Hataraku no Genten (Japanese Edition)

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The new foreign workers did not form a homogeneous group. Ethnic di- versity characteristic of immigrant labor populations in most societies was true for Japan as well Castles and Kosack By Thai, Malaysians, Filipinos, and Iranians were the largest nationalities. As the government cracked down on illegal foreign workers, labor brokers and employers recruited ethnic Japa- nese from South America Yamanaka as well as those who were eas- ier able to pass as Japanese, such as South Koreans and Chinese.

In Brazilian citizens in Japan amounted to little over 2,; by their total skyrocketed to over , Watanabe M. Their visa status, national origin, and gender were among the vari- ables that led to significant inequality in income Inagami et al. Some national groups were strongly represented in particular indus- tries, such as Bangladeshis in the printing industry and Chinese in the restaurant business Aoki Inequality could exist in the same industry. For example, an estimated 30, Korean bar hostesses worked in well-appointed and expensive establishments Mainichi Shinbun Gaishinbu The worst fate awaited illegal workers.

Because the Japanese government does not issue work visas for most manual and service jobs, defined as sim- ple tanjun labor, many migrants work illegally, compounding their vul- nerable status in Japan. Employed in industries that are illegal e. In the informal day-labor market yoseba , employers would sometimes not pay workers or assign them to dangerous tasks Kobayashi By the early s the new Asian migrant workers—Filipina dancers, South Korean hostesses, Thai masseuses, Iranian telephone-card sellers, and Bangladeshi construction workers—became recognizable character types in the Tokyo metropolitan area, so much so that they began to ap- pear in popular television shows and comic books.

Beyond newspaper headlines and television documentaries, the new foreign workers were to be found not only in Tokyo but across the Japanese archipelago. They in- creasingly became part of everyday life. Like immigrant workers elsewhere, most of the new foreign workers in Japan intended to return to their homelands.

There were, however, by the early s some harbingers of their settlement in Japan Okuda and Tajima The emergence of ethnic media, stores, and even neighborhoods became palpable Machimura In addition, older ethnic communities, especially of Koreans and Chinese, provided havens for their compatriots Ko Here again, western European and North American examples suggest the near inevitability of short-term mi- grants turning into long-run settlers or constituting transnational com- munities Piore Britain is, of course, hardly unique in this matter; whether one considers the anti-immigration move- ment in France or the immigration debate in the United States, the politics of the industrial countries is inextricably intertwined with immigration.

Even the newly industrialized countries, such as South Korea and Tai- wan, experienced national debates on immigrant labor by the s Kim In spite of some significant similarities, each national debate has its par- ticularities. And, in the case of Japan, the problem of foreign workers was often articulated as a reprise of the question Japan faced in the mid-nine- teenth century.

According to the dominant Japanese historiography, Japan had been sequestered from foreign contact until the coming of Commo- dore Perry in , when Japanese leaders were forced to decide whether to open the country kaikoku or to keep it closed sakoku. In the late twenti- eth century, Japan was said to face a problem of comparable magnitude to this turning point in modern Japanese history Tezuka The sakoku faction argued that foreign workers would undermine Japa- nese uniqueness. In a similar vein, Nishio Kanji warned that the non-Japanese population would cause the social disorganization that he observed in other countries.

Immigrants and their children would threaten well-functioning schools and other institutions and thereby undermine social cohesion and order. The debate did not, however, follow obvious ideological cleavages. Over time the re- sponse to the Asian migrant workers became more positive Hachiya Opinion surveys were inconclusive.

The primary rationale for opening the country was the need for migrant workers who would un- dertake tasks that most Japanese shunned Yorimitsu The problem of foreign workers engendered many points of discussion beyond the simplified terms of the kaikoku-sakoku debate. Another man, a proprietor of a small eatery, expressed his sympathy for foreigners but wondered how easily they would assimilate into Japan.

A middle-aged housewife expressed her hope that the foreign workers would learn Japa- nese quickly. The critic Kure Tomofusa b: The Second Opening of Japan 17 There were, in addition, many scholarly studies. Many people dis- cussed seriously the potential impact of immigration and its unintended consequences for Japanese society. The desire to forestall the formation of an underclass, such as those existing in contemporary Europe, is not neces- sarily a covert expression of racism.

Very few would, after all, advocate the end of all border control. Many people sharply indicted Japanese society for the horrible working conditions and human rights abuses that some foreign workers suffered. By the dominant mood was to accept the inevitable. As some scholars argued in the late s, the influx of migrant workers was ineluc- table Furuta The economist Kuwahara Yasuo By the early s most people acknowledged that Japan had become considerably less ethnically homogeneous than it had been.

Nonetheless, the dominant media articulation was in terms of the kaikoku-sakoku binary. What was the point of this debate? Why should a small group of non-Japanese manual and service workers have generated such intense media coverage? The number of the new foreign workers in Japan was minuscule compared to that of most other wealthy nation- states. International labor migration in contemporary Japan differs from its western European counterparts in the belated beginning of the influx and the small size of the migrant worker population.

The ratio of foreign workers to the total employed German and French population in the s was twenty times that of Japan in the early s. In addition, elite, well-paying jobs in the government bureaucracy and large corporations remained restricted to Japanese college graduates, whereas there was an acute labor shortage in 3K jobs. The small number of the new foreign workers and the absence of economic competition suggest that the debate was not primarily eco- nomic in nature.

Day laborers, who were perhaps most directly in compe- tition with the new migrant workers, did not express strong resistance to foreigners. Furthermore, the Revised Immigration Act did not restrict the inflow of all foreign workers. The uneasy mixture of economic utilitarianism and cultural conservatism is not out of line with the immigration law of many countries.

Interestingly, the original postwar Japanese immigration law had been patterned after that of the United States Hirowatari Given that some employers were eager to hire foreign workers, who were in turn willing to work at low wages, and that there was no strong opposi- tion movement, the media attention must be located in the perceived nov- elty and the symbolic significance of the Asian migrant workers.

The new foreign workers unleashed a national discussion because their presence— especially the media focus on the ostensible novelty of ethnic heterogene- ity—challenged the idea of Japan as an ethnically homogeneous society. In the late s these workers were racialized and transmogrified into a problem. The Racialization of the New Foreign Workers The new foreign workers constituted a problem insofar as they posed a po- tential, and largely symbolic, threat to Japanese society because of their racialization and social visibility.

By racialization I mean the process by which a group comes to be marked by its physical and cultural distinctive- ness. More often than not, of course, shorthand characterizations misrep- resent the population that they seek to signify. In spite of the fact that two- thirds of the immigrants were white in Britain in the mids, Castles and Kosack In a similar fashion, the new foreign workers—principally from poor Asian countries—came to stand for all foreign workers in Ja- pan.

In spite of their visibility and the discussions that they generated, the new Asian migrant workers constituted a small proportion not only of the total Japanese labor force but also of the total foreign population in Japan. In an estimated 1. The largest nationalities were , Koreans and , Chinese, who accounted for about 70 per- cent of all the registered foreigners, and whose number has not fluctuated significantly in the postwar period.

Neither did 85, foreigners with work visas constitute a significant population. The largest group was 22, people on entertainment visas. Fewer people, mostly North Ameri- cans and Europeans, were on commercial, professorial, religious, and other professional visas. Discussions of the new foreign workers referred neither to the Koreans and Chinese nor to Europeans and North Americans, but rather to the manual and service workers from poor Asian countries and, in particular, to illegal workers from underdeveloped countries who performed simple labor Umetani In there were nearly 68, deportees and , visa overstays.

In addition, those on student visas , and trainee visas 19, may have worked illegally. In the Ministry of Labour Even ac- cepting the largest estimate, 5 percent of the total foreign population of Ja- pan came to stand for all foreigners. The Japanese discourse on the new Asian migrants shifted rapidly over time. Racialization does not imply stasis; like social science theories, evi- dence has an impact on its formulation and reformulation. The prevailing term for foreigners until the s was gaijin outsiders , and most Japa- nese associated the term with white Americans and Europeans.

For exam- ple, when I made an appointment to see Japanese people, many of them were surprised to find that I looked very much like them. Frequently a prospective rendezvous almost failed because the other person persisted in looking for a gaijin or hakujin white person. The term derives from Karayukisan, who were Japanese prostitutes overseas in the late nineteenth century Suzuki Until the vast majority 80—90 percent of deported workers were women work- ing in the water trade as bar hostesses and prostitutes.

The decline of sex tours to South Korea and Taiwan and the high cost of Japanese sex workers contributed to the inflow of sex workers from the Philippines, Thailand, and other countries into Japan Hinago Because of the shifting gender composition of the new foreign workers, as well as a move- ment by Japanese progressives to extirpate the use of the term, Japayukisan became less frequently used by the early s. The shift from gaijin to gaikokujin denoted not only that the new foreign workers were not white but was also an effort to rectify discriminatory language.

Whereas gaijin was deemed discrimina- tory, gaikokujin was considered proper. However, the very need to qualify the word for foreigners with that for workers—which has a connotation of manual or industrial work—distinguished the predominantly middle- and upper-class Euro-Americans from their proletarian counterparts. The new foreign workers were, as I elabo- rate in the following chapter, not only racial but also class others. The new foreign workers were, above all else, visible in urban Japanese life.

Racialization highlights appearance—usually somatic features—as the basis of social classification. Although Southeast Asians are darker-skinned than most urban Japanese, they are readily identifiable by most Japanese people even without this somatic marker. Differences in clothing, gesticu- lation, and the general presentation of the self render them as obviously non-Japanese.

For example, non-Japanese do not generally bow when they encounter other people. The Second Opening of Japan 21 The popular perception of the massive growth of the foreign worker population in the late s was due to the racialized Asians. Consider this confident report on the incredible growth of the foreign worker popula- tion: Okuda and Tajima Never mind that this person would have seen hundreds of Ko- rean Japanese without recognizing them as foreigners all his life.

