LORA DEL DELITTO (Italian Edition)
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Mauro De Mauro - Wikipedia
Amazon Restaurants Food delivery from local restaurants. ComiXology Thousands of Digital Comics. East Dane Designer Men's Fashion. Never more than a handful, they included Antonio Rosmini, who gained prominence as a con- troversial theologian and founded the Institute of Charity, and the English- man Nicholas Wiseman, a future cardinal archbishop of Westminster. From at least , Cullen became one of their number.
What these men had in com- mon was a combination of personal piety, intellectual precocity, and linguistic facility Korten Cappellari was particularly attracted to the last trait, a pattern that continued after he was elected Pope. He patronized the learned Angelo Mai, for example, appointing him secretary to the Propaganda in , and was close to Mezzofanti, elevating the somewhat unworldly linguist to the cardinalate along with Mai in Korten , Cappellari was having none of it, and produced a range of reasons why Cullen could not possibly leave.
Although Gregory XVI was by most but not all measures a theological con- servative, and certainly a political one, under him the Catholic Church began again to turn its attention to the extra-European world. Within the curia, that change was relected in a re-balancing of power among the various congrega- tions. Although the secretariat of state remained preeminent, the Propaganda could and did resist encroachments, not least because so many of its oicials and former students had direct access to the Pope.
After a decade in Rome and not long after his ordination, Paul Cullen found himself at the centre of eccle- siastical power. By the time Gregory died in , Cullen was embedded in the latter role. Although he had watched its progress, Cullen had had relatively little to do with the College and had been relieved when it was agreed that those Irish students already at the Propaganda would not be compelled to transfer to it. In time he would remake it into something very like the Urban College. His re- lationship with Cappellari obviously secured his position both in the curia and within the Irish Church: Cullen also made a wider and enduring network of friends and patrons in the Propaganda; taciturn in Ireland, he had a gift for friendship with Italians.
It shaped his ideas about theology, churchmanship, and politics, while giving him a love of Italian, a global outlook, and a model against which to measure eve- rything from architecture to devotional practice. All of these continued to deepen or develop in the remaining 20 years he spent in Rome, but they were largely ixed by the time he left the Urban College.
He is not often credited with theological views, only administrative or devotional ones. Cullen rarely relected on explicitly theological issues, and his only known theologi- cal work was his doctoral defence. But his education was a theological one, and it remained with him to the end of his life. In , Kenrick published he Primacy of the Apostolic See Vindicated, which subsequently went through numerous editions and transla- tions. Only the future Cardinal Acton the uncle of the historian Lord Acton was outside the small circle that had formed around Cappellari and the Propaganda in the late s Nolan , Kenrick soon expanded on his defence of the papal supremacy in a more formal Latin work, the heologia Dogmatica, which began publication in Both Cullen and Angelo Mai were closely involved in its drafting, and Cullen reported regularly on its good reception in Rome.
In , it fell to Cullen to realise the ambitions of his Roman circle by drafting the deinition of papal infallibility that was promulgated by the First Vatican Council. Papal infallibility was not the only theology Cullen learned in Rome. Cappellari and his circle were inluenced by the moral the- ology of Alphonsus Liguori, an eighteenth century Italian theologian whose teachings rejected the puritanism of the Jansenists without quite embracing the lexibility of the Jesuits.
Long before he had completed his Dogmatica, Kenrick had turned his attention to a manual of moral philoso- phy. It was also striking for its enthusiastic endorsement of sexual love: Gregory has conse- quently been seen as an unrelecting reactionary, which in many ways he was. From the moment he arrived in the Italian peninsula, Cullen was acutely aware of its complicated and often violent politics — on his way to Rome in , his travelling party fell in with Austrian troops marching to Naples But what really agitated him were the secret societies that sought the unity of Italy and the overthrow of the temporal power of the papacy.
Cullen — who seems to have watched — reported that one of the condemned refused to repent even as the blade fell Unrest quickly spread, and within days most of the Papal States had been lost bar the territory around Rome itself. An attempted rebellion in the city was suppressed, but with diiculty. Cullen was not alone in thinking all this might have been avoided if internal rivalries had been put aside and Gregory elected earlier Reinerman , 10 Both men agreed on the necessity of keeping priests from complicity in nationalist rebellion: For the rest of his life, Cullen understood events in Ireland in the light of his experiences of , and later It is a dreadful thing to be in the middle of eternal alarms — and any thing should be preferred to a civil war.
In this Cullen never wavered: As I have argued at length elsewhere, Cullen was shocked by the deposition of Pope Pius IX and the behaviour of those who caused it Barr ; He detected the same forces behind it, blam- ing murderous, irreligious secret societies for the mayhem, although he also now saw England and Protestantism more generally as being complicit Barr , When the Fenians — a genuine secret society — emerged in the early s, Cullen again saw Italy and acted accordingly.
In terms that often echoed Mi- rari Vos, he denounced the fenians for both treason and irreligion. But the disjunction is more apparent than real: Cullen was and remained a constitutionalist. Cullen also learned that there was a signiicant diference between a British and an Italian liberal, and British and Italian liberalism. In time Cullen also realised that the Catholic Church fared better in Prot- estant Britain or secular America than in many formally Catholic states. But it is unlikely that he would have seen it as being inconsistent with their emphasis on the rights of the church or the deference due the state.
