic hagiography of Ravenna compared to Apollinaris, and partially instead of him.
It is no wonder, therefore, that a project of a big urban church for Vitalis was undertaken in the last years of the Gothic rule. The church was built on the site of a previous chapel, known from some capitals and a fragmentary mosaic, dated to the 5th century and broadly contemporary to the "Mausoleo di Galla Placidia", and then en- larged between the second half of the 5th century and the very beginning of the 6th.
Apart from the faa that in the Ra- veimate legend the body of Vitalis, buried alive and covered with water, was not to be found and this explained the lack of relics of the saint , this topographic explanation could be of later origin. As already said, there is no trace of the presence of such relics in Ravenna, which would have then been destroyed, thrown away or forgot instead of being honoured as relics of the "other" Vitalis. Apol- linare Nuovo, the Arian cathedral with the Arian baptistery, the rest rue - turation of the previous imperial palace, Mathasuenta's palace described by Cass.
Apolli- nare Nuovo, and at the entrance of the royal palace another mosaic showed the king between Rome and Ravenna Agn. It can be noted, in any case, that a group of functionaries coming from Liguria had to pass through a "Ravennate" career to be integrated in the Roman senate at this time. Tosca e Teuteria , and placed next to the local basilica Apostolorum. Cracco Ruggini, Acque e lagune, at. In this context we could maybe also see the expressions of personal hostility to Ravenna left by Sidonius Apollinaris, whose observations are also probably at least in part true, but generally appear as an overturning of the typical laudalio wbis Ep.
I would in any case not exaggerate in seeing an opposition between Rome, seat of the "senatorial establishment" and Ravenna, seat of the "military establishment" as does Deliyannis, Ravenna in Late Antiquity, cit.
We can however note how the bishop Johannes, in the time of Odoacer, was remembered because of his spirit of rebellion to the authority of the Roman pope, which is fitting with the role of Ravenna under the herulean king. Reydellet, La regalita teodericiana, in Storia di Ravenna, ax.
Testi Rasponi, Codex Pontificalis, cit. Vitalis was founded, according to Agnellus, when Ec- clesius was bishop Lib. In Agnellus' narrative, the church seems to have been founded, to- gether with S. Maria Maggiore, another church founded by Ecclesius and situated in front of S. Vitale, after the bishop was sent by Theoderic to Constantinople together with pope John, an event that marked the final deterioration of the relationship between Catholics and Arians at the Gothic court.
Maria and in S. Vitale was an anti-Arian mes- sage that made these two foundations welcome to the Byzantine govern- ment: Maria Maggiore must have been intended polemically. On the other hand, the connection, which was now clearly established, of Vitalis with Gervasius and Protasius who had already been used as we know in anti-Arian polemic by Ambrose also made this dedication a symbol of the defence of orthodoxy, and of the movement of the centre of such a defence from the Ambrosian Milan to Ravenna.
After the Byzantine conquest, therefore, the church was finished. The only known financer was Iulianus, pace Barnish, who has suggested that Justi- nian paid personally for the construction: Cosentino, Le fortune di un banchiere tardoantico: Bertelli, Milano, Skira, , pp. Barnish, The Wealth of Iulianus Argentarius: Vitalis was Gervasius and Protasius' father: In the centre of the arch is Christ, then come the portraits of the twelve Apostles, and at last the Milanese saints, extremely similar and young.
Picard, Le souvenir des tveques, cit. It is true that Gervasius and Protasius "keep" the place together with their father, but it is also clearly stated that the church was "consecrated to God" only in the name of Vitalis. Although Ravenna was now the unquestioned capital and Milan endured the siege and the destruction by the Goths in Proc. In , the Three Chapters controversy had begun, and Milan, through the bishop Datius, had taken position, together with Aquileia, against the emperor.
Only the legend could be responsible for the mention of Gervasius and Protasius in the inscription and in the iconographical array: Lorenzo a Milano" Qrelu, Ra- venna, at. Gerola, 11 sacello primitwo, at. In the same way the idea of a preexistent chapel of Ursidnus has no archaeological confirmation, and is normally brought on only with extremely weak arguments: J14 Nazarius and Celsus - we have already underlined - are also not among the martyrs re- presented in the mosaics of S.