Korean Japanese, of course, look and gesticulate like Japanese and hence are indis- tinguishable from other Japanese by mere appearance or even extended so- cial interaction. In a similar fashion, Hatada Kunio He neglected to note that many Korean Japa- nese and Burakumin, among others, had been walking on the same road for decades. It is not simply from the media coverage but from individual experi- ence—the undeniable phenomenology of visual perception—that many Japanese viscerally understood the growth of the foreign worker popula- tion and that provided the crucial underpinning of the foreign worker de- bate.

As a salesclerk in her forties summed up: Go outside and you will see that Tokyo has become a crucible of the human race [jinrui no rutsubo]. Everyone knows that there is a foreign worker problem in Japan. The spotlight on the new foreign workers obscured the old foreign workers and other ethnic minorities. The visibility of the new foreign workers, however, dimmed rather rap- idly. In a bustling cosmopolitan city like Tokyo, civil indifference is the he- gemonic mode of social interaction.

In repeated observations in public places, I rarely spotted anyone showing interest in the Asian workers. Sev- eral times, my hope was raised only to be dashed by the realization that the interest was being expressed by South Korean or Taiwanese tourists. Once, when I was talking to a Filipino worker, I noticed two middle-aged women stubbornly staring at us. When I talked to them, I learned quickly that they were not interested in the Filipino worker—it was a natural occurrence atarimae no koto , they said later—but rather in my apparent fluency in English.

They wondered whether I could offer private lessons to their school-aged children. Not only were the new Asian migrant workers racialized, but their presence challenged the vision of the social integrity and solidarity of the Japanese body politic, which is widely believed to be ethnically homogeneous. Thus, the Japanese discussion reflected ethnocultural issues that also dominated the debates on immigrant labor in West European and North American countries.

As we have seen, the demand of the receiving country usually initiated the transnational flow of labor. Be- cause the labor performed by foreign workers cannot be separated from the foreign workers themselves, ethnocultural issues supersede economic ones. The problem posed by the new foreign workers encompassed ethnic Japanese as well, including the return of orphaned Japanese children in China and of the descendants of Japanese emigrants to South America Nikkeijin. Some Japanese commentators argued that Nikkeijin were inca- pable of living and working in homogeneous Japan Ishi In a simi- lar vein, Japanese students returning from a spell abroad kikoku shijo generated serious discussions Goodman Some believed that extended exposure to a foreign culture and educational system rendered the internationalized students ill-suited for their home country.

The soci- ologist Merry White More generally, any Japanese with extended exposure to life outside of Japan was suspect; the older epithet, bata kusai butter smelly , viscer- ally expressed the suspicion of those tainted by the West. What is curious is that the public attention to the new foreign workers occurred in a period of great Japanese political and economic expansion. The kaikoku-sakoku debate reached its apogee precisely when nearly every- one agreed on the need for Japan to be international.

Nihon Keizai Shin- bunsha The most negative accounts were those that lamented the insufficient internationalization of Japanese society. In this regard, the foreign worker debate bypassed the obvious obverse of the influx of foreign workers: From to there was a threefold increase in the number of foreigners entering Japan, while the population of Japanese going abroad rose thirteenfold Mainichi Shinbun Tokyo Honsha Shakaibu Well over a million Japanese left Japan for business purposes annually Skeldon The profound impact of Japanese corpo- rations on the rest of Asia, ranging from worker exploitation to environ- mental degradation, has been amply documented Shiozawa ; Steven While Japanese were debating the threat of foreign workers, the ma- jor discussion about Japan abroad was the Japanese threat to the rest of the world Shimada Historically, Japanese have emigrated to other countries seeking better economic opportunities.

As I noted, Japanese emigration to Brazil contin- ued until the s Valente The Japanese diaspora spanned Asia and the Americas; the total number of Japanese living abroad ex- ceeded 1. By the early s there were over , Japanese citizens residing in the United States alone, in addition to over , Japanese Americans Tanaka H. Japanese business people, tourists, and immigrants are everywhere Iwauchi et al. A neglected aspect of the Japanese dias- pora, incidentally, is its ethnic heterogeneity, especially the overrepresen- tation of Burakumin and Okinawans among Meiji-era emigrants and Ko- rean Japanese and mixed-race people more recently.

As the economist Tezuka Kazuaki What made them and returning Japanese students problematic was the assumption that Japan has been closed to foreigners and that it has been an ethnically homoge- neous society. Japan has in fact never been closed to foreign contact, whether of ideas, goods, or people. During the Tokugawa period — , Japan was not closed to all foreign contact Toby ; Jansen The Tokugawa state monopolized all foreign trade, but state monopoly did not preclude foreign, even Western, ideas from entering the three major islands Tsuruta During the Tokugawa period there was a well-developed discourse on Asia, and over books on foreign countries were translated Torii As I elaborate in Chapter 4, Japan became a modern nation-state by incorporating diverse ethnic groups.

The origins of the Korean and Chinese populations in Japan point to a more obvious way in which the belief in ethnic homogeneity is untenable. The debate on the new foreign workers frequently neglected the long-term Korean and Chinese residents in Japan. The last great Japanese attempt at internationalization—before and during World War II—resulted in the immigration of Korean and Chinese workers into the Japanese archipel- ago. The Korean migration into Japan alone totaled 2. However, the colonial period was effaced during the debate.

It is not surprising that the kaikoku-sakoku debate harked back to the nineteenth century, when Japan was putatively closed from foreign contact. The twen- tieth century—when Japan had embarked on colonial expansion and forcefully brought over foreign workers—was conveniently bypassed. The problem of the new foreign workers arose precisely at a time when the idea of monoethnic Japan faced challenges from the previously si- lenced legacy of Japanese colonialism.

The s witnessed the rise of vi- brant social movements that revived the repressed colonial past. The international effort to redress the en- forced prostitution of Korean and other women was transformed into a se- rious diplomatic issue Takasaki Postwar immigration is, of course, often associated with the colonial past. The spotlight on the new foreign workers obscured the various dia- sporic communities in Japan. The amnesia of Japanese colonialism effaced the past atrocities and elided the problems raised by the earlier foreign workers.

Hence, the Japanese debate in the late s both crystallized the presumption of an ethnically homogeneous Japan and defined the new foreign workers as a major problem. They contradicted and reinforced the ideology of Japanese ethnic homogeneity. As countless publications and television documentaries depicted the problems of foreign workers and ethnic minorities in other countries, they accentuated the assumption of Japanese monoethnicity.

In Japan the inevitable dialectic of internationalization and ethnic het- erogeneity has been repeatedly denied. Every major effort to international- ize Japan begins from the assumption that Japan had been closed, thereby neglecting both the past and present reality of multiethnicity. Whether one focuses on the s debate to allow Chinese to live in Japan or the s discussion to permit Korean workers in Japan or the s effort to intro- duce Korean immigrant workers, each occasion obfuscated the prior exis- tence of foreigners on Japanese soil Yamawaki The problem of the new foreign workers—the second opening of Japan— refracted a powerful belief in Japanese monoethnicity in contemporary Japanese society.

The dominant terms of the debate obfuscated the actually existing ethnic minorities and the colonial legacy. The transnational reali- ties of the Japanese economy, past and present, made it impossible for Ja- pan to be a major global economic player and simultaneously close off its national borders. The contradiction between the dynamic of the expan- sionary political economy and the ideology of a pure and homogeneous nation manifested itself starkly in the foreign workers debate.

The reality of multiethnicity once again threatened and affirmed the belief in mono- ethnicity. Precisely when multiethnicity became incontrovertible, people asserted that Japan has been, always and already, monoethnic. Walking westward from the station, I entered Chinatown and ate at a restaurant remarkable as much for its sordid interior as for its savory noodles. Walking eastward amidst Chinese-language signs and speakers, I explored Kotobuki, one of the most notorious doyagai slums in Japan. Beyond shabby buildings and sleeping drunks—the inescapable sight and stench of poverty—I passed by people talking animatedly in various Asian tongues, including Tagalog and Thai.

Passing a Korean restaurant, I was overwhelmed by the aroma of Ko- rean food as well as by loud conversations in Korean. Later in the afternoon, I went to Roppongi, one of the most fashionable areas in Tokyo. Navigating a crowd of well-dressed people, I felt as under- dressed as I had felt overdressed in Kotobuki. I passed Israelis hawking cheap jewelry and Iranians peddling telephone cards. Conversing with a Japanese friend, I recounted my day and my inescapable impression of Japanese multiethnicity.

But she begged to differ and insisted that I had gotten Japan all wrong. When I pointed to the foreign workers I met in Kotobuki, she said that Yokohama had always been an exception. What is the real Japan? Why is it that so many Japanese people insist that Japan has been and remains an ethnically homogeneous society?

Many Japanese share a particular vision of Japan, or a discourse of Japaneseness, which highlights homogeneity. In reconstructing the discursive domain within which this belief is articulated against the influx of the new foreign workers, I highlight its three critical assumptions about class, culture, and ethnicity. The new foreign workers are relationally constructed as the an- tipodes of Japanese people; they are the class, cultural, and ethnic others. Japan as a Middle-Strata Society In the contemporary discourse of Japaneseness, Japan is often character- ized as a middle-class society.

In fact, the two factions were interde- pendent; although shizoku accounted for only 6 percent of the total popu- lation, they constituted over half of imperial university students in the early twentieth century Amano If formal barriers to mar- riage and employment ended, informal restrictions remained robust. Fur- thermore, blights of urban poverty Yokoyama and, even worse, ru- ral poverty Inomata dotted the archipelago. Formal status inequality ended with the postwar eradication of the he- reditary elite, but substantive inequality persists in postwar Japan. Be that as it may, hierarchy remains a constant in characterizations of Japanese so- ciety.

An American scholar, for example, matter-of-factly notes: Beyond the issue of vertical hierarchy as a component of Japanese cul- ture or consciousness, inequality is an undeniable fact of contemporary Japanese society. For a long time the Japanese Dream was to gain entrance to a prestigious university. Moreover, the quality of primary and secondary schools differs widely, the access to better schools depending on preexisting social position Smith As Hiroshi Ishida Poverty persists, including an estimated , home- less people in the early s Iwata If we explore different di- mensions of social life, whether health care or cultural life, we find sig- nificant stratification Mouer and Sugimoto Occupational and corporate hierarchy remains formidable Takeuchi Y.