Cullen never stopped seeing Ireland through a Roman lens. Times changed, and Cullen became a better and subtler politician than his mentor, but the continuities are more striking than the eventual diferences. Cullen took more than politics and theology from his irst decade in Rome. In particular, his experience of the national, cultural and linguistic diversity of the Propaganda taught him to think on a global scale.
In practical terms, it gave him the skills and connections necessary to create what I have elsewhere described as a Hiberno-Roman spiritual empire Barr b. Many were trained in Rome. Most had excelled academically. All were loyal to Cullen. It was also the most im- portant consequence of his 30 years of residence in Rome. He would not have disagreed. Bodleyan Library Oxford , Ms Clarendon dep. Spalding, 22 December Archbishop of Melbourne , St. Lucia Qld, University of Queensland Press.
Dowd Christopher , Rome in Australia: Fisher Unwin, 2 vols. Gardella Peter , Innocent Ecstasy: Kerr Donal , Peel, Priests, and Politics: Macaulay James , Ireland in Albert Delahoyde was representative of the strong sense of Irish Catholic nationalism that inspired young Irishmen to volunteer to serve Pope Pius IX in His experiences aid us in understanding how the Irish viewed Italy during the nineteenth century, especially as his lengthy stay in Italy meant that he witnessed the completion of Italian uniication in In the wider picture, the relationship between Ireland and Italy at this point in the mid-nineteenth cen- tury was one of lost possibilities.
Despite a number of commonali- ties in the respective situations of Ireland and Italy, the events of the s demonstrated how the two countries negatively impacted on each other, as, due to the transnational dimension of Catholicism, their respective causes could no longer remain the same. While he has been practically forgotten by Irish history, his experiences in the s are representative, not only of the Irishmen of the Papal Battal- ion and the later Papal Zouaves, but also of the transnational links between Italy and Ireland in the middle of the nineteenth century.
Delahoyde exem- pliied the youthful sense of adventure, Irish patriotism, and strong Catholic beliefs that motivated many young Irishmen to volunteer to serve Pope Pius IX. ISSN online http: Furthermore, in her Risorgimento , renowned historian Lucy Riall has asserted that one of the aims of Risorgimento scholarship is to establish the political and personal motivations of ordinary men and women who were involved in Italian uni- ication. In this essay, I irstly relate the background to the arrival of the Irishmen in Italy in , before recounting briely the short conlict that followed.
I then move on to examine the letters themselves, in order to ascertain what they tell us about Delahoyde, the Irish soldiers in Italy, and the wider Irish-Italian relations in this period. Italy at mid-nineteenth century was a patchwork of states and territories, one of which was the Papal States. In Ireland, the notion had been growing since the late s that the Papal States and the Pope were surrounded by enemies in Italy.
Pope Pius IX believed that it was a matter of conscience to preserve intact the Pa- pal States which had been committed to him, and to hand them on to his successor. To protect what he saw as his divinely ordained right, the Pope sent out a call for help to many of the Catholic nations in Europe in January Firstly, the Catholic Church attempted to make Irish Catho- lics aware of the situation in which their spiritual leader had found himself.
In other words, the Papacy needed to be politically independent to ensure its spiritual independ- ence. Secondly, the Irish bishops began a fundraising efort that eventually raised the impressive sum of eighty thousand pounds for the Pope, most of it being channelled to the Vatican via the Pontiical Irish College in Rome.
At irst the Pope was not that keen on having Irish soldiers as part of the Papal Army, as he feared antagonising the British government, who for- bade their subjects to serve in any foreign army under the British Foreign Enlistment Act of He soon changed his mind, however, as the threat to his territory grew. McDonnell presented himself to the bishops of Cork, Dublin and Waterford, seeking their approval for his recruitment campaign.
Many of the local clergy throughout the country became unoicial recruiting of- icers, preaching a message from the pulpits about the need for young Irish Catholic men to volunteer to support the Papacy in the upcoming struggle. A wave of patriotic articles, pamphlets and poems also appeared in the na- tional press. In the end, about 1, Irishmen were recruited for the Papal Army, to be formed into a unit known as the Papal Battalion of St Patrick.
Many more volunteered, but Papal Authorities were unwilling to accept more recruits than they believed they could equip and train in time. Crossing over to mainland Italy, they fought their way up the peninsula, overwhelm- ing the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies by September.
Garibaldi then declared his intention to march on Rome, which was defended by French soldiers, an act that could have triggered a wider European war. After the siege of Ancona, the entire Papal Army surrendered. At this point, the Piedmontese marched south, avoiding Rome and its French contingent. Garibaldi yielded the territories that he had conquered to King Victor Emanuel II in October at Teano near Naples, and quietly went into temporary retirement.
As regards the Irish soldiers, the majority of them were marched to Genoa and held there as prisoners. A committee was formed in Ireland in September with the intention of gathering donations in order to repatriate the men back to Ireland. Meetings were held throughout the country in an attempt to raise subscriptions to this end. On 20 October, a Papal owned ship, the Byzantine, began to transfer the men from Genoa to Marseilles.
