Conspiration autour d’une chanson d’amour (French Edition)

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Que ton souffle vienne enflammer. Et ce regard qui peut aimer! Que par toi ce marbre soit femme! Et que par ton pouvoir vainqueur. Sur elle, sur son front, sur sa bouche La vie et la chaleur semblent tomber des cieux! Un regard frais et pur! De ce vieux vin,.

Pour la seconde fois que ne peux-tu m'entendre,. Oui, mes amis, soyez contents,. Qui ne durent qu'un jour. Tout n'est dans ce bas monde. Loin des esprits moroses,. Et sur des lits de roses,. La partition de M. Les couplets de la paresse: De ne rien faire,. Quand tout s'agite autour de nous! Ciro Pinsuti pour l'Italie. Je ne vous promets pas, ma belle , l'autre duo: La musique de M. La musique de J. Guy et Meliot, musique de M. Parodie en trois actes, livret de Pierre-Thomas Gondot, musique de vaudevilles. Offenbach avait-il mis tout son monde sur pied.

Cantate, paroles de M. Musy dessine avec beaucoup de souplesse le personnage difficile de George Dandin, et M. Le Gil Blas de M. Semet est d'ailleurs une partition importante et qui renferme de fort jolis morceaux: Le terme, en effet, n'est pas plus en usage que la chose. Gille est au service de M. Le pauvre Gillotin n'aspire pas si haut. Dans son ardeur, il lui baise les mains. Roquentin en l'honneur du sergent, son convive. Roquentin apprend par cette lettre que Brisacier, le sergent aux gardes, est son fils.

C'est la voix du rossignol,. Comme un galant Espagnol. L'intention des auteurs est ici manifeste. La musique que M. Le gros Mondor , et l'air bouffe de Gille: Joli Gille, joli Jean. La comtesse imagine alors de se compromettre: Le seigneur de Montauban fait accuser son rival de trahison et de sorcellerie. Des airs nationaux bretons donnent une couleur locale suffisante.

Je signalerai, dans le premier acte: Pour que ces sortes d'effets soient acceptables pour l'oreille, il faut qu'ils appartiennent aux modes qui leur sont propres, tels que le dorien et l'hypodorien. Gilles de Bretagne, M. La musique d'Audran non plus.

Victor Hugo et de M. O madre mia, quanto mi costi! Un coup de canon retentit. Les matelots accourent avec des torches. Les amis de Gioconda lui rendent compte de leur mission. Ils s'embarquent et vont cacher leur union sous d'autres cieux. Vergine santa, allontana il demonio. Volesti il mio corpo, dimon maladetto! E il corpo ti do! Dans le premier finale, M.

Le dernier acte est fort court. Ultima voce del mio destino. Il serait difficile de trouver des accents plus douloureux. L'ouverture se compose d'un fandango assez joli. On y remarque un passage chromatique d'un bel effet. Au second acte, nous signalerons le duo: Mon mari, mon vrai mari. Quand on en a deux! Il faut convenir que M. Il faut de la prudence,. Il y va de mon existence. J' m'en fich' pas mal. Elles ont pu y apprendre qu'on tirait le canon en La partition ne renferme pas moins de vingt-trois morceaux. Dans cette musique, l'expression est vive et juste.

Le sujet ne comportait pas un grand effort. Costumes de Marcel Multzer. Il le savait bien, le perfide , et Deux pigeons s'aimaient d'amour tendre. On a applaudi les couplets: La partition contient d'ailleurs de fort jolis passages. Parmi les meilleurs morceaux de la partition de M. Cooper, Alexandre, Mesmaecker et Scipion.

Le trio pour voix d'hommes: Douce madone , qui est un nocturne gracieux. On voit que Carafa n'a pas eu de chance dans le choix de ses livrets. Verdi, dans son Miserere du Trovatore. Cependant, le voici en peu de mots: Or, qui peut le saisir? Ni vous, ni moi: Gilbert Meynier The enigmatic showman Martin Couney showcased premature babies in incubators to early 20th century crowds on the Coney Island and Atlantic City boardwalks, and at expositions across the United States.

Before television and color photography were available, it was their only way to see them. Over time, successive publications of the papers presented at that first meeting have given rise to a genuine publishing saga, thus far including three French editions, one in Italian, one in English and another in German. This remarkable repertoire is completed by the impressive catalogue of the exhibition. However, most commentators have limited their remarks to praising the important anti-racist content and criticisms of the colonial legacy, which are common to both undertakings.