Japan is no more egalitarian or open to intergenerational mobility than Britain or the United States Ishida Most Japanese are in fact acutely aware of educational and occupational hierarchy. When the language of class is used, Japanese sort themselves dif- ferently than they do when employing the language of status. In factories, industrial workers readily distinguish themselves from the educated management Nakamura In spite of the ideology of managerial paternalism, work- place hierarchy is obvious Hamashima Although Japanese people are not necessarily class-conscious, we should be wary of the claim that Japan is a statusless or classless society cf.

Given the reality and consciousness of inequality, why do people claim that Japan is an egalitarian society? To put it simply, Japan became sig- nificantly more egalitarian after The postwar era began with a spate of progressive reforms. Legal distinctions based on status ended; constitu- tional monarchy gave way to democracy. The postwar universalist ideolo- gies, whether Marxism or progressive liberalism, buttressed the egalitarian ethos.

The memory of status hierarchy faded rapidly in the postwar period. Claims of status equality were confirmed by lessening economic in- equality and rapid economic growth. Postwar Japanese society become significantly more egalitar- ian in terms of income and experienced nearly uninterrupted growth until the oil crisis. Luxury goods, such as the three Cs—car, color television, and cooler air conditioner —were transformed from desire into necessity in a matter of a decade.

As Takeuchi Shizuko The transformation was rapid and compressed. Returning in to a Tokyo suburb he had studied a decade ear- lier, Ezra Vogel The model and the vision that were provided by the salary man a decade ago have been essen- tially achieved already. The ideal penetrated the countryside as well: The postwar labor struggles narrowed the social distance between blue-collar and white-col- lar workers Kumazawa After the mids visible status or class markers, such as clothes that until then had distinguished occupational groups, disap- peared Kumazawa Factory workers donned the uniform of the bourgeoisie: The putatively objective nature of entrance examinations under- scored the meritocratic educational and employment system.

By , buoyed by the bubble economy, the dominant Japanese self- image projected a society of affluence. The vocabulary of class had de- clined along with the support for socialists and other leftist parties Kosaka However, labor market conditions in themselves did not dis- courage people from assuming less prestigious jobs; in this context, the new foreign workers—employed predominantly in undesirable jobs—en- hanced the widespread sense of Japan as a society of middle-strata, and even middle-class, people.

In other words, Japanese are middle class, and foreign workers are lower class. Some foreign workers, such as refugees, are, of course, poor and in des- perate straits Nakano However, some come to study electri- cal engineering and security laws, and others wish to work for a Japanese company or to marry a Japanese person Okuda and Tajima I was struck time and again by the fluent English, suggesting high educa- tional attainment, of the Filipinos and Iranians I met in Kotobuki and else- where Kikuchi If we were to identify the modal Asian migrant workers in Japan in the early s, they would be far from impoverished and ill-educated Okuda and Tajima Never mind that a Bangladeshi construction worker may be a college graduate, a Filipina bar maid a professionally certified nurse, or an Iranian telephone-card seller a son of a medical doctor: Hence, the middle-class and affluent Japanese are opposed to the lower-class and impoverished foreign workers.

Ironically, politically progressive people most clearly articulated the class contrast. Progressive Japanese analyses of the foreign workers stressed structural factors, such as their poverty, rather than their individual desires and initiatives Tou Media coverage, ever in search of inter- esting copy, highlighted sensational stories of suffering. After all, most of them enter Japan voluntarily and con- sciously endure the demanding working conditions. The unwanted sympathy and the thinly veiled presumption of superior- ity led many foreign workers to resent Japanese haughtiness.

After the October death of a starving Bangladeshi student, Japanese activists launched a movement to feed foreign students, but many foreign students found the effort offensive Tanaka H. A Thai worker sur- prised the concerned Japanese Okabe Kazuaki Their multifaceted reality cannot be captured by an unrelenting narrative of suffering and exploita- tion. Underlying the contrast between the middle-class Japanese and the lower-class foreign workers is the widely diffused belief in Japanese afflu- ence and Third World poverty. To be sure, the proposition of Japanese prosperity and Third World poverty is unassailable in and of itself.

How- ever, just as not all Japanese are rich, not all Third World people are poor. Class and nation are, however, fused in the regnant Japanese view. By ne- glecting inequality in their own country, many Japanese have little sense of inequality elsewhere. The nationalist and essentialist framework leads many Japanese to ignore intranational variations in favor of international comparisons. In short, white foreigners gaijin or hakujin. Gaijin outsiders in postwar Japan almost inevitably referred to white North Americans and Europeans.

Although Europeans and Americans may have low educational attainment and occupational status back home, they are likely to be regarded as of higher class than the Japanese. Com- mercials that evoke elegance inevitably employ white models. The arche- typal Japanese depiction of upper-class life is a Swiss chateau or a British country house. Hence, Japanese who wish to differentiate themselves often assume aspects of European culture.

Shino Rinji owns three French restaurants and built a museum in his native Wakayama Prefecture that resembled the Louvre. Whether haute cuisine or home design, the West denotes class Rosen- berger These examples of Europhilia and penchants for Western aristocratic culture reflect a country where the superiority of Europe and the United States was taken for granted.

The popularity of the cartoon Blondie, one of whose comic staples was the sumptuous sandwiches that the male protagonist Dagwood concocted, projected an indelible image of American wealth Dore White Europeans and North Americans personify the upper class in part because the Japanese domestic upper class is invisible. The remnants of the hereditary elite lead lives of quiet opulence.

Beyond their small numbers, they are not only residentially segregated but attend special schools, shop in designated stores, and eat at exclusive restaurants Lebra The breakup of large family firms and the postwar land reform reduced the fortunes and the size of the prewar upper class. The meritocratic elite do not constitute an aristocracy. Cultural Superiority An implicit corollary of the contrast—Japanese as middle class, foreign workers as working or lower class—is that Japanese are more advanced in terms of culture and civilization than foreign workers. The superstructure of cultural superiority overlies the infrastructure of class advantage.

To put it crudely, Japanese believe themselves to be more cultured and civilized than foreign workers. In the discourse of Japaneseness, status homogeneity accompanies cul- tural essentialism. Most Japanese assume the equivalence of the nation- state and national culture, and comfortably talk about the Japanese culture as if it were a static and homogeneous thing.

Japanese tend to adopt an ethnonationalist frame when they delve beyond the simple dichotomy be- tween Japanese and non-Japanese. Because Japan is believed to be homo- geneous, almost all other countries are believed to be so as well. That Fili- pinos may group themselves according to their place of origin Ventura The assump- tion of homogeneity is, of course, paradoxical, given that one of the osten- sibly unique attributes of Japanese society is its homogeneity.

However, the nationalist habit of thought is apparently infectious. Hence, Japan is a ha- ven for national character studies, in which national cultures are personali- ties writ large. National cultures are, moreover, unequal. The idea of ranking civiliza- tions or cultures along a unilineal scale of progress is deeply entrenched in Japan.

In his view European countries and the United States are civilized bunmeikoku , Tur- key, China, Japan, and some other countries are semi-civilized hankai no kuni , and Australia and Africa are savage yaban no kuni Fukuzawa a: The tradition of grand history—the rise and fall of civilizations and the attendant assumption of a moral hierarchy of nations—remains a popular genre in Japan, exemplified in the postwar period by the popular- ity of Arnold Toynbee. That Japan ranked below the West was an accepted, albeit occasionally contested, fact since the Meiji Restoration.

Catching up with the West was perhaps the most important prewar national mandate. The very word for culture or civilization bunmei had extremely positive connota- tions and was associated above all with the West. As the Foreign Minister Inoue Kaoru said in Let us change our people into a European-style people. Cultural inferior- ity is an abiding theme of modern Japanese history Irokawa To again quote Nitobe a: Instead of being self-satisfied, our duty still is, and will be for some years to come, to be conscious of our inferiority.

Many Japanese intellectuals have been ashamed of Japanese culture and glorified Western culture Tsurumi Seki- kawa Natsuo That is, I had some reservations—some shame—about being Japa- nese. At times, things Japanese were so devalued that Japan was said to be missing from modern Japanese literature Shimada Conze and Kocka The unquestioned prestige of Western learning Maruyama Maruzen—the main im- porter of Western books in prewar Tokyo—became a veritable intellectual shrine Terada Ambitious pupils sought to read through the collected works of great writers.

Bunko small paperbacks that are ubiquitous in contemporary Japan began when the leading publisher Iwanami Shoten adopted the ideal of the German Reklam editions Uni- versal Bibliothek. Iwanami, in turn, signified intellec- tual seriousness and prestige. As the novelist Haniya Yutaka remarked: The indisputable dominance of Western intellectual culture can be gleaned from Japanese memoirs. Postwar intellectual life continued to valorize European and Ameri- can intellectual imports. The manga comics artist Tsuge Yoshiharu What is more striking is that the immersion in Western classics is not the sole preserve of the educated elite.

I know the name of Donald Keene. If that had been realized, I thought of what might have been. Japanese cul- ture would have become far more advanced than it is now. The impact of Europe, particularly Germany, was pervasive in the pre- war period, both in scholarly endeavors and in cultural pursuits Rimer The tyranny of Europe over Japanese high culture waned, only to be superseded by the reign of the United States after Ishida In social theory the prewar period was characterized by ob- session with German sociology and especially with the close reading of Marx and Weber, which gave way to the attentive perusal of Talcott Parsons and Robert K.

Merton in the postwar period Hashizume In all spheres of cultural life, whether sport or music, American influence be- came ascendant. Consider the hold of English on contemporary Japanese life. For many Japanese, to be international means to learn English Manabe Whatever is cool kakkoii is in- scribed in English. The dominance of the West generated ambivalence and assertions of Japaneseness. The first explicit articulation of modern nationalism— Nihonshugi Japanism in the s—arose in conscious reaction to the onslaught of Western culture Banno The very idea of na- tionalism, after all, was au fond a Western ideal.