From here, they made their way to Paris and on to Le Havre, where eventually a ship was located to take them back to Ireland. Trains took the men from Cork City to their various parts of Ireland.
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At every stop along the way, large groups of people turned out to see them. Albert Delahoyde however, was not amongst them, as he had remained behind in Rome. Little is known of his early life until he volunteered to serve in the Pa- pal Battalion. On his way to Rome, he spent some time in Belgium, putting his linguistic skills to good use as an interpreter for many of the recruits gathering there from the various Catholic countries. Delahoyde was garrisoned in Ancona throughout the brief conlict between the Papal Army and the Kingdom of Piedmont-Sardinia, spending his nine- teenth birthday under heavy ire, which was his irst experience of battle.
After the fall of Ancona in late September, Delahoyde was captured with his comrades and later transferred from Genoa to Marseilles in anticipation of a return to Ireland. He chose, however, to return to Rome for the foreseeable future, along with approximately forty other Irish soldiers. Delahoyde continued his military career in the service of the Papacy in Italy, joining the newly formed Papal Zouaves, and eventually becoming a Second Lieutenant in October Delahoyde became a commissioned oicer in and, as a result, he had a front row seat for the remaining milestones in Italian uniication.
He fought at the Battle of Mentana in November as part of the victo- rious Franco-Papal forces, which included roughly new volunteers from Ireland, against Italian soldiers under Giuseppe Garibaldi who were making an attempt to take Rome. At this battle, he was slightly wounded and was later made a Captain in acknowledgement of his bravery.
Delahoyde was also one of the leading individuals involved in the defence of the Porta Pia gate in Rome in , commanding a company in the battle where the Italian Army inally took full possession of the city. Delahoyde was a proliic letter writer during the ten years he lived in Italy. A number of these letters have survived, and are held at the National Library of Ireland in Dublin.
In other words, he wanted to counteract what he saw as propaganda by various sources, mainly Italian and British, which had attempted to discredit the Irishmen who fought in Italy, both at the time and in the ensuing years. I now turn to these letters in order to assess what they tell us about the identi- ty of Albert Delahoyde, what they reveal about the wider contexts of both the Papal Battalion of St Patrick and the Papal Zouaves, and about the contacts between Ireland and Italy in the mid-nineteenth century.
Even at the tender age of eighteen, it was clear that he was already multilingual. In his irst letter to his mother on 14 July , he claimed that he spoke both German and French, the former a little more luently. He also wasted no time in acquiring a knowledge of the Italian language on arrival at his ultimate destination. At this point, however, he had already started the habit of adding random Italian phrases to his letters, and this became more common as the s progressed. Clearly, Albert Delahoyde was an intelligent young man, with a natu- ral ear for languages. In his linguistic ability, Delahoyde seemed, however, to have been more the exception than the rule.
Delahoyde was acutely aware of the problems caused by the fact that the diferent nationalities could not com- municate with each other, or at least struggled to do so. Another young Irish soldier, Martin Bulger, found himself based in the town of Macerata in the Marche. Delahoyde was extremely interested in travelling and learning about other parts of the world. In a 24 July letter to his mother, he was dis- appointed to admit that he had seen very little of the Italian countryside.
It is obvious from his other writings that he was interested in learning more about the places he visited. In the copious notes that he compiled during the writing of his work he Irish Battalion in the Papal Army , George Berkeley was almost apologetic to the reader on behalf of some of the statements made by Delahoyde, partly excusing him due to his youthfulness and immaturity. An intense dislike of the Italians who lived in the Papal States is appar- ent from the irst letters that Delahoyde sent home in July In many of his letters, especially those written in , his irst year in Italy, Delahoyde continuously compared Ireland and the Irish people with Italy and the Italians.
Again, he was presumably speaking of those who lived in the territories controlled by the Pope, as it was here that Delahoyde spent the majority of his time whilst in Italy. He stated that he did not ind Italian women attractive, and instead missed the complexion of Irish girls. In the eyes of Delahoyde and many other Irish soldiers, they had come to protect these people from the invading Piedmontese, but the citizens of the Papal States seemed to feel diferently. Relations between the Irish and the residents of the Papal States con- tinued to be diicult, not simply because the Irish were in the region in the irst place, but also due to the behaviour of some of them while they were there.
Abraham, also asserted that the Kerry Boys had been sent out to Italy be- cause their local bishop wanted to be rid of them. Delahoyde himself briely addressed the issue of Irish-Italian interaction as he described an afternoon spent in a Roman square in It appears that the Irish soldiers were una- ware both of the dangers of sunstroke and the beneits of an afternoon siesta! Delahoyde spoke of lealets which had been scattered all around the barracks at Ancona where many of the Irish sol- diers were based during the brief conlict. Clearly, there was both a lack of mutual understanding and strained re- lations between the Italians of the Papal States and the Irish in this period, as well as the Irish and their enemy the Piedmontese.
Clearly, the wider cultural diferences between the Irish and these Italians, and in the broader view the citizens of Ireland and Italy, were exacerbated by the bitterness of a military campaign.