Nonetheless, Delehaye, L'hagiograpbie and- enne, at. J1S Zanetti, Les Passions, at. Rasponi, Codex Pontificalis, at, p. Vitale, which was endowed with beautiful mosaics. Here, he says, a treasure was found. Vitale, which is not only in the church itself and not outside and near to it, but also never had mosaics Furthermore il7 According to Rezardi, San Vitale, cit, p. It is possible, but this does not explain the apparent confusion with the mausoleum of Galla Placidia. Of couise he does not speak of any mosaics.
It is then impossible to think that Tomai could call Ss. Ger- vasius and Protasius the parallel pastopborium. Only after finishing the description of S Vitale and its interior, he goes on to talk of this church ''Ss. Gervasio e Piotasio" situating it clearly outside the church even if near it. Gervasio e Protasio" could never be applied to the pastopborium.
The entirei4e- tnilia was now clearly under his ecclesiastical control. In consequence, the ca- thedral of Reggio Emilia, according to the life of the local saint s. Pro- sperus, was perhaps dedicated to s. Apollinaris, to whom Maximian himself dedicated the basilica of S. Apollinare in Gasse, the final monumen- talized form of his burial. Kommeniar, 2- Teil, cit. Apol- linare in Gasse as supporting Justinian's Christology in the context of die Three Chapters contro- versy. Also in this church, then, the connection between the bishop and the Emperor would have been made clearly visible.
See also Deuyanne, Ravenna in Late Antiquity, ck. The emperor kept Ravenna in high considera- tion; he wanted this city to be capital of the Italian prefecture: In addition it seems that during this time the great patrimony of the Ravennate church, probably second in land properties only to the Roman one, was further en- riched, especially through the donation to the church, in , of all the Gothic properties Agn. Apolli- nare in Classe a sign of Maximian's loyally towards the Catholic succession of bishops of the city and even in the transfer of the bodies of some of them, brought to a common burial in the basilica beati Probi Agn.
See also Picard, Le souvenir des kvkques, cit. It is necessary in any case to stress even more than Picard did the local character of such lists, which are a real civic celebration of the sanctity of the bishop of one particular place. Maximian did not want then simply to show his own sanctity in comparison to Apollinaris, but to celebrate the local tradition, showing the nobility, antiquity and importance of the see of Ravenna.
No bishop of Ravenna with this name is known. Therefore, an early suggestion was to supplement the Liber Ponti- ficate by adding a Vitalis between Maximian and Agnellus, before Venantius celebrated this Vitalis for the construction of a church of S. Andrew, and in fact it is known that Maximian restored a pre-existing church with this name in Ravenna Agn. Andrew was the patron of Constanti- nople, and the presence of his cult in Ravenna would show a further strengthening of the connection between the two cities, which were now the capital of the Empire and the capital of one of its prefectures.
According to Agnellus ibid. Apollinare in Classe can be seen as an "authentication" and "celebration" of the episcopal power in Ravenna; Wharton, Refiguring the Post Classical City, ext. Chavasse, L'oeuvre litter - de Maxim: See also Deliyannis, Ravenna in Late Antiquity, at. Maximian could also haw rededicated the Archbishop's chapel to S.
It was in this church that Maxi- mian himself was buried Agn. Against this interpretation would be the complete lack of other sources attesting this use; another solution could be that the bishop of some other city is meant: We can see clearly in the letters of Pelagius I how the Ravennate bishop was considered the strongest ally of Rome against the bishops of Aquileia and Milan.
After the death of Vitalis in in Milan the new philo-byzantine bishop Fronto abandoned the city, leaving it to his opposer Ansanus, sup- porter of the Three Chapters and condemned as schismatic by the pope e. Bertelli, Ravenna, Longo, , pp. M1 Lanzoni, Le diocesi d'ltatia, at.
Lanzoni's theory, that Vitalis was a bishop of Pola, and was defined Ravennas because consecrated by the bishop of Ravenna seems unconvincing: Lanzoni, Le diocesi d'ltalia, cit. M Brown, La cbiesa, cit. But apart from the identification of Venantius' 'Vitalis', there is another important point: Narses for Milan could have come from Ravenna, was surely consecrated there and had exactly this name.