The search for a Japanese essence was in large part a reaction to the Westernization of Japan. The converse of Western superiority was Asian inferiority. There are two sources of this mindset: Japan succeeded in industrializing and averting colonialism, and Japan itself became a colonial power. Might makes right, or at least smug- ness. This belief was later legitimated by the Western idea of progress, whether in the form of social Darwinism or Marxism Kotani Imperial Japan engaged in its own mission civilisatrice, disseminating everything from the emperor ideology to the Japanese language in East and Southeast Asia Kawamura a.

While Shiga advocated adopting French as the national language after World War II, and English is the de facto second language in contemporary Japanese life, there was a concerted government effort to make Japanese into an international language from the late s Tanaka Colonial rule accentuated the belief in Japanese advancement over the uncivilized colonized. They belong to a prehistoric age. Acknowledging Western superiority, Nitobe re- mained even more convinced of Asian inferiority.

Historical writings com- pared Japanese progress with Chinese and Korean stagnation Tanaka Japan is, in this line of thinking, not an Asian or an Eastern country—a point made by Fukuzawa Yukichi himself Matsuzawa The pre- vailing cultural distinction, whether in clothes, cuisine, or music, is be- tween Japanese and Western, not between Eastern and Western Dore The equation of modernity and the West and backwardness and the East implied that modern Japan was, if not Western, at least not Eastern.

In fact, the critic Noguchi Takehiko b: When I lived in Tokyo in the mids, several of my politically progres- sive friends recommended that I read Ajia wa naze mazushiika? Why Is Asia Poor? Asia for Tsurumi and my pro- gressive friends did not include Japan. In fact, postwar Japanese intellectual and political life has largely ignored Asia Sonoda Only re- cently has scholarly interest in Asia begun to revive Ishida Nonetheless, there is also a strong strand of Asian identification and re- spect for Asian cultures in modern Japanese history. In early modern Japan there was a well-developed discourse on Asia Torii ; Hiraishi Furthermore, not all modern reactions to the West separated Japan from Asia Ishida Consider the following two gov- ernment proclamations: The aesthete Yanagi Muneyoshi , among others, wrote appreciatively about Korean culture Tsurumi In other words, pan-Asian sentiments and the belief in Japanese su- periority often go hand in hand.

The postwar Japanese economic miracle has once again distinguished Japan from its poor Asian counterparts McCormack Domestic class relations can be easily transposed onto the world system of national hierarchies, where Japan stands near the top. It is only another step to affirm Japanese cultural superiority. In various college cafeterias, I often overheard students discussing their impressions of poverty in other East and Southeast Asian countries where they had spent their vacations.

Although some lamented the poverty, others enthusiastically exchanged tales of horror, which at times degenerated into comparative scatology. When a day laborer can go on a sex tour to Thailand Fowler Most people were, however, reluctant to state that Japan is, as it were, number one. Intellectuals, in particular, remain predominantly critical of contemporary Japanese society. The economist Sawa Takamitsu No one I interviewed pontificated on Japanese greatness.

The Japanese defeat in World War II was catastrophic for such boasting, and even in the s few are outright chauvinists. Only right-wing nationalists, conservative politicians, and some very old and very young people expressed unqualified pride in Japa- neseness. Even then, the statements are not so much about Japanese great- ness as about American decline. The critic Yasuhara Ken Whether because of political correctness or plain politeness, Japanese people rarely express an encomium about their own country. In addition, many Japanese are sympathetic to the problems of underdeveloped nations and are aware of the peril of preju- dice.

The earnestness of progressive writers, such as Motoyama or Tsurumi Yoshiyuki , is simultaneously a conscious effort to affirm global solidarity. Expressions of Japanese superiority occur indirectly, which effectively masks ethnocentric and even chauvinistic views. A common response to the new foreign workers concerned their personal hygiene. A young man who had just returned from a trip to China said that toilets in China were abominably dirty, and concluded that many Chinese are dirty. Such a state- ment reveals the visceral way in which social distinction is often articu- lated.

As George Orwell The Contemporary Discourse of Japaneseness 43 Here you come to the real secret of class distinctions in the West—the real reason why a European of bourgeois upbringing, even when he calls himself a Communist, cannot without a hard effort think of a working man as his equal. It is summed up in four frightful words which people nowadays are chary of uttering, but which were bandied about quite freely in my childhood. The lower classes smell. The new foreign workers smelled and seemed dirty to many Japanese ur- banites.

A self-identified progressive, who had been working on behalf of foreign workers, said that they smell for an objective reason; according to him, they cannot afford to take a bath every day as Japanese people can. Consider in this regard that many Western tourists complain about the poor state of Japanese toilets. In a similar vein, fashion distinguished Japanese from the migrant work- ers. Japanese often regard white Westerners as smart or cool kakkoii be- cause of their physique e.

In contrast, the migrant workers are said to be short and shabbily dressed. A young female office worker said that white people are fashionable sensu ga aru , but Iranians and Filipinos are unfashionable dasai. She went on to list the flaws of Iranian and Filipino men, including their ugly mustaches, stonewashed jeans, and so on. As one young man exclaimed: An unpublished sur- vey by some Japanese sociologists cited the propensity of Iranians to gather in a crowd as the chief reason why Japanese held Iranians in low esteem.

The underlying contrast was between the individualistic Japanese and the group-oriented Iranians. The anthropologist Nakane Chie The journalist Honda Katsuichi b: Neither theory nor logic nor ethics underlies or informs Japanese behavior.

Quite simply, a Japanese looks around and does what others are doing. One office worker discoursed at length about Arabs, although she clearly meant Iranians. According to her, they come from a culture that oppresses women. Based on a television docu- mentary she had recently watched, she recounted in horror that Arab women had to wear a veil in public and to submit to their husbands. In contrast, she noted, Japanese women are free and independent, and she could wear a miniskirt whenever she liked and could go out at any time of the night. It is ironic that, at least in comparison to advanced industrial so- cieties, Japanese women lag behind their counterparts in most measures, such as gender wage inequality Brinton In the s Joyce Lebra The woman I interviewed, however, had no inkling that Western feminists might regard Japan in the same way that she regarded Arab societies.

In general, many cross-cultural comparisons use gender relations as a gauge of cultural hierarchy. There was, in fact, a merry-go-round of cul- tural comparisons. Just as Americans derided the patriarchal Japanese, Jap- anese castigated the patriarchal Iranians. An Iranian man, who claimed to shuttle back and forth between Paris, Los Angeles, and Tokyo, told me about the infernal situation of American women.

When I asked why the situation of women in the United States was worse than that in Iran, he cited the endemic violence against women in the United States. He found young Japanese women to be sex-starved, which was a view shared by some Japanese men as well. Japanese women have made equality based on mutual de- pendence acceptable and workable. In cultural expressions and practices, then, we find indirect articulations of Japanese pride.

They are intimately intertwined with Japanese economic might and its consequences. Although outright expressions of chauvinism occur from time to time, what is more striking is the ways in which cul- tural confidence is often expressed indirectly and unintentionally. The pre- war legacy should not be overemphasized.

Although older Japanese feel in- ferior to the West and superior to Asia, the same mix of sentiments does not exist across generations. The sources of cultural superiority, along with modes of expression, are diverse, although they are united in affirming Japanese superiority over the new foreign workers. Ethnic Homogeneity A cardinal axiom about Japanese society is its ethnic homogeneity.

The de- bate in the late s on foreign workers presumed that Japan was pristine before the onslaught of the new foreign workers on the archipelago. In spite of concerted efforts by some scholars and activists to challenge the belief in Japanese ethnic homogeneity, many Japanese people persist in be- lieving that they live in a monoethnic society.

The belief in a classless society and cultural essentialism is part and par- cel of the widespread assumption that Japan is homogeneous, whether in language see Appendix , cuisine, popular culture, or ethnicity. Being Japa- nese is a natural and ineffable quality. The equation between the state, nation, and ethnicity as well as class and culture means that Japan is a distinctively homogeneous country.

Throughout the Tokugawa period when peace continued for over two centuries, Japanese society became extremely integrated and ho- mogeneous. The immutability of its history, geography, and culture further marks this homogeneity as some- thing of an ethnonational essence.

The implicit assumption became an explicitly articulated view when I asked Japanese people about the existing minorities. Many people pro- duced puzzled looks. Confronted with evidence of ethnic diversity, most either ignored or denied it. Like my friend in the opening vignette of this chapter, people asserted and reasserted the certitude that Japan has been and remains a monoethnic society.

There was a persistent fissure between the articulated assumption of monoethnicity and the tacit awareness of multiethnicity. Paradoxically, many people acknowledged the existence of one or another exception to the monoethnic rule, all the while insisting on it. Many people were aware of toraijin immigrants from the Korean peninsula a millennium ago. Most people in the Tokyo metropolitan area, however, were only vaguely aware of ethnic diversity.

The most common acknowledgment of existing Japanese minorities indicated awareness of the Ainu. The Japanese government having had refused to acknowledge the Ainu as an indigenous people, the repercussion in the public at large has been widespread ignorance and vaguely held prejudices Uemura a: Interestingly, when asked how many Ainu there were in Ja- pan, no one mentioned a figure higher than 1,, although some esti- mates, as I noted in the Introduction, run as high as , The low fig- ures underscored the widespread view of the Ainu as a virtually vanished and vanquished people.

The Contemporary Discourse of Japaneseness 47 Okinawans, in contrast, were often regarded as much closer to, indeed a part of, mainstream Japanese people and culture. Several people men- tioned a recent popular television drama in which Okinawa was portrayed as a feudal domain during the Tokugawa period. In this view Okinawa ac- quires a regional identity.

Others considered them to be an ethnic minority group, including an Okinawan youth who advocated national independence and a Japanese youth who had studied Okinawan history in school. One man who had spent his junior high school years in Okinawa regarded Okinawans as infe- rior to the mainland Japanese. A Japanese Brazilian of Okinawan descent also asserted the ethnic distinctiveness of Okinawans.