Mauro De Mauro
In part perhaps to counter this animosity, a growing sense of Irish patriotism and national pride was devel- oping amongst many of the men of the Papal Battalion of St Patrick. Delahoyde spoke in glowing terms of the Irish soldiers in the Papal Bat- talion of St Patrick on numerous occasions. He further stated that the Irish soldiers had received much praise from the Papal Army leaders for their performance in the battle at Peru- gia, which was the irst encounter between Piedmontese forces and the Papal Army. He further elaborated by claiming that the Italians and Swiss of the Papal Army refused the order to charge the enemy, and that instead it was left up to the Irish and the Franco-Belgians, as he terms them.
It was also the most im- portant consequence of his 30 years of residence in Rome. Thirty-one years later Tommaso 7 and Daniele He made contact with various theatre managers in the area to see if there were oppor- tunities for him as a composer or singer or possibly as a copyist for orchestral scores. And the fact that this, my last experi- ence, was deined by this perception, this was the culmination of sorrow. Bianconi paid for most of the cost. Rothwell however decided to give up what he had achieved in London, put aside commissions he had been given for further portraits, and set of for Italy in in order to ill this self-perceived lacuna in his artistic formation. As there was no further mention of this relic in his letters, we must conclude that he was unsuccessful in his quest.
Participation in the war generated by the Italian movement for nation- al uniication fostered a level of Irish national pride for many Irish soldiers, at least on some level, as it allowed briely the establishment of a de facto, though limited, Irish army. His strong religious beliefs were shared not only by a large portion of his fellow Irish soldiers, but also by those left at home in Ireland who had supported the endeavour from the outset. In a letter written to his mother from Ancona, he enclosed a set of rosary beads which he had been using him- self.
Delahoyde regularly attended Mass during his time in Rome, on one occasion in to commemorate the irst anniversary of the battle of Castelidardo. As there was no further mention of this relic in his letters, we must conclude that he was unsuccessful in his quest. Again writing to his mother, he stated that: I cannot say if Divine Providence will spare me in this my third campaign but I am quite resigned to accept death, if such be the Divine Will […] even should I be called I shall be happier above than here, and God knows we have not much reason to regret this world which for us has not been one of pleasure.
NLI Ms 13, he positive and upbeat young man of had been replaced with one cognizant of his own mortality and sensing his impending doom after ten years of intermittent warfare. Contemporaries of Delahoyde also exhibited a strong religious tone in their communications. He visited only Catholic sites during his time in Rome, and proudly described seeing Pope Pius IX in person on a number of occa- sions. Writing about the Pa- pal Battalion of St Patrick over half a century later, another veteran, Michael Smith, was very defensive of the cause for which he had fought.
Other writings by men of the Papal Battalion expressed similar sentiments to these. It was also an important reason why a number of Irish soldiers, including Delahoyde, subsequently spent many years in the service of Pope Pius IX as part of the Papal Zouaves.
Yet, obviously it was not the only reason. Faith did not rule out other motivations for enlisting. Anger towards Britain also played its part, exacerbated by anti-Catholicism and anti-Papal sentiments in the British press, along with the British support for Garibaldi. In fact, the British, eager to assist any movement that would weaken the Catholic powers of France and Austria on the European stage, unoicially backed the Italian uniication movement. Whilst this was predominantly for spiritual reasons, there was also a political motive for many of the men. It is also interesting to observe that, though the opponents of the Irish during the brief conlict in Italy were also Catholics, this fact does not appear to have caused many of the Irishmen to doubt the legitimacy of the endeavour.
Nei- ther did this fact lead Irish people in Ireland to support fellow Catholics in the Kingdom of Piedmont-Sardinia or those in the Papal States who wished to be part of a united Italy. It is clear from the widespread show of support at home, including the raising of eighty thousand pounds less than a decade after the Famine had ended, that the eyes and support of Irish Catholics were concentrated solely on Rome and the Papacy. Soon after he left the Papal Zouaves and returned to Ireland.
In , while liv- ing back in his hometown of Dublin, Albert Delahoyde wrote to Monsignor To- bias Kirby, Rector of the Pontiical Irish College in Rome, seeking the pension to which he believed he was entitled from the Papal Authorities. In this letter, he informed Kirby that the majority of his remaining family had emigrated to the United States in June , where soon thereafter they had met with tragedy.
Even at this late date and after all the setbacks and defeats that had come his way in defence of his religion, Delahoyde appeared to have never wavered in the strength of his religious convictions. Shortly thereafter, Delahoyde received a position in the Indian mail ser- vice, with the duty of travelling with the post from London to Brindisi. At this point in the nineteenth century, mail for India would leave London by train, cross the channel by ferry, and then continue by train across France and Italy until it reached the heel of Italy.
Here at Brindisi it would be load- ed onto a ship bound for Bombay. Delahoyde travelled this route helping to guard the mail until his retirement. After retiring in , he lived quietly in London until his death at the relatively young age of 63 in It is fair to say that Delahoyde was emblematic of the many young Irishmen who vol- unteered to ight in Italy in His youthful sense of adventure, Irish pat- riotism, ofensive views on the Italians with whom he came in contact, and, most of all, his strong sense of Irish Catholic identity, were characteristics many of the soldiers of the Papal Battalion of St Patrick possessed.