Finally, the unsophisticated ethnological exhibitions which had been typical in England particularly in London in the early-nineteenth century, underwent a gradual transformation from the middle of the century, which saw them develop into the most popular form of commercial ethnological exhibition.

The first autonomous missionary events were Protestant and possibly took place prior to In any case, this has been confirmed as the year that the Methodist Wesleyan Missionary Society organised a missionary exhibition which took place at the same time as the International Exhibition. Small in size and very simple in structure, it was held for only two days during the month of June, although it provided the extraordinary opportunity to see and acquire shells, corals and varied ethnographic materials including idols from Tonga and Fiji.

Whether or not they were directly influenced by the international event of , the modest British missionary exhibitions of the mid-nineteenth century began to evolve rapidly from the s, reaching truly spectacular proportions in the first third of the twentieth century. This enormous success was due to a particular set of circumstances which were not true for the Catholic sphere.

Firstly, the exhibits were a fantastic source of propaganda, and furthermore, they generated a direct and immediate cash income. This is significant considering that Protestant church societies and committees neither depended upon, nor were linked to at least not directly or officially civil administration and almost all revenue came from the personal contributions of the faithful.

Secondly, because Protestants organised their own events, there was no reason for them to participate in the official colonial exhibitions, with which the Catholic missions became repeatedly involved once the old prejudices of government had fallen away by the later years of the nineteenth century. In this way, evangelical communities were able to maintain their independence from the imperial enterprise, yet in a manner that did not preclude them from collaborating with it whenever it was in their interests to do so. However, whether Catholic or Protestant, the main characteristic of the missionary exhibitions in the timeframe of the late-nineteenth and early-twentieth century, was their ethnological intent.

The ethnographic objects of converted peoples and of those who had yet to be converted were noteworthy for their exoticism and rarity, and became a true magnet for audiences. But as tastes changed and the public began to lose interest, the exhibitions started to grow in size and complexity, and increasingly began to feature new attractions, such as dioramas and sculptures of native groups. Finally, the most sophisticated of them began to include the natives themselves as part of the show. Whilst the Protestant churches British and North American alike produced representations of indigenous peoples with the greatest frequency and intensity, it was as far as we know the Italian Catholic Church that had the dubious honour of being the first to display natives at a missionary exhibition, and did so in a clearly savagist and rudimentary fashion, which could even be described as brutal.

This occurred in the religious section of the Italian-American Exhibition of Genoa in As a shocking addition to the usual ethnographic and missionary collections, seven natives were exhibited in front of the audience: The Fuegians, who were dressed only in skins and armed with bows and arrows, spent their time inside a hut made from branches which had been built in the garden of the pavilion housing the missionary exhibition. The Mapuches were two young girls and a man; the three of them lived inside another hut, where they made handicrafts under the watchful eye of their keepers.

The exhibition appears to have been a great success, but it must have been evident that the model was too simple in concept, and inhumanitarian in its approach to the indigenous people present. In fact, whilst subsequent exhibitions also featured a native presence always Christianised at the invitation of the clergy, the Catholic Church never again fell into such a rough presentation and representation of the obsolete and savage way of life of its converted.

To provide an illustration of those times, now happily overcome by the missionary enterprise, Catholic congregations resorted to dioramas and sculptures, some of which were of superb technical and artistic quality. Although the Catholic Church may have organised the first live missionary exhibition, it should not be forgotten that they joined the exhibitional sphere much later than the evangelical churches. Also, a considerable number of their displays were associated with colonial events, something that the Protestant churches avoided.

Native villages were reconstructed and ethnographic collections were presented, alongside examples of local flora and fauna, and of course, an abundance of information about missionary work, in which its evangelising, educational, medical and welfare aspects were presented. Some of these were equally as attractive to the audience irrespective of their religious beliefs as contemporary colonial or commercial exhibitions.

However, it may be noted that the participation of Christianised natives took a radically different form from those of the colonial and commercial world. Those who were most capable and had a good command of English served as guides in the sections corresponding to their places of origin, a task that they tended to carry out in traditional clothing. More frequently these new Christians assumed roles with less responsibility, such as the manufacture of handicrafts, the sale of exotic objects or the recreation of certain aspects of their previous way of life.