This was due to her experience of discrimination in Brazil by other Japanese Brazilians. She noted, however, that they did not discriminate against her as an Okinawan but rather as a Nikkeijin person of Japanese descent cf. Although she thought that they were Japanese before, she now had serious doubts. A civil servant in his forties suggested that Korean Japanese may be more Japanese than Okinawans, all the while insisting that this was a very subtle point. Almost everyone was reluctant to classify the Burakumin as an ethnic group.

No one mentioned them as an ethnic group, and young people were even ignorant of the prejudice they face. Newcomers to research on Japan are urged to browse through the entries, perhaps unexpectedly to discover a i.

All too few persons have acquired the skills needed for research, in comparison with the countless problems offered in the many changing dimensions of Japanese society. Far better to unlock portions of the Japanese sociological storehouse to the outer world and then push on to original work on real and important problems, rather than replicate work well enough done already or fail to be aware of what Japanese phenomena may contribute along the advancing frontier of one's discipline. This purpose excludes or minimizes attention to certain sorts of sociological literature in Japan.

Much more might be done, for instance, with materials illustrating the history of Japanese sociological studies, or materials illuminating the theoretical underpinning of sociological, ethnological, or social anthropological thought. Neither goal is pursued here, on grounds that such aims would expand our compilation mainly with replications, reviews, or critiques of European and American sociological literature. These materials only rarely would be helpful to our imagined typical non-Japanese user who, we assume, is already familiar with theory and important American or European case studies in the original languages and who, at this point, wants information and viewpoints on Japanese society.

These materials are what we provide. We do furnish leads to research of pre-war periods, although giving our main attention to postwar research, on the assumption that some students will need a springboard to materials offering historical background.

Frontmatter

We also go beyond strict limits in another sense. Our contents mainly represent the dimensions of research done by Japanese sociologists. Rather than seek out material to meet every foreign taste, we have tended to bypass certain areas where Japanese research is thin. Where major differences in definition of disciplines occur, we have gone outside of sociology sensu stricto to include entries from what are neighbor fields in Japan for instance, from demography, folklore, and communications research to present materials important to social anthropologists or sociologists abroad.

Obviously, certain lacunae here will prove to be due to our decisions as to limits rather than to lack of research materials, so we urge users to consult other sources. In some cases, other Guides in this Bibliographical Series will fill the gap, since we have restricted entries on some subjects to avoid duplicate listing of materials available in Guides to the fields of Geography, History, and Political Science.

As might be expected, certain problems of transliteration and translation have been difficult to solve without amibiguity. There is no such thing as absolutely authoritative transliteration of proper names in a society where persons accept without question entirely different renderings of their own names e.

Resigning to the inevitable, we have listed a few alternative personal name readings parenthetically following the reading we have chosen. An Index of Authors and an Index of Localities may help to reduce confusion. The connotations of a good many Japanese terms for traditional institutions and other social phenomena are lost or distorted by the closest English renderings. In other cases, it is not the everyday language but the scholarly jargon of English and Japanese that fail to coincide, owing to their different intellectual roots.

We assume it is fruitless to append a glossary, in lieu of coping with the questions encountered in each item. We trust it has been possible to clarify points most likely to mislead or confuse, often by entering the Romanized Japanese term as well as an approximate translation in the title or annotation or both. Annotations describe the contents factually and, where this might not suffice, suggest the most useful features of a work. In some cases we offer criticism of a work's shortcomings or distortions, Since these are matters of opinion, users may not always agree.

In any case, the materials are there for users to accept or reject according to their own taste. To be sure, we try to select the best works where alternatives are available; but space limits preclude listing all good materials, and it should not be necessary to add that omission of any work does not necessarily imply deprecatory evaluation of it. The nature of the literature requires that we pay attention to journal articles as much as to books and series. It is an earlier work that suffers, if anything, for we have tried to economize by listing later materials or collections and series that provide leads to short and, often, scattered papers of earlier date, even though the unlisted original paper may be superior in detail or intelligibility and freshness.

But they represent fiel ds whose intellectual taproots reach back as far as early Meiji times, when a few Japanese scholars became devoted to the grand social visions of Comte, Spencer, and Morgan. As distinct, empirical disciplines, however, these fields -- sociology, ethnology, folklore -- took shape later than might be supposed. In fact, their separate distinction dates from barely a decade before World War II. After this war, the senior leaders in each fields were men of one age.

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They had been college students in Tokyo during the effervescent 's, and all had broken away from the then prevailing teaching to move in the direction of empirical research. In time, their work decisively changed the character of social sciences in Japan. For some years, as these young scholars pursued their new gospel, they enjoyed an ecumenical colleagueship that led them to read the same books, talk together, and write for each other's journals even while each pursued his particular interests and inclinations.

They had individual specialties, not different disciplines. It was in their middle years, in the 's, that their individual interests became the basis for differentiation of sociology, ethnology, and folklore into separate disciplines. These men, the first professionals in their respective fields, were still vigorous and active in postwar years. Hence, the major works of the founding generation of these still youthful disciplines find listing in this Guide without requiring departure from its basic prirciple of main emphasis on postwar research. To be sure, when Toda Teiz5 inherited the chair of sociology at Tokyo Imperial University in the early 's, several strains of sociologicalethnological thought already were rooted in Japan.

As early as an Anthropological Association Jinrui Gakkai was formed. And a strain of ethnological-folkloristic research can be dated from when Yanagida Kunio and friends organized a Homeland Research Association Kyodo Kenkyukai. As for sociology, Toda's own chair was founded at Tokyo Imperial University in , while the first Sociological Association Shakai Gakkai was established in Up to Toda's time a considerable gap separated sociological theory from any form of empirical data-gathering, including fieldwork.

One finds exceptions, to be sure. Several groups of enthusiastic laymen, notably those around Yanagida, omnivorously gathered data out of motives ranging from antiquarianism, through love of country life, to nationalist fervor. But they occupied no academic posts; they addressed not students but the general public who sought entertainment rather than guidance in an intellectual career; and they characteristically were unconcerned about theory to guide their research and integrate their findings. They were not unlike their contemporaries who formed local historical societies in Britain and the United States or became Volkskiindler in Germany.

On the other hand, the sociology courses that were being started in several universities, following Tokyo's example, were devoted almost wholly to the academically respected task of expounding grand social theory on models derived from Comte, Spencer, Morgan, Maine, and MacLennan. The anthropologists of the time, in a separate faculty, taught anthropometry and biological evolution, not society or culture. Though within universities it was the anthropologists in particular who were sympathetic toward non-academic students of Japanese customs, neither they nor the academic sociologists had found room to utilize this sort of research in their courses by Toda, on the other hand, after a trip around the world via Europe, spent a period in contact with leading American empirical sociologists at Chicago, and brought back high enthusiasm for fieldwork and quantitative research, applying the latter method immediately and extensively to materials such as the first Japanese census, compiled in Several students in his classes, hitherto bored with the abstractions of grand theory, seized enthusiastically on his new gospel and spread it among their friends.

Further, while browsing in the Kanda bookstores, they discovered Malinowski's glamorous and fresh field reports, functional studies by Radcliffe Brown, and world-distribution studies by Wilhelm Schmidt. These works all revealed to them certain elegant ways of bringing integrative socio-cultural theory into contact with the empirical challenge of fact-finding. Such young men as Oka Masao enrolled in sociology , Koyama Takashi sociology , Furuno Kiyoto religion , Ariga Kizaemon art history , and Suzuki Eitaro ethics , later were to gain separate distinction as ethnologists and sociologists, allthe while retaining their personal ties with each other.

Toda, in effect, had transplanted strong seedlings from a setting of arid armchair speculation into the rich new soil of empirical science. But not until the 's did academic flowering occur. One reason was the lack of suitable jobs through the 's. There were few academic posts for persons now termed behavioral scientists. The few posts were in sociology, and first priority in this field went to theoretical, non-empirical sociology. So, emerging from Toda's strong influence in college, the young gradutates took jobs where they could find them and shared their interest in the science of society only in their afterhours.

Several met Shibusawa Keizo. He was a wealthy businessman, college-trained in ichthyology, whose enthusiasm for fisheries had broadened into patronage for studies of fishing gear and fishing methods, general material culture, and economic organization.

The collection of artifacts he and his friends accumulated in his attic gave a name to the Attic Museum, an institute which published reports by members of his group. Shibusawa was not greatly senior in age to the sociologist Oka Masao or the art history student Ariga Kizaemon. These latter two young men had come together in college, both being from Nagano prefecture; iii. Hence, the three enjoyed a regional intimacy. Shibusawa knew the older Yanagida Kunio, a man of rather less wealth yet able to support similar enthusiasms, who was eventually to become the high priest of the discipline of folklore and already had gained repute through his published reports on Japanese folk culture.

For two decades Yanagida had been central in a group of like-minded men. Among the advantages he could offer to his acquaintances and followers was his excellent library of up-to-date European journals and books. Through his support Oka and his friends started a journal, Minzoku Peoples , in Though Yanagida throughout his life kept links with a network of local amateur enthusiasts, some of those closest to him eroded away from the group, and Oka and Ariga in turn broke away to follow separate interests. Oka seized the chance Shibusawa offered him to study in Austria under Wilhelm Schmidt.

Others later followed the same path.

Oka returned to become outstanding for his devoted advocacy of Kulturkreis ethnology. Meanwhile, Ariga stayed in Japan and, like Suzuki Eitaro and Koyama Takashi, began a lifetime career of village studies. These slightly diverging paths led to a differentiation among ethnology, sociology, and folklore that was increasingly clear by the middle 's. Among those following the sociological path, Suzuki Eitar5 used rural communities to test sociological notions from abroad, especially the ideas of rural sociologists in the United States.