His lengthy stay in Italy and his service in the Papal Zouaves meant that he witnessed the completion of Italian uniication, unlike the majority of his Papal Battalion colleagues. His multilingualism and interest in travel also marked him as exceptional, since most of the Irishmen who travelled to Italy in the summer of could only speak English or Irish, and exhibited no desire to stay in Italy following their service in the Papal Battalion of St Patrick.
In the wider picture, the relationship between Ireland and Italy at this point in the mid-nineteenth century can be said to have been one of lost possibilities. Ireland and Italy had a number of commonalities by the early s. Instead, they took up opposing positions — the anticlerical Kingdom of Piedmont-Sardinia and the later Italian Kingdom versus the most prevalent Irish version of national- ism and identity which embraced Catholicism.
Devoy John , Recollections of an Irish Rebel: Riall Lucy , Risorgimento: John Hogan was a sculptor who began his career by studying the collection of plaster casts of Vatican marbles in Cork. He moved to Rome in where he was deeply inluenced by the neoclassical sculp- ture of Antonio Canova and Bertel horvaldsen. His period of greatest activity was the s and s. Nearly all his work was for Irish pa- trons and he returned regularly to Ireland for commissions. He carved ideal and religious subjects, memorials, portrait busts and igure monu- ments.
His most important themes were drawn from Catholicism and Irish nationalism. He lived and worked near the Corso in Rome and was well regarded by his peers. After the Roman revolution he returned to Ireland in where he died in His arrival was the outcome of years of preparation in Cork. He was born on 14 October in Tallow, County Waterford, where his father, a Catholic, was a builder.
His mother, uncharacteristically for the time, came from an upper-class Protestant landed family and she forfeited her status when she married. Hogan received a sound basic education and is said to have excelled at history and mathematics. His letters read well. He was initially apprenticed to a Cork solicitor, Michael Foote, but his real interest lay in architecture, drawing and sculpture. His fa- ther was foreman to the rising Cork architect homas Deane and through this connection the young Hogan was apprenticed to Deane in Hogan acknowledged that it was his early work for Deane which allowed him to develop as a sculptor.
He acquired a mastery of carving in pinewood and Deane promised to send him to Italy to learn marble igure carving for architectural applications. However this did not happen, and Hogan might well have remained as one of the many artisan carvers who lourished in Cork in the nineteenth-century had he not encountered the large collection of plaster casts of antique marbles from the Vatican. It was a selection that showed the best of the antique seamlessly continued into the work of Canova. Hogan studied there and a fellow student was Daniel Maclise who was to have a highly successful career in London.
Between and while working for Deane Hogan drew from the casts and carved copies of details. He also attended classes in anatomy for artists by Dr Woodrofe and carved a skeleton in pine Petrie , I, John Murphy, Catholic bishop of Cork since , was a learned man who like many Irish bishops had travelled on the continent. He commissioned Hogan in to carve twenty-seven igures of saints for St. At this time the Catholic Church in Ireland was just emerging from diicult times and Catholic Emancipation was only to come in Hogan exhibited there in September and the Institution gave him funds to travel to Italy.
Before he left he received two commissions to be executed in Rome, one from Deane, and another from Fleming-Leicester. En route to Rome he stayed briely in London where he responded more to the Rococo sculpture of Roubilliac and Rysbrack than to the Neoclassi- cism of John Flaxman. Nor did he care for the Greek severity of the Elgin marbles. He met the sculptor Francis Chantrey who disapproved of study in Rome as he favoured realistic modern dress, not antique dress, in portrai- ture. On the way to Italy Hogan visited the Louvre, and also Florence where he would have seen masterpieces by Donatello and others.
While he had at- tained great technical luency, mainly through his practice as a wood carver, his taste had not yet settled in a clear direction. Irish artists had continuously travelled to Rome during the eighteenth- century: Rome attracted the nobility and gentry of northern Europe on the Grand Tour. His most important work was his memorial to Provost Baldwin, installed in Trinity College Dublin in When peace was restored, Rome remained a major attraction, particular- ly for sculptors who were committed to the neoclassical style and the study of antiquity.
James Hefernan who began in Cork carving ornament for the architect Michael Shanahan visited Rome for a short time. Joseph Kirk was there in and Patrick McDowell in It is likely that Hogan met these sculptors. Austere ideals, based on a renewed study of the antique, were to transform European art, especially sculp- ture and architecture. In Rome the Venetian sculptor Canova was to dominate sculpture from the s and had a great inluence across the continent.
North European sculptors like Bertel horvaldsen , who arrived from Co- penhagen in , studied under Canova and was seen as his heir. Although a Protestant, horvaldsen was well regarded by the popes and carved the tomb of Pius VII in While mythologi- cal classical subjects were common for Canova and horvaldsen, so also were re- ligious subjects which served the Catholic revival Arts Council of Great Britain , He carved tombs, igure monuments and busts in a severe neoclassical style. Gibson specialised in ideal nude mythological igures and he received major patronage from the English nobility who favoured such subjects for their mansions.