It is extremely difficult to think that the name did not conceal the "hagiographical conflict" between the two cities. In the pages of the Liber Pontificalis Ecclesiae Kavennatis dedicated to bishop Agnellus, who lived in the middle of the Three Chapters Controversy and received in from the emperor the Arian churches to proceed with their 'Rekatholisierung', we find the text of a letter from Justinian, through which the emperor was con- firming these concessions.
Here the praise of Ravenna is absolutely clear: Sancia mater ecdesia Ravermas, vera mater, vera orthodoxa, nam ceierae mul- tae ecclesiae falsam propter metum et terrores principum superinduxere doctri- nam. Haec vero et veram et unicam sanctam cathdicam tenuit fidem, nunquam mutavit, fluctuationem sustinuit, a tempestate quassata immobilis permansit Lib. Meanwhile, pope Pelagius I had also written in to Va- lerian, patricius of Ravenna, to put an end to the tradition according to which the bishops of Milan and Aquileia confirmed each other's ordination, and to oblige them to ask for an imperial confirmation Ep.
But in the city of Milan, left without a bishop, the supporters of the Three Chapters, a controversy which will last until , gained more and more strength. The Tale of the Two Cities had not yet finished. M6 Pi card, he souvenir des tvhjues, ch. M7 The church called basilica Fausta by s. Ambrose, where the relics of Gov asms and Pro- 5 filippo carl a Switching saints: Vi- talis two different saints, making one of them the patron of Ravenna and held to have been Gervasius and Protasius' father.
In this way Milan's "protection" was subordinated to Ravenna's, and the hierarchy of the cities as it was seen in Ravenna and by the imperial, Gothic, then subsequently imperial power had been transferred to the plane of supernatural protec- tion. This also led to some changes in the general structure of the imperial hagiography, and not only in the local traditions. If, at the end of the 4th century and at the beginning of the 5th, when Milan was at the peak of its importance in imperial and likewise ecclesiastical politics, the cult of Gervasius and Protasius had spread quickly, now it faced a severe road- block.
Something happened in Rome that is relevant to this context. The XJrbs, now once more at least formally in Byzantine hands, had been initi- ally involved in the Three Chapters Controversy. Pope Vigilius had refused to sign the imperial condemnation of the Three Chapters in Brought to Constantinople, he ended up conceding to the imperial deci- sions in , causing the final schism of Aquileia, which was trans- formed in in a patriarchate.
It will not be a surprise, therefore, to realize that at some point during this period the dedication of the church founded by the pious Vestina had been changed. Gervasius and Protasius was now the church of S. Vitalis, as it is still called today. The earliest trace of this name is in the 13 century, and there is no way to suppose that this dedication could have been much older: Bovini, Gli edifia di at'in milanesi, ck.
Il culto dei protomartiri di Bologna, at. Agnese Furthermore with only the name of the pious lady it is referred to in all other scarce mentions between the Liber Pontificalis and these texts: While the 19th April was not a Sunday, by the way, the 28 April was - and churches were consecrated on Sunday.
Trusting another text in the Codex pontificalis ec- clesiae ravennatis as Delehaye does , which attributes to the 17l May the consecration of S. The 17 May , then, was not a Sunday, and Delehaye is forced to shift the consecration of one year, to This would lead to correct xiii in xvit but additionally the indication sexies p.
Basilii iunioris in septies p. The inauguration is therefore today univer- sally dated to , and this leads to a loss of credibility of the 17 May as possible date. It can be underlined also that the feast of Gervasius and Protasius is on a completely different date, the 19th June. Lanzoni thought simply that according to the Ravermate legend, Vitalis had been added to Gervasius and Prota- sius and gradually replaced them.
He thought, coherently with the recon- struction he proposed also for Ravenna, that the church had been originally dedicated to the three saints, and that gradually Vitalis overshadowed Gervasius and Protasius: This interpretation was followed also by Vielliard, Saint-Vital, at.