Koyama Takashi, Kitano Seiichi, and others carried on one of Professor Toda's main interests, the sociology of family, in the village setting. Furuno Kiyoto also examined villages but with special attention to their religious organization. Sociological theory, especially of American flavor, tended to be the underpinning of many of these studies. The view of Ariga Kizaemon, on the other hand, was perhaps closest to that of the British social anthropologists. Ariga's village studies sought to develop formulas accounting for institutions of village society in terms of their functional setting, especially their ecological accommodation through economic organization.

All of the above interests formed the core of empirical sociology in Japan. Ethnologists such as Oka diverged from sociologists by virtue of their paramount interest in the larger cultural sphere of East Asia and the Pacific. While Japanese culture, viewed historically, prompted research queries and hypotheses, in their attempt to gather relevant data they perceived Japan just as one segment of a much larger cultural reservoir.

Generally speaking, the only ethnologists who specialized on Japan were those sharing Shibusawa's enthusiasms, who became associates of the Attic Museum under his patronage. Meanwhile, Yanagida upheld the banner of folklore. For a time an emigre White Russian named Nevsky was part of the group.

Yanagida launched his new group on a program of study of mountain villages, followed by study of fishing villages. A young man who entered the field in , Omachi Tokuzo, joined this fieldwork and stayed on to become Yanagida's most prominent disciple, taking the lead in collecting and categorizing the many local varieties of custom, belief, and organization in traditional areas. Folklorists in this fashion built up Japan's main repository of information on exotic and out of the way localities, whereas sociological research, though also oriented to the rural side, dealt more regularly with mainstream rural areas.

A sense of common interest and joint enterprise lingered among all these persons, as is evident in the list of contributors to early issues of Minzokugaku Kenkyu Journal of Ethnology , which began in Yet, when this journal was born, it merely filled out the roster of journals founded for the needs of each separate field. Each discipline by this time had its favorite subject matter, its particular theoretical issues; and the pathways of ethnology, sociology, and folklore tended more and more to diverge after the middle 's.

It should be noted, again, that there were still inequalities of support. Through all these years teaching positions were opened only in sociology, and these were few, indeed. Most of the early scholars were amateur in the literal sense that they gained a living as government employees, school teachers, or businessmen, or lived on private means and indulged in research at their own expense and only on their own spare time.

To most Japanese social scientists, the explosive outbreak of war in Europe, Asia, and the Pacific brought a succession of intellectual and ethical crises which built up to the ultimate catastrophe of defeat of the nation they identified with, whatever the quality of their participation or alienation during the war years.

Most social scientists, even though holding their peace during the war, had endured a long and chilly period as semi-outcasts during the prewar and war years. They had had virtually no news of activities and trends in their fields abroad, outside of Axis nations, and constraints on their own freedom of research and expression had deepened continuously from to Following defeat, however, there was new release for their energies and desires.

Now there was fresh life in their habitual research areas as well as a rush of new ideas from abroad. While American methods and subjects were prominent, to many Japanese there seemed to be little coherence or depth to American social science philosophy. In rural research, many sociologists began to look at society through the once-taboo prism of Marxian thought, and a good many started to examine attitudes and "consciousness" or ishiki, a term conceived as encompassing feudal vs.

A fair portion of this research was rooted in acceptance of Marxist postulates of social evolution; but everyone, whatever his theoretical orientation, was keenly aware of the probability that defeat and subsequent social engineering was going to revolutionize to their core the various sectors of Japanese society. Almost all researchers were concerned with structural changes brought to village society by land iv. Sociologists, ethnologists, and folklorists were prominent in a series of multidisciplinary team studies of Tsushima, Noto, and Sado Island, launched under the coordination of the Nine Learned Societies, Kyugakkai Rengo.

Results are listed in several chapters of this bibliographical Guide. The American presence in the postwar Occupation exposed Japanese to a welcome flow of information about innovations in the several so-called behavioral sciences in the United States.

They were quick to examine these innovations and trends and to use them in reshaping existing studies as well as in initiating new subfields of sociology and ethnology. Industrial sociology, one of the new fields, did have somewhat earlier roots in the midwar era, comprising studies of worker morale and attitudes in war materiel industries; but now it was led by Odaka Kunio into broader studies of attitudes and occupational structure among urban workers.

Research on social stratification, developing in turn out of industrial sociology, became a specialty in its own right. Demography drew scholars from economics and mathematics as well as from sociology.

It acquired an identity as a distinct discipline, and soon developed great expertise, gaining added luster from being one academic enterprise of social science origin that was also valuable to the government for national planning. A number of young social scientists helped create a research field in mass communications, receiving graduate training in this subject at the Journalism Institute of Tokyo University. Social psychology, known but hardly practiced before the war, achieved respectable standing in sociology in the early postwar years.

Recruits tended to be drawn from psychology undergraduates disenchanted with academic departments of psychology which, as bastions of experimental psychology, were typically hostile to any sort of personality research until very recently. Other students with a sociological background also entered social psychology as graduates. Finally, urban sociology also began to develop after the war, especially after when Japan, hitherto a predominantly rural nation clearly moved toward a future as a highly urban society.

Urban sociology drew such established men as Isomura Eiichi as well as younger scholars. Ethnologists in the first, impoverished postwar years joined sociologists in studying Japanese society; a good many, in fact, would have had no scholarly means of subsistence had not jobs been opened to them in studies sponsored by the Civil Information and Education Section of the Occupation headquarters forces. Some persons with such background e. Then, as fast as economic conditions improved, ethnologists and archaeologists shifted their research outside of Japan to Peru and Brazil, Southeast Asia, India, Nepal, Iran, and recently Africa.

In the postwar years many regional universities and colleges were established in Japan and, in the new intellectual climate, these new institutions made room for the teaching of ethnology or cultural anthropology as well as sociology. For the first time numerous academic posts were opened to these empirical social sciences.

As in pre-war decades, of course, economics, geography, and the formal or constitutional aspects of political science had strong standing as social sciences; the study of political behavior, however, has been incorporated in college teaching and research as a subfield of sociology -- political sociology -- rather than in conjunction with government and law. The majority of posts in the academic world were in sociology. To this day, ethnologists tend to have attachments to a variety of departments rather than to possess a home of their own. But they now do have academic positions to occupy, as very few did previously.

The second and third generations of Japanese social anthropologists, ethnologists, and sociologists on the scene as the 's decade opens are pushing toward new frontiers. Often younger persons have a year or two of study abroad, from which they return with new methods and viewpoints. Apart perhaps from the field of folklore, which was so closely associated with the late Yanagida Kunio himself, each of the fields reviewed here has every prospect of continuing to diversify, gain methodological sophistication, and grow.

Patterns will not duplicate those abroad but will reflect most international currents and make distinctive contributions to those currents. Professor Nakano Takashi took charge on an enlarged plan from to , working in Japan. Kitahara provided much of the material on social movements. To assist in special categories, we obtained advice and assistance from colleagues. Professor Kakizaki Kyoichi, of the University of Librarianship, gave advice on urban sociology.

Translation was done at the University of Michigan, except for portions given first translation v. The principal translators were graduate students at the University: Ramseyer anthropology and Stanley Fukawa sociology. After translations and transliterations were checked and revised by the U. Beardsley, they were given to graduate students for technical editing. Merrily Baird and Molly Tobin accomplished most of this exacting work.

Final typing of the manuscript was in the competent hands of Marcia Curtis, while final proofreading was in the hands of Frank Shulman; both were student assistants in the Center for Japanese Studies. Calligraphy for all entries was done by Mrs. Chizuko Taeusch; that for the indices was done by Mrs. At each stage of work at the University of Michigan the contents were inspected, standardized, and revised by Richard K.

Beardsley, who bears final editorial responsibility. The compilers express deep appreciation to all the above-mentioned assistants; to the staff of the University of Michigan Asia Library, especially Mr. Yukihisa Suzuki, for their generous cooperation in searching out materials or giving advice and reference assistance on innumerable problems of transliteration and translation; and to the successive Directors of the Center for Japanese Studies, Robert E.

Ward and Roger F. Hackett for their unremitting support during the long period of preparation. Funds for much of the work in Japan and funds and facilities for work at the University of Michigan were generously provided by the Center for Japanese Studies, which also has borne the cost of publication.

We show the inclusion of articles enclosed in quotation marks in volumes and of volumes in sets or series of different title by the word "in" placed between the lesser title and authors' names of the larger compilation. We endeavor to follow Library of Congress standards for Romanization, including minimal use of hyphenated word elements. Thus, "social history" is rendered shakaishi not shakai-shi or shakai shi. An exception is in rendering place names. To avoid confusion over the basic form of place names for users not fully familiar with Japanese forms, we transcribe the basic name, then add separately any suffix showing its administrative category.

Thus, we write Tokyo to not Tokyo-to or Tokyoto. In English portions translated titles and annotations we do not mark long vowels for proper names. Certain works present an English title in addition to a Japanese title. Unless the English is a reasonably close translation, we enter our own translation as well as the English title, marking the latter Eng.

The more complex problem of terms for social and historical features that have no close English equivalent can be covered by no single rule, but we have tried to cope within the annotations by offering the Japanese term as well as a word, phrase, or brief explanation in English; some such explanation will be found in each chapter, if not in each individual entry.

A few frequently cited series are rendered by acronyms of the Romanized Japanese terms. The abbreviated citations are: Notes on Selection and Annotation ii C. History of the Disciplines iii D. Rural Aspects of Population and Manpower 43 C. Modern Periods 60 C. Tokugawa Period 63 D. Special Aspects 67 IX. Modern — 72 B. Pre-Modern Periods 74 C. Special Aspects 76 X. Pre-Modern Periods C. Early Modern Period D. General and Metropolitan B. Lesser Cities and Towns C. Neighborhoods and Districts D.

Pre-Modern Cities E. Urban Fringes and Suburbs vii. Rural Social Stratification C. Urban Social Stratification D.

Freely available

Industry and Human Management B. Workers and Employees C. General and Industrial B. General and Modern Period B. Meiji Era XX. General and Biographical B. Labor Unions E. Peasant Movements F. Student Movements XXI. Community-Centered Organization C. Ritual, Belief, Oral Literature D. The products of this art are rich and diverse.