Since Hogan did not know Italian when he arrived in he relied on Gibson for discussion on art and also for the practical use of his studio. Luke was the leading papal art institution which in- cluded antique and life studies. It was headed by Canova from to , then by the painter Vincenzo Cammucini until , and by horvaldsen to ; Tenerani became head in Cammucini and horvaldsen were the dominant presences in the s when Hogan was still inding his way as a sculptor.
Cammucini was particular- ly authoritative in the Roman art world after and became Inspector Gen- eral of the papal museums. He specialised in history paintings presented like Neoclassical reliefs Hiesinger , It shows plans and elevations of buildings, some from antiquity like the Temple of Vesta, a plan of the palace of Augustus on the Palatine hill and the sarcophagus of Scipio. Pietro in Montorio, a portico of a Renaissance church, Facciata del Nobile Ridotto di Casena, as well as funerary monuments by Canova and Renaissance decorative architectural details.
Hogan can be seen to be focusing on the classical tradition from antiquity to its Renaissance and modern applications, studiously avoiding the abundant examples of Baroque Rome. In acquiring a knowledge of Italian, Hogan was helped by Fr. Luigi Gentile , who had stayed at the Irish College in Rome and was a brilliant man with doctorates in civil and in canon law. Gentile loved art and taught Italian to visitors to Rome. Hogan valued his friendship in the s when he was trying to establish himself in the city.
After Gentile became a popular Catholic missionary in England and Ireland as a member of the Rosminian order. Clemente, house of the Irish Dominicans, and S. Mullock OFM for whom he was later to receive commissions. One of these was Fr. Justin MacNamara, a fellow Cork man. MacNamara was a man of taste and on his death in on the way to Rome, Hogan carved a superb marble memorial re- lief for Kinsale parish church.
Paul Cullen, the Rector from ; he had an interest in the visual arts and knew Ho- gan. Cullen was also in negotiation with Hogan about a statue for St. From as Archbishop of Armagh and as Archbishop of Dublin Cul- len introduced a vigorous emphasis on Ultramontane discipline and devotion which was to deine Irish Catholicism for a century.
John Lateran and later he told them he had received a Papal blessing at S. He saw no fault in the administration of the Papal States. He sin- gled out the value of contact with artists from all over Europe and the ease of access to a life model which would have been impossible in Cork. Hogan was completely converted to an austere Neoclassicism. In Rome he had free entry to the schools of the Academy of St. Luke where he could draw from life. He reported that he was drawing the antique at the Pio-Clementino museum in the Vatican, and from life at the Eng- lish Academy.
It was there, before he could aford to rent a studio of his own, that he carved a head of a woman. A year after he arrived in Rome, on 26 March , he told W. Carey, his supporter in Ireland, that he could not aford a studio, but was drawing in the galleries and academies. In he was living in an apartment at 24 Vicolo dei Greci in the Corso, paying two and a half crowns a month.
He bought essential equipment: He acquired part of a studio once used by Cano- va, 18a and 19, Vicolo di S. Giacomo in Augusta, a street running from the Corso to Ripetta. In he moved with his family to Via del Babuino, probably to gain living space. He was at all times living and working in central Rome around the Corso. Torlonia and Company was his bank where i- nancial drafts from patrons in Ireland could be cashed Turpin a, To establish his reputation he had to produce an ideal subject such as a mythological nude within the established conventions of such subjects, but of- fering a fresh interpretation.
He needed to measure up to his peers. Howev- er, Cammucini and Gibson challenged him to produce a new version of the Faun subject, which was common in antiquity such as the Barberini Faun. It is a dynamic image; in the play of the limbs its realism relates it back to Canova. It was in the tradition of the deposition of Christ from the cross, but idealised in severely neoclassical terms.
It epitomises the application of chaste neoclassical principles to religious art. In November Hogan made his irst return visit to Ireland. It was commissioned by Fr Flanagan, parish priest since , of the newly built neoclassical church of St. Nicholas of Myra, Francis St. In this magazine all the other main Roman sculptors were featured: Hogan had won his place in the international community of sculptors. Among these Maria Benzoni became his close friend; he had come from Bergamo and from had studied at the Academy of St.
Apart from Gibson there were a number of other British sculptors in the city at various dates: By the mids Hogan had absorbed the example of Canova and horvaldsen. He was an established sculptor in Rome working for commis- sions from Ireland, mainly for memorials and portrait subjects. Hogan won the commission in April in a competition against nine others. He completed the work in In this, the sculptor had taken a neoclassical tomb memorial formula and given it a Catholic and nationalist application. By placing a harp, based on medieval precedent, alongside Erin he was making one of the earliest statements in the Celt- ic Revival.
He was elected unanimously to the Incorporated Society or Congregation of the Virtuosi of the Pantheon in It had been found- ed in with the Pope as titular head. In addition to painters such as Minardi and architects it also contained ifteen sculptors, normally all Ital- ians.
Efectively this was papal court dress. He was also elected a member of the Academy of St. He was part of the Roman establishment by the s. His integration into Roman society was strengthened by his marriage to Cornelia Bevignani on 11 November He was thirty- seven while she was twenty-two.