Delehaye, Loca sanctorum, at. MGHt Episr I, , p. This would explain why in the years around we still encounter some oscillations in the use of both names for the church: Gregory of Tours uses, in another version of the same quotation from Gregory the Great, the name ecclesia sanctorum martyrutn Protasi et Gervasi. The same John who signed in as presbyter Sancti Vitalis signs in as presbyter titub sanctorum Protasi et Gervasi Greg. But after this year the "old name" of the church disappears completely.
The change of dedication occurred gradually, adding Vitalis before "removing" the other two, and it should be also remembered that generally toponyms have a long survival, particularly where they can be still somehow justified, as it might have been here, because of the supposed kinship between the saints. It seems therefore that in the context of the strong alliance between Rome and Ravenna, the church had been rededicated to Vitalis, adopting in the end the Ravennate hagiography and insisting, as in the Adriatic city, on the importance of the role of the father in the sanctity of the sons.
Vitale in Ravenna , and the general tendency towards the conservation of topo- nyms lead to the perpetuation of Ss. Gervasius and Protasius in the dedi- cation of the church for about 40 further years. But this process produced its final effect with the beginning of the 7 century, with the complete ob- literation of the Milanese brothers from all the documents mentioning the church. Junyent's formulation is extremely concise: The use by Gregory the Great of the "Mila- nese" order in the name of the saints can show simply some oscillations in the practice.
Kirsch was in any case convinced that the church was from the very beginning dedi- cated to the three saints, and that Vitalis only gradually "chased" Gervasius and Protasius: This change of dedication is the most evident trace of Rome's homage to Ravenna's saints, especially because it coincides with the choice of this particular ha- giographic tradition, which was since the beginning conceived as an exal- tation of the Adriatic capital in opposition to another urban centre.
It should be remembered, and probably further studied, that in the same period Apollinaris, the other typical Ravennate saint, saw an analogous evolu- tion. To him, pope Symmachus dedicated an altar in the church of S- Andrew in Rome, and during the period of the Exarchate, he received in the Urbs at least one church under Honorius I , S. Apollinaris ad Palmata, from which every Saturday a procession travelled in the direction of S. In any case this cult did not have a huge success in Constantinople, where Gervasius and Protasius, together with Nazarius, are at- tested.
But it is important to remember that the hagiographical system of Byzantium was con- structed between the end of the 8 and the entire 9 century. I rapporti tra due metropolis a cura di M. Tagliaferb, Imola, University Press Bologna, , pp. Of a second church of S. Apollinaris, mentioned in the Liber Pontincalis in the chapters about Hadrian I and Leo III 97, 61 and 98, 72 , then at the end of the 8th century, we do not know the period of construction: Huelsen, Le cbiese di Roma, cit.
Vitalis would be needed. Conclusions In a very famous contribution, rich in consequences for historical stu- dies, Eric Hobsbawm dealt with the "invention of tradition". The instru- ments he developed were intended for modern nation states, and cannot therefore be applied to Late Antiquity tout court. But some of his conside- rations seem to fit perfectly the phenomena we have tried to describe in this article. On the one hand, we must agree with him that "even historic continuity had to be invented, for example by creating an ancient past beyond effective historical continuity, either by semi-fiction Boadicea, Vercingetorix, Arminius the Cheruscan or by forgery Ossian, the Czech medieval manuscripts ".
And while it is obviously true that nothing similar to the nation-state existed in Late Antiquity, it must be said that the saints were, as we have seen, powerful symbols of aggregation for a community, the city, that used these instruments to distinguish itself from other analogous communities. Even the typology of tradition proposed by Hobsbawm fits our picture quite perfectly: They [the invented traditions] seem to belong to three overlapping types: While tra- ditions of types b and c were certainly devised as in those symbolizing submis- Lucchesi, Note agiografkhe, at.
It could be interesting to underline that according to a late Medieval Milanese tradition, the body of S. Apollinaris should have been moved to Mi- lan. This supposed body was then stolen by Barbarossa and brought to Germany: Will, Saint ApolUnaire, pp. Inventing Traditions, in E. What we have aimed at with the concrete case of the "birth of a tradition" concerning Vitalis, Ger- vasius and Protasius, is to show how religious discourse, and in particular hagiography, was deeply 'embedded' in the complex political and social sy- stem of the time, being influenced by it and also coming to represent a true parallel to the power dynamics of the state and the Church.