In this section we do not attempt to gather all potentially useful material, or even sample it. Our interest is more modest, more narrowly focused. Here we attempt to guide students to bibliographies on areas of Sociology or Social Anthropology, i. A guiding principle, moreover, has been to favor compilations that give access to articles in journals, serial publications, and collections. Entry into such periodical literature is difficult or impossible from general bibliographies.

In consequence, we have sought collections compiled by sociologists or social anthropologists, lists of books and articles appearing in professional journals of these fields, and collections by whatever author that specifically emphasize subject matter represented in this Guide. Very extensive categories of bibliography omitted from this section should not be overlooked by students attempting a definitive survey of a given subject. The specialized bibliographies shown here, though they tap relatively brief reports which often are most rewarding, are seldom exhaustive or definitive except for limited purposes.

A more comprehensive, reliable view of the full range of Japanese publication is to be had from examining comprehensive general guides -- bibliographies of bibliographies and the so-called general bibliograf phies of social sciences or of Japanese publishing as a whole. Such works are well covered in two other guides in this Michigan Bibliographical Series: Hall see, especially, pp. Exemplifying the general works covered in the companion guides just named, each of two classic compilations offers a separate section devoted to sociology: Amano Keitaro, Hompo Shoshi no shoshi A bibliography of Japanese bibliographies , Tokyo, ; or the monumental work of Hatano Ken'ichi and Yayoshi Mitsunaga, Kenkyu ch5sa sank5 bunken soran General survey of reference works for study and research , Tokyo, Their contents are dated, ending more than a generation back; and the absence of analytic listing of journal contents limits their utility in the search for material on many subjects of current interest; yet to make a thorough search for pertinent literature one should examine these and similar works.

These general works give little guidance to journal contents and only incomplete guidance to non-commercial publications issued by universities and professional societies; but, notwithstanding these limits, they are basic to a search for relevant literature on any major subject.

Entries in this section are selected as guides to research on Japanese society, not as guides to the disciplines of anthropology and sociology. To this end, we have defined subject matter to suit the expectations and convenience of non-Japanese scholars. Thus, for instance, we draw attention to folkloristic research on Japan, since it presents material useful to, say, a British or American ethnologist or sociologist, notwithstanding the fact that folklore has developed in the Japanese scholarly world as a discipline distinct from anthropology and sociology.

Conversely, since in Japanese cultural anthropology much research deals only incidentally if at all with Japan, anthropology is represented by only one item Izumi ; archaeology concerned with typology and dating rather than with social institutions is omitted, as is biological anthropology.

We also omit guides to theoretical sociology based on European models of speculative social thought. A bias, though not a firm limit, is introduced by our primary concern with postwar sociology, which has considerably more empirical orientation than pre-war sociological work in Japan. Students seeking bibliography that presents pre-war sociological thought should consult the so-called general bibliographies of social science noted above, which provide initial access to the older sociological monographic work.

Pre-war sociological research on particular subjects has been taken into account, of course, in all other sections of this Guide. A student seeking information on trends of thinking about family structure, population problems, or the social significance of religion, for instance, should refer to the chapters on family, population, and religion for citations representing the various views since the early 's. We recommend the following procedure as suited to bibliographic search on most problems in the SociologySocial Anthropology field: Consult any specialized bibliographies that appear to cover the subject of interest.

Examine relevant sections in several of the better general bibliographies listed in the Michigan guides to Political Science and History. Bearing in mind that some social science categories are defined by Japanese bibliographers in ways unlike the already variable definitions used by American bibliographers, one should not restrict search too narrowly to one or two categories e. Following leads discovered in the preceding steps, consult one of the yearbooks and appropriate journals see Chapters 2 and 3, below as well as volumes of the Zen-Nihon shuppambutsu somokuroku 1.

This step should expand and erature, have been given extremely little biblioup-date the list of materials. See, however, Nihon Minzokugaku 4. Inspect one or more of the general guides to Kyokai, Item 1. Most such indexes are highly guide, also, does not specifically treat regional selective, hence not fully reliable in verifying studies, nor do other guides in this series, except, whether periodical information exists. Yet one may in partial fashion, the guide on Japanese geography identify promising journals other than the ones by R. Hall and Toshio Noh. To accommodate bhose listed in this guide and, if time permits, search who wish information on particular regions and on their indexed contents individually.

American Library Association ed. Tokyo, Nihon Toshokan Kyokai, , pp. An indexed and annotated guide of Japanese reference books compiled by an editorial committee of librarians from the National Diet Library and various Japanese and American universities. English annotations are translated and abbreviated from the original published in Japanese. A very useful work, though the English translation is simplified and omits a considerable number of items that appeared in the Japanese version. Bureau of the Census, Foreign Demographic Analysis Division, Bibliography of social science periodicals and monograph series: Very comprehensive classified, annotated bibliography of social science serial publications and monographs published in Japan since Annotations are in English.

Provides titles in characters, romanization, and English translation. Based mainly on Library of Congress holdings. Of the 2, publications listed, 36 are classified under cultural anthropology mostly archaeological , 77 under sociology, under statistics including prefectural and municipal series , 7 under social psychology. Serial entries usually list five titles as a sample of the contents. Journal of the Tokyo Institute for Municipal Research. Contents cover a wide area including coordinated development, attracting new industries, industrial location, and economic development.

Nihon shakaigaku no kadai Essays in honor of the 6lst birthday of Dr. Hayashi Motoi, Hyakusho ikki no dento Tradition of agrarian rebellion. This is the third in a major series of bibliographical publications by Professor Honjo. All volumes contain major sections of books and periodicals on political, social, and legal matters, as well as economic history.

The first volume, entitled Kaihan Nihon keizaishi bunken A revised bibliography of Japanese economic history , combines and brings up to two previous bibliographies published in and The second, entitled Nihon keizaishi shinbunken A new bibliography of Japanese economic history , covers to The third volume covers to Besides its three main sections general5 general history, and economic history , it has appendices on local history periodicals and major periodicals, and an index of titles.

This series is succeeded by Keizaishi nenkan Yearbook of economic history , Keizaishi bunken A bibliography of economic history , and Keizaishi bunken kaidai Annotated bibliography of economic history. An expansion of an earlier work by Hosokawa under the same title; he divides the period into five.

For each period he outlines the socialist movement, other social movements, and trends in thought; then comments on literary works. Works commented on include separate volumes, magazines and newspapers, articles, editorials, translated materials, and manifestos.

Bibliography of books and articles published between and Includes rather detailed comments on the most important works. An introduction to the significant postwar sociological studies of labor law. Outlines their content, discusses their special characteristics and touches on methodological problems. Tokyo, Nanzando, , pp. A collection of essays by scholars in the field of labor science published in honor of the 61st birthday of Teruoka Gito, former chief of the Institute of Labor Science and a pioneeer in this field in Japan.

Includes 17 essays and a bibliography. Most of the essays are in the field of labor medicine and cover such topics as worker safety, occupational sickness, factory hygiene, etc. The bibliography is detailed and will be of use to scholars in the field of labor sociology. A brief history of the institute and a listing of Teruoka's principal publications are appended.

AJ, "Minzokugaku no bunken mokuroku " -? Materials from the early period of Japanese folklore studies. A listing in English pp. A subject index and an area index are included. Index by author and title of materials appearing in the various publications of the Institute. Keizaishi Kenkyukai A y t. Tokyo, Nihon Hy5ronShinsha, 2 vols. These two volumes succeed Keizaishi nenkan , with similar contents: Japanese, Oriental, and European economic history.

This series is followed by Keizaishi bunken kaidai Annotated bibliography of economic history. Tokyo, Nihon Hyoron Shinsha, 3 vols. Continuation of Nihon keizaishi daisan bunkdn A third bibliography of Japanese economic history edited by Honj5 Eijiro and others. Sections on the Orient and Europe are added. Tokyo, Nihon Gakujutsu Shinkokai. Based on a national survey. Lists location, content, quantity, date, and availability of materials on periods since Includes materials held by individuals, shrines, and temples.

Kitano Seiichi - i ff Tokyo, Iwanami Shoten, , pp. Bibliography of works on village sociology published between January, , and June, Includes works on economics, history, geography, language,and folklore. Tokyo, Ramu Gyosei Kenkyusho, , pp. Includes references to 6, materials published between and September, Categories are 1 general problems, 2 employment, 3 labor conditions, 4 labor and management, the labor movement, 5 managerial labor, 6 laborer's way of life, 7 laws and administration, 8 social security, 9 labor culture. General bibliography of educational materials, no.

Tokyo, Insatsuch5, , pp. Based on a survey of materials in major libraries and private collections as of March, Classifies materials under theory of education, general education, administration, school management, school education, teaching methods in the various disciplines, methods of directed study, curriculum, spedial education, and social education. Koyama Takashi ]' L! Arranges and classifies materials on the family published since the Meiji period. Includes research not only by sociologists, but also by authorities on civil law, legal historians, historians, and authorities on folklore.

Bibliography and interpretation, including foreign works translated into Japanese. A' 0 1 ' fi' Bibliography on the sociology of the family Presents sociological studies of the family, especially field studies, under 17 main headings. Includes education and sociology of law. This is the most comprehensive listing for the period The attached essay is based on the bibliography. Nakano Takashi, "Shakaigaku ni okeru ie no kenkyu: Ariga Hakushi no gyoseki o chushin to shite" Sociological research on the ie in terms of Professor Ariga's findings.

Tokyo, Nihon Gakujutsu Kaigi, , pp. Bibliography prepared as part of a Ministry of Education sponsored psychological study of Japanese personality in , plus later additions including materials published up to Since direct studies of Japanese personality are rare, most of these works are in closely related areas. There are eleven categories directly related to personality plus sections on culture, religion, myth, ethics, thought, language, folklore, literature, art, education, law, politics, society, economy, and history.

Q '4 1 ;,Bibliography of the sociology of law. From the end of the Pacific War to September, October, - June, July, - April, May, - December, Commemorating the 30th anniversary of the Ethnological Society, contains essays examining the history of each area of ethnology and pointing directions for the future.