She was reported to have moved in elevated social circles of Prince Borghese, Lord Shrewsbury and Torlonia the banker. After his marriage his life centred on his family and his home. He walked with his family along the Corso, and sometimes took them on trips to the Alban hills. He was reputedly hospitable to his friends and frequently had young English and Irish artists at his table. His sister Elizabeth, lived for a period in Rome but re- turned to Ireland in Turpin a, His career during the s, its high point, was linked to the Irish nationalist movement. Hogan made another return visit to Ireland in June of that year when the Bishop Doyle monument was exhibited in the ideal neoclassical surroundings of the City Hall, Dublin.
His reputation in Ireland was in the ascendant. Petrie also advised his fellow scholar, Samuel Ferguson, to call on Hogan in Rome. While in Ireland Hogan received numerous Irish commissions for memorials to be executed on his return to Rome. He abolished the tithes to the Established Protestant church in Beneath the igure on the pedestal was a re- lief with a personiication of the city of Cork wearing a mural crown. Both Drummond and Crawford cover contemporary dress with sweeping riding cloaks, like antique statues.
In creating these two monuments Ho- gan may have been looking at a memorial to the South American patriot, Simon Bolivar, by Lorenzo Bartolini During the early s he was working in his studio on several Irish commissions for memorial reliefs. One was to Jeanette Farrell St. It shows the young girl teaching religion to a child with an accompanying angel. An even larger memorial relief was that to the Irish as- tronomer, the Protestant Bishop Brinkley of Cloyne, which was complet- ed in for Trinity College Dublin where Brinkley was professor.
Most of the expatriate sculptors in Rome, like Hogan and Gibson, worked on commissions from their home countries. He built Lyons House, County Kildare, which housed his collection. He was on a visit to Naples and Rome in when he called on Hogan. Cloncurry wanted to present a sculp- ture, incorporating a portrait of himself, to the Dublin Literary Society, but left the composition to the sculptor Fitzpatrick , It shows an idealised female igure of Hibernia or Erin, accompanied by harp, wolf- hound, books and an inverted crown, all symbolic of Ireland.
She looks towards a bust of Cloncurry which terminates a herm beside her. So much did Cloncurry like it that he retained it for himself, rather than present it. It is also an early example of the Celtic Revival but more classical than romantic in feeling. As a young man Cloncurry had been in love with the painter Amelia Curran, daughter of the celebrated barrister John Philpot Curran, who had defended the United Irishman rebels.
Following her death in Cloncurry asked Hogan to make her memorial. It was placed in the Irish Franciscan church of S. In he was commissioned by James Molyneux Caulield to supervise the restoration of the inscription on their tomb in S. Pietro in Montorio and he paid his assistant Restaldi to do this work. He collected payments for past commissions and received new commissions. Among these was a portrait bust of Archbishop Murray of Dublin, commissioned by Rev.
Dr Walter Meyler, administrator of St. It was a vast and tumultuous politi- cal rally with bands, banners and speeches. Back in Italy, he travelled to the quarries at Serravezza to acquire a suitable block of marble for the igure. So great was its weight that it re- quired a wagon drawn by twenty young oxen and four large horses to move it along the Corso to his studio in Via S. On completion in it drew admiring comment from sev- eral visitors to his studio and the plaster remained there, towering above the other igures.
Mother Teresa Ball had founded a school for girls at Rathfarnham. Hogan was back again in Dublin in He brought a broach of Cu- pid and a dolphin, based on a fresco at Pompeii, which he presented to Sir homas Deane, his former patron, in Cork in July. He received new commis- sions, a memorial relief to Peter Purcell, founder of the Agricultural Society of Ireland, who had died in It is a pastoral image ig.
His studio was a focus of interest for Irish visitors to Rome, especially for churchmen. His collection of these plasters was to pass from his widow after his death to W. Crawford who donated them to the gallery in Cork. Italians hankering for a united Italy and liberal reforms saw the Papal States as a hindrance to this and therefore something to be abolished. He told Lord Cloncurry of the rising militarism in Rome. After this, Hogan and his family led to Carrara. Tenerani too, another papal supporter, led the city, as did Gibson.
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Wyatt remained in his studio which was damaged by a grenade. In February the Roman Republic was declared. Perhaps to protect his studio Hogan returned to Rome and was forcibly enrolled in the Italian National Guard. All of this deeply unsettled Hogan and he decided to return perma- nently to Ireland. He probably considered it a better place in which to bring up his growing family, now needing schooling. He may also have felt that after his successes in the s he had an assured career in Ireland. On 25 August he left.
He need not have done so as the Republic was over and other sculptors like Gibson continued to live there in the s when the French guaranteed the continuance of the Papal States. He left in his Roman studio, blocks of marble, a double jack-saw, pictures in frames, chisels and boxes of journals.
He gave the key to his inside studio to his close friend, the sculptor Giovanni Benzoni. He left his wine cellar, his beds, a gunbarrel and silver- ware to a signora Pozzi. He held on to his studio until so that current projects could be completed by Restaldi.