Grig, Making Martyrs, ck. Power plays a crucial role in the construction of religion". M0 Ganetti, Frammenti di etemui, cit. See also Van Uytfanghe, L'origin, Fessor et les fonctions, cit. Feeney, Lit- eral u re and Religion at Rome. M2 On the concept of "symbolic knowledge", see D. Sperber, Le Symbolisme en gknkral, Paris, Hermann, [engl. The interpretation of these lives in terms of signs of privileges or hierarchies is then not easier than the one of myths, as Sperber, Rethinking Symbolism, at.
The other one looks on the con- trary for the expression of deep and obscure social forces; I would gladly give it the name "Romantic' [ Each of the 8, comune in Italy is today represented locally by a city council headed by an elected mayor, known as a sindaco and informally called the first citizen primo cittadino. This system, or one very similar to it, has been in place since the invasion of Italy by Napoleonic forces in When the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies was restored, the system was kept in place with members of the nobility filling mayoral roles. Since World War II , the political landscape of Naples has been neither strongly right-wing nor left-wing — both Christian democrats and democratic socialists have governed the city at different times, with roughly equal frequency.
Currently, the mayor of Naples is Luigi de Magistris of the Democrazia e Autonomia party; de Magistris has held the position since the elections. The city has experienced significant economic growth since World War II, but joblessness remains a major problem, [] and the city is characterised by high levels of political corruption and organised crime.
Naples is a major national and international tourist destination, being one of Italy and Europe's top tourist cities. Tourists began visiting Naples in the 18th century, during the Grand Tour. In terms of international arrivals, Naples was the th-most-visited city in the world in , with , visitors a 1.
In recent times, there has been a move away from a traditional agriculture-based economy in the province of Naples to one based on service industries. In , employment in the province of Naples was distributed as follows: Naples is served by several major motorways it: The city furthermore operates the Metropolitana di Napoli , the Naples Metro, an underground rapid transit railway system which integrates both surface railway lines and the city's metro stations , many of which are noted for their decorative architecture and public art.
There are also four funiculars in the city operated by ANM: Centrale , Chiaia , Montesanto and Mergellina. Three public elevators are in operation in the city: Suburban rail services are provided by Trenitalia , Circumvesuviana , Ferrovia Cumana and Metronapoli. The city's main railway station is Napoli Centrale , which is located in Piazza Garibaldi; other significant stations include the Napoli Campi Flegrei [] and Napoli Mergellina.
Naples' streets are famously narrow it was the first city in the world to set up a pedestrian one-way street , [] so the general public commonly use compact hatchback cars and scooters for personal transit. Direct sleeper 'boat train' services operate nightly to cities in Sicily. The port of Naples runs several public ferry, hydrofoil and SWATH catamaran services, linking numerous locations in both the Neapolitan province , including Capri , Ischia and Sorrento , and the Salernitan province , including Salerno , Positano and Amalfi.
It is the largest airport in southern Italy, with around national and international flights arriving or departing daily. The average amount of time people spend commuting with public transit in Naples, for example to and from work, on a weekday is 77 min. The average amount of time people wait at a stop or station for public transit is 27 min, while The average distance people usually ride in a single trip with public transit is 7. Naples has long been a centre of art and architecture, dotted with Medieval, Baroque and Renaissance-era churches, castles and palaces.
In the 18th century, Naples went through a period of neoclassicism , following the discovery of the remarkably intact Roman ruins of Herculaneum and Pompeii. Royal Academy of Design , was the centre of the artistic School of Posillipo in the 19th century. The modern Academy offers courses in painting, decorating , sculpture, design, restoration , and urban planning. Naples is also known for its theatres, which are among the oldest in Europe — the Teatro di San Carlo opera house dates back to the 18th century.
Naples is also the home of the artistic tradition of Capodimonte porcelain. In , Charles of Bourbon founded the Royal Factory of Capodimonte, many of whose artworks are now on display in the Museum of Capodimonte. Several of Naples' midth-century porcelain factories remain active today. Naples is internationally famous for its cuisine and wine; it draws culinary influences from the numerous cultures which have inhabited it over the course of its history, including the Greeks , Spanish and French.