A 66 page bibliography is appended. Section one contains essays on the development of ethnological theory historical ethnology, social anthropology, ethnological study of material culture, culture theory, culture-and-personality, ethnology and related disciplines. Part three is a study of the development of ethnology in university education and research organs.

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Tokyo, Nihon Minzokugaku Kyokai, , pp. Indexes articles published in eight periodicals of ethnology, folklore, and anthropology. Items are categorized by 15 subjects language, society, technology, economics, etc. Japanese regions are covered on pp. No annotations are given. In each area the investigator, length of time of field project, title, classification of subjectand the report of findings are listed.

S Japan Sociological Society ed. Sociological publications on Japan, followed by a listing of materials for all of Asia classified by area. Nihon Yunesuko Kokunai linkai 3. Bibliography of demographic scientific articles and books published in Japan. Includes an index of author's names. Tokyo, Nihon Gakujutsu Shinkokai, , pp. Gives a brief comment on each of the important articles and books published from to Koyama Takashi of Tokyo Municipal University supplies an interpretive article and the individual comments for the section on sociology. Makino Tatsumi supervised the section on materials related to education in Japan and Asia, including educational sociology.

Nogyo Sogo Kenkyusho tosho mokuroku. Tokyo, Norinsho Nogyo Sogo Kenkyusho, , pp. Catalogue of books collected between establishment of the Institute in November, , and March, Okayama, Okayama Daigaku Hobun Gakubu, , 93pp. Bibliography of postwar research reports and of basic source materials arranged by research discipline. Ranges from theoretical papers to statistics. Attempts to show the general trends in this research. Tokyo, Heibonsha, , pp.

Omachi Tokuzo, et al. Omi Tetsuo, "Toshi shakaigaku no genjo to kadai" Present condition of and themes for urban sociology. Materials published between the end of the war and Result of ten years of study led by Ujihara Shojiro of Tokyo University. Critical study of 3, entries, classified in six categories: An index of principal authors is included. Saito Shoichi irk -, "Toshi shakaigaku hobun bunken;f Ji C i k. Bibliography of urban sociology in the Japanese language.

Japanese materials, including magazine articles, published from to July, Sato Takeshi I V t, "Saikin no taishu goraku, yoka no kenkyu: The first part of this essay is devoted to the introduction of foreign research in this field; the latter half is a history of Japanese research on popular recreation. The bibliography covers approximately sixty Japanese works. The most comprehensive index of statistics published in Japan including materials not published for sale.

When surveys are taken at regular intervals the latest statistics are used. Significantly changed forms of survey or of publication are noted as far back as For irregular surveys or surveys taken only once, all statistics are included since , especially important ones since General Index to the Japanese Sociological Review. Lists only authors and titles and does not give page numbers. A complete listing of the tables of contents of each issue from the first issue of Shiso in , to No.

Page numbers are omitted. Prewar issues contained articles written chiefly by philosophers and literary scholars, but postwar numbers also have many essays by social scientists and natural scientists. Although the character of the magazine has changed, it continues to have a great influence with intelligentsia and students. This index is a useful tool in following trends in Japanese social criticism over a period of forty-five years.

Materials published between April, , and March, Suzuki Jiro 3 ui -. Tokyo, Sekai Shoin, , pp. City - urbanization, satellite cities, commuting and leaving home for long periods of work, day and night population, military bases, prostitution. Village - family and marriage, age-class system, territorially based groups, social stratification, collective groups, the village and outside society.

Bibliography of materials written by Japanese published between the 's and listed under three major headings: R5d5 mondai to rodoho, I: M- T L t Labor problems and labor law series, I: Tokyo, Kobundo, , pp. Annotated listing of the principal postwar studies on the labor union, especially on organizational problems. Tokyo, Tnkyo-to, Shakai Fukushi Kaikan, 98pp.

Essays and books published in Broad definition of social welfare is used for selecting materials. Introduces in outline form literature on agrarian movements, largely based on the bibliography published by the National Research Institute of the Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry. Yasuda Saburo, "Toshi shakaigaku no kaiko" Urban sociology in retrospect.

First, it provides for the usual encyclopedia or "World Almanac" problems: Beyond this are the problems peculiar to transliterating or translating from Japanese: How does one verify that a given locality underwent a change of name through history or recent administrative shifts? Such information is often infuriatingly elusive. One can work serenely only by being broadly aware of the principal types of reference resources and knowing their capacity and limitations.

Happily, the Japanese aptitude for systematic compilation makes available a wide range of works for ganeral assistance. Most of these works would be marginal in some degree to the subject matter of this Guide, and their listing would run into the hundreds. Hence, we have strictly observed narrow limits here, covering only reference materials that pertain most directly to the interests of sociology and social anthropology.

Of course, such materials do not fully relieve all the common reference problems referred to above -- we list no geographical gazeteers or maps, and no name-reading dictionaries, for example. Such problems are comr - to all social science research and are dealt with in previously published Guides in this Bibliographical Series. Rather than needlessly duplicate listings in these readily accessible guides, we urge the user to consult the following: Hall on History; and by Robert B.

Hall and Toshic Noh on Geography. Using the several Guides, students will find suitable lists of atlases and dictionaries of place names; of dictionaries of general history as well as of economic, political, legal, agricultural and other special areas of history; of chronologies; of biographical dictionaries and guides to personal name-readings.

There are, also, helpful guides to language usage in the pre-modern and modern periods. Given this wide coverage in previously published Guides, the present Guide can safely narrow its range to materials peculiarly central to sociology and social anthropology. In some degree, this chapter on General Reference Works is a "residual" category for materials not readily located under a restricted subject but of more "general" scope.

As cross-references, it cites certain reference works that do fit a particular subject-category and so have been placed elsewhere for efficient reference use; but users seeking what they consider a general reference work for a particular problem e. Specialized compendia, in other words, are not invariably listed here, where we have placed general reference works.

This chapter presents its contents under the following three headings: Yearbooks dates; incremental statistics; events; activities of organizations , b. Statistics quantitative data and the definitions for interpreting them , c. Dictionaries definition and discussion of terms, historical and contemporary. General yearbooks report events in all fields of society and cite, with appropriate statistics, changes during the preceding year.

Thus, for instance, compact summary is available for agriculture, fisheries, foreign trade, health and vital statistics, trends of population growth and distribution, production, crime, and welfare. Specialized yearbooks give more detailed and comprehensive review of developments in their particular field of interest. We list only a few most widely used general yearbooks. Moreover, we give only a sampling of the many specialized yearbooks that are available, choosing those of relatively broad scope.

Almost any Japanese organization or special group, to give evidence of its stability and respectable status, is apt to produce a yearbook as soon as it can get access to a press, so their number is virtually uncountable. Local and regional governmental and private bodies provide yearbooks, as do national organizations. No sample is provided here, but students engaged in fieldwork or case studies who are able to discover such local compendia may benefit greatly from their use.

Asahi nenkan " f X iFL Asahi yearbook. Tokyo, Asahi Shimbunmha, , annual. The first yearbook appeared in Osaka. The edition lpp. Jichisho Bunsho Kohoka g i J[ Qt. Tokyo, Jichisho, , annual. Statistics and materials on local administration and finance, and a listing of all local administrators and councilmen. Kenko Hoken Kumiai Rengokai ed. Kotsu Kyoryokukai Shuppanbu j '. Tokyo, Kotsu Kyoryokukai, , annual. Mainichi nenkan X 1 4 -O Mainichi yearbook. Tokyo, Mainichi Shimbunsha, , annual. One of the representative general yearbooks comparable to the Asahi nenkan, published at first from Osaka.

The yearbook pp. Naikaku Tokeikyoku, Nihon teikoku shiin tokei Statistics of causes of death in the Japanese empire. Nihon kyoiku nenkan Japan yearbook of education. Tokyo, Keizai Shimposha, , annual. The oldest labor yearbook in Japan.

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Contents and policies have varied in this interval. Recent volumes are divided into 1 labor conditions, 2 labor movement, and 3 labor policies. Includes surveys, materials from newspapers and magazines, statistical tablesand a bibliography. Tokyo, Inoue Shobo, , annual. Published annually since , except for Records and materials covering a wide range of urban affairs. Shakai jigyo nenkan j j j. Tokyo, Chuo Shakai Jiyo Kyokai, , annual.

Pre-war precursor to Shakai hosho nenkan Yearbook of social security ; underwent a change of name to Nihon shakai jigyo nenkan Yearbook of Japanese social work , edited by the successor organization, Shakai Jiyo5 Kenkyusho Institute of Social Work , though without change of content.

Contents vary only slightly from year to year, and usually provide an overall survey of the past year, treat the Imperial Household, control and liaison, expenditures, relief, housing and pawnshop measures, unemployment relief, medicine, and child protection laws. Rodosho j 4j X Ministry of Labor ed. Tokyo, Romu Gyosei Kenkyusho, , annual. Basic collection of materials on the postwar labor movement. Each volume gives an outline of trends for the year and covers organization problems, major union meetings, labor administration, laws and decisions, movements of the reform parties Socialist, Communist, Democratic Socialist , local disputes and labor conditions, and the development of the labor movement in local areas.

Includes a listing of the major labor and management organizations, a chronology of major events, and labor statistics. Yomiuri nenkan i A M - Yomiuri yearbook. Tokyo, Yomiuri Shimbunsha, , annual. Comparable to the Asahi nenkan and Mainichi nenkan, but began much more recently in yearbook , as the Yomiuri seiJi nenkan Yomiuri yearbook of politics. Subsequently broadened its scope. Zenkoku Shakai Fukushi Kyogikai ed.

Showa 35 nendo han Japan yearbook of social welfare: Sources listed here constitute only a narrow selection aimed entirely at assisting research in standard areas of demography, general sociology, and social anthropology. To set looser limits would quickly outrun the space appropriate to statistics in this Guide. Again, for broader coverage, especially in the field of economic statistics. Ward and Hajime Watanabe. A few specialized compendia of statistics are listed in appropriate later chapters.

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