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His freight back to Dublin included the completed marble memorials for Fr. Since Hogan had left Rome, just as the papal government was about to be restored, there were rumours in Dublin that he had ofended the Holy See. Perhaps to show that this was not true, and more likely simply to tidy up his afairs, he returned to Rome in May He assigned his studio to Restaldi and settled his debts to his friend Benzoni.
In selecting a sculptor to do this he consulted Hogan in , by then living in Dublin, and he recommended Benzoni. Had Hogan remained in Rome, it is highly likely that he would have been the man to carve it. Bianconi paid for most of the cost. In the lower part of the memorial is a relief depicting the passing of the Act of Catholic Emancipation in parliament. When the Irish College moved to its present location on the Coelian hill in , the monument was moved, although no trace of the heart was found behind it.
Isidoro, Rome, knew Hogan and commissioned him in to make two memorials of his predecessors as bishops of Newfoundland, for St. Hogan also made two important nationalist sculptures in He was disappointed not to have won the commissions for memorials to Archbishop Murray and to homas Moore.
Hogan had completed the plaster sketch model by his death in John Valentine was to remain in Rome as a sculptor and died there in He could be eclectic in style as there are also inluences of the High Renaissance and the Baroque. His mastery of carving the igure and rendering lesh in marble matches the best of his contemporaries; this is most noticeable in the delicacy of his modelling of hands and feet.
It was a combination of reformist consti- tutional nationalism and Ultramontane Catholicism — a conservative alliance that was to be long-lasting in Ireland.
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In his contribution to the emerging Celtic Revival he could be considered as part of the broader Romantic Movement. However the majority of his patronage came from middle-class Irish professional and business people as well as clergy and religious congregations. Commissions for religious sub- jects, funerary memorials, commemorative igures and portrait busts came from Ireland but the work was carved in his studio in Rome. It looked best in classical buildings like the City Hall, St.
Nicholas of Myra, St. While a supporter of Irish nationalism, he was opposed to the Italian Risorgimento and revolution because of its anti-Catholic and anti-Papal intentions. His support for the papacy resembled that of the Irish Brigade which fought in defence of the Pope in It was his location in Rome, close to a community of Italian and foreign artists, centred on the Corso area, that stimulated his creativity.
He lost that stimulus and the pres- tige of the connection when he returned to the narrower intellectual conines of post-Famine Ireland. His career declined and demonstrated why most of the best Irish artists of the period sought permanent careers abroad. II, New York, Doubleday, Richard Rothwell was an Irish portraitist who was successful in London in the late s. Despite this achievement he felt he had to leave London to acquaint himself with the Italian Masters and see what trends were in demand in Rome in the early s.
England, Failure, Ireland, Italy, Portraitist In when the Irish painter Richard Rothwell decided to interrupt his successful career as a portrait painter in London in order to familiarise himself with Italian art and with the work of the great Italian Masters of the past, he undoubtedly thought that what he would gain in experience and artistic tech- nique would ultimately enhance his career on his return to London.
Rothwell was drawn to Rome as an extraordinary centre of culture which could bring the traveller face to face with the glories of ancient Rome to- gether with many artistic treasures of more recent times. By the early nineteenth century Rome was still a singular centre for antiquar- ian and archaeological studies. Many artists from all over Europe travelled there to see the masterpieces of the Italian Renaissance, while in earlier decades the Grand Tour brought travellers face to face with famous monuments and buildings of the past.
Painters and etchers responded to this demand for portable sou- venirs and they produced townscapes and views vedute of the ruins of ancient buildings. Due to declining patronage from the Papacy, and a less wealthy merchant class, artists consequently responded to the demands of individual travellers and collec- tors whose personal tastes were relected in the market for themes from ancient history, legends and myths.
Artists painted pic- turesquely costumed peasants while subject painting of infancy, childhood and old age was created for popular consumption. Severn had been 1 Now in the Philadelphia Museum of Art. Although Irish by birth Rothwell, who was Protestant, does not seem to have been in contact with Irish centres in Rome such as the Irish College or with the Irish artist John Hogan who was in the city at that time and who was closely associated with Catholic circles in the city.
Rothwell had deliberately left Ireland and had settled successfully in London so he may have felt that he had little in common with the Irish in Rome and may have felt more at ease with English circles in that city. Rothwell was born on November 20, in Athlone, Co Westmeath. He was the eldest of seven children born to James Rothwell and his wife Elizabeth Holmes5.
Little is known of his early life in that town but he must have shown some early aptitude in the ield of painting because his uncle, homas Watson, who lived in Dublin, took charge of him and enrolled him in the Dublin Soci- ety Schools in During this period he had shown considerable promise as an artist and on completion of his studies he began to work as a portrait painter in Dublin. At this early stage he already had an inlated view of his own talent and soon felt that he had not achieved the success that his ability warranted. For a while he considered abandoning his career as a painter but must certainly have been encouraged to continue his work as a portraitist following his elec- tion as an Associate to the newly founded Irish Hibernian Academy in Rothwell appears to have gained popularity as a young artist in Dublin, he painted numerous portraits and many of these early commissions came from prominent people.