Neapolitan cuisine emerged as a distinct form in the 18th century. The ingredients are typically rich in taste, while remaining affordable to the general populace. Naples is traditionally credited as the home of pizza. Naples is well known for its sweet dishes, including colourful gelato , which is similar to ice cream , though more fruit-based.
The traditional Neapolitan flip coffee pot , known as the cuccuma or cuccumella , was the basis for the invention of the espresso machine , and also inspired the Moka pot. Wineries in the Vesuvius area produce wines such as the Lacryma Christi "tears of Christ" and Terzigno. Naples is also the home of limoncello , a popular lemon liqueur.
The cultural significance of Naples is often represented through a series of festivals held in the city. The following is a list of several festivals that take place in Naples note: The Naples language , considered to be a distinct language and mainly spoken in the city, is also found in the region of Campania and has been diffused into other areas of Southern Italy by Neapolitan migrants, and in many different places in the world. The term "Neapolitan language" is often used to describe the language of all of Campania , and is sometimes applied to the entire South Italian language ; Ethnologue refers to the latter as Napoletano-Calabrese.
In , there were ethnologue. Naples is one of the main centres of Italian literature. The history of the Neapolitan language was deeply entwined with that of the Tuscan dialect which then became the current Italian language. The first written testimonies of the Italian language are the Placiti Cassinensi legal documents, dated A. The Tuscan poet Boccaccio lived for many years at the court of King Robert the Wise and used Naples as a setting for The Decameron and a number of his later novels. His works contain some words that are taken from Neapolitan instead of the corresponding Italian, e.
King Alfonso V of Aragon stated in that the Neapolitan language was to be used instead of Latin in official documents. Later Neapolitan was replaced by Spanish during Spanish domination, and then by Italian. In the Accademia Pontaniana , one of the first academies in Italy, was established in Naples as a free initiative by men of letters, science and literature. In the writer and poet Jacopo Sannazzaro wrote the first pastoral romance, Arcadia , which influenced Italian literature.
In Giambattista Basile collected Lo Cunto de li Cunti , five books of ancient tales written in the Neapolitan dialect rather than Italian. Philosopher Giordano Bruno , who theorised the existence of infinite solar systems and the infinity of the entire universe, completed his studies at University of Naples.
Due to philosophers such as Giambattista Vico , Naples became one of the centres of the Italian peninsula for historic and philosophy of history studies. Jurisprudence studies were enhanced in Naples thanks to eminent personalities of jurists like Bernardo Tanucci , Gaetano Filangieri and Antonio Genovesi. In the 18th century Naples, together with Milan , became one of the most important sites from which the Enlightenment penetrated into Italy. Poet and philosopher Giacomo Leopardi visited the city in and then died there. His works influenced Francesco de Sanctis who made his studies in Naples, and then eventually became Minister of Instruction during the Italian kingdom.
De Sanctis was one of the first literary critics to discover, study and diffusing the poems and literary works of the great poet from Recanati. Serao was an acclaimed novelist and writer during her day. Poet Salvatore Di Giacomo was one of the most famous writers in the Neapolitan dialect, and many of his poems were adapted to music, becoming famous Neapolitan songs. In the 20th century, philosophers like Benedetto Croce pursued the long tradition of philosophy studies in Naples, and personalities like jurist and lawyer Enrico De Nicola pursued legal and constitutional studies.
De Nicola later helped to draft the modern Constitution of the Italian Republic, and was eventually elected to the office of President of the Italian Republic. Naples was one of the centres of the peninsula from which originated the modern theatre genre as nowadays intended, evolving from 16th century " comedy of art ". The masked character of Pulcinella is worldwide famous figure either as theatrical character or puppetry character.
The music Opera genre of opera buffa was created in Naples in the 18th century and then spread to Rome and to northern Italy. The Neapolitan popular genre of " Sceneggiata " is an important genre of modern folk theatre worldwide, dramatising common canon themes of thwarted love stories, comedies, tearjerker stories, commonly about honest people becoming camorra outlaws due to unfortunate events.
The Sceneggiata became very popular amongst the neapolitan people, and then became one of the best known genres of Italian cinema because of actors and singers like Mario Merola and Nino D'Angelo. Many writers and playwrights such as Raffaele Viviani wrote comedies and dramas for this genre. Actors and comedians like Eduardo Scarpetta and then his sons Eduardo De Filippo , Peppino De Filippo and Titina De Filippo , contributed towards making the neapolitan theatre and its comedies and tragedy plays well known, such as " Filumena Marturano " and " Napoli Milionaria ".
Naples has played an important role in the history of Western European art music for more than four centuries. The San Pietro a Majella music conservatory, founded in by Francesco I of Bourbon , continues to operate today as both a prestigious centre of musical education and a musical museum. During the late Baroque period , Alessandro Scarlatti , the father of Domenico Scarlatti , established the Neapolitan school of opera; this was in the form of opera seria , which was a new development for its time. The earliest six-string guitar was created by the Neapolitan Gaetano Vinaccia in ; the instrument is now referred to as the romantic guitar.
The Vinaccia family also developed the mandolin. A popular traditional dance in Southern Italy and Naples is the Tarantella , originated in the Apulia region and spread next to all part of the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies. The Neapolitan tarantella is a courtship dance performed by couples whose "rhythms, melodies, gestures, and accompanying songs are quite distinct" featuring faster more cheerful music.
A notable element of popular Neapolitan music is the Canzone Napoletana style, essentially the traditional music of the city, with a repertoire of hundreds of folk songs, some of which can be traced back to the 13th century. Naples has had significant influence on Italian cinema. Because of the significance of the city, many films and television shows are set entirely or partially in Naples. In addition to serving as the backdrop for several movies and shows, many talented celebrities actors, actresses, directors, and producers are originally from the city of Naples.
Naples was the location for several early Italian cinema masterpieces. Assunta Spina was a silent film adapted from a theatrical drama by Neapolitan writer, Salvatore Di Giacomo. The film was directed by Neapolitan Gustavo Serena. Serena also starred in the film, Romeo and Juliet. A list of some well-known films that take place fully or partially in Naples include: More modern Neapolitan films include Ricomincio da tre , which depicts the misadventures of a young emigrant in the late 20th century.
The film Gomorrah , based on the book by Roberto Saviano , explores the dark underbelly of the city of Naples through five intertwining stories about the powerful Neapolitan crime syndicate, the Camorra. Football is by far the most popular sport in Naples. Brought to the city by the British during the early 20th century, [] the sport is deeply embedded in local culture: Naples has itself produced numerous prominent professional footballers, including Ciro Ferrara and Fabio Cannavaro.
Cannavaro was captain of Italy's national team until , and led the team to victory in the World Cup. He was consequently named World Player of the Year. The city also has teams in a variety of other sports: Eldo Napoli represents the city in basketball's Serie A and plays in the city of Bagnoli. The city co-hosted the EuroBasket Partenope Rugby are the city's best-known rugby union side: Other popular local sports include water polo , horse racing , sailing, fencing, boxing , taekwondo and martial arts. Neapolitan tailoring offers comfort and lightness; it was born as an attempt to loosen up the stiffness of English tailoring, which didn't suit the Neapolitan lifestyle.
People awarded the honorary citizenship of Naples are:. Naples is involved in town twinning Italian: Below is a list of twin towns and sister cities listed on the official website of the city of Naples: From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Comune in Campania, Italy. Via Toledo Street, Third left: Naples Media Center, Third right: Castel Nuovo Maschio Angioino , Bottom: History of Naples and Timeline of Naples history. Magna Graecia and Ancient Rome. Duchy of Naples and List of Dukes of Naples.
Kingdom of the Two Sicilies. Buildings and structures in Naples. List of palaces in Naples. List of museums in Naples. List of churches in Naples , Spires of Naples , and Fontanelle cemetery. This section may require cleanup to meet Wikipedia's quality standards. The specific problem is: Unsourced and very badly written Please help improve this section if you can.
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Archived from the original on 30 August The New Cambridge Medieval History. The First Hundred Years , Vol. Kenneth Meyer Setton, Marshall W. University of Pennsylvania Press. The Routledge Companion to Medieval Warfare.