The organisers justified their presence by claiming that they were merely actors, representing their now-forgotten savage way of life.

Numéros thématiques

This may very well have been the case. At the Protestant exhibitions of the s and s, the presence of indigens became progressively less common until it eventually disappeared. This notwithstanding, the organisers came to benefit from a living resource which complemented displays of ethnographic materials whilst being more attractive to the audience than the usual dioramas.

This was a theatrical representation of the native way of life combined with scenes of missionary interaction by white volunteers both men and women who were duly made up and in some cases appeared alongside real natives. Some of these performances were short, but others consisted of several acts and featured dozens of characters on stage.

Regardless of their form, these spectacles were inherent to almost any British and North American exhibition, although much less frequent in continental Europe. Since the s, the Christian missionary exhibition both Protestant and Catholic has been conducted along very different lines from those which have been discussed here. All direct or indirect associations with colonialism have been definitively given up; it has broken with racial or ethnological interpretations of converted peoples, and strongly defends its reputed autonomy from any political groups or interests, without forgetting that the essence of evangelisation is to maximize the visibility of its educational and charitable work among the most disadvantaged.

All three resorted, to varying degrees, to the exhibition of exotic human beings in order to capture the attention of their audience, and, ultimately, to achieve certain goals: Whilst on occasion they coincided at the same point in time and within the same context of representation, the uniqueness of each form of exhibition has been emphasised.

Missionary exhibitions displayed perhaps the most singular traits due to their spiritual vision. However, it is clear that many made a determined effort to produce direct, visual and emotional spectacles and some, in so doing, resorted to representations of natives which were very similar to those of colonial exhibitions. Can we speak then, of a convergence of designs and interests?

I honestly do not think so. At many colonial exhibitions, organisers showed a clear intention to portray natives as fearsome, savage individuals sometimes even describing them as cannibals who somehow needed to be subjugated. Peoples who were considered, to a lesser or greater extent, to be civilised were also displayed as at the interwar exhibitions. Missionary exhibitions provided information and material examples of the former way of life of the converted, in which natives demonstrated that they had abandoned their savage condition and participated in the exhibition for the greater glory of the evangelising mission.

Moreover, they also became living evidence that something much more transcendent than any civilising process was taking place: It is certainly true that the shows that the audiences enjoyed at all of these exhibitions whether missionary, colonial or even commercial were very similar. Yet in the case of the former, the act of exhibition took place in a significantly more humanitarian context than in the others.

And while it is evident that indigenous cultures and peoples were clearly manipulated in their representation at missionary exhibitions, this did not mean that the exhibited native was merely a passive element in the game. And there is something more. The dominating and spectacular qualities present in almost all missionary exhibitions should not let us forget one last factor which was essential to their conception, their development and even their longevity: Without Christian faith there would have been no missionary exhibitions, and had anything similar been organised, it would not have had the same meaning.

It was essential that authentic Christian faith existed within the ecclesiastical hierarchy and within those responsible for congregations, missionary societies and committees. But the faith that really made the exhibitions possible was the faith of the missionaries, of others who were involved in their implementation and, of course, of those who visited.

Although it was never recognised as such, this was perhaps an uncritical faith, complacent in its acceptance of the ways in which human diversity was represented and with ethical values that occasionally came close to the limits of Christian morality. But it was a faith nonetheless, a faith which intensified and grew with each exhibition, which surely fuelled both Christian religiosity Catholic and Protestant alike and at least several years of missionary enterprise, years crucial for the imperialist expansionism of the West. It is an objective fact that the display of human beings at commercial and colonial shows was always much more explicit and degrading than at any missionary exhibition.

To state what has just been proposed more bluntly: However, it is less clear whether the remaining categories: The images of caged animals, growling and howling, may cause admiration, but also disgust; they may sometimes inspire tenderness, but are mainly something to be avoided and feared due to their savage and bestial condition. Furthermore, this model can neither be compared to most of the nineteenth-century British human ethnological exhibitions, nor to most of the native villages of the colonial exhibitions, nor to the Wild West show of Buffalo Bill, let alone to the ruralist-traditionalist villages which were set up at many national and international exhibitions until the interwar period.

Moreover, many of the shows organised by Hagenbeck number amongst the most professional in the exhibitional universe. The fact that they were held in zoos should not automatically imply that the circumstances in which they took place were more brutal or exploitative than those of any of the other ethnic shows. It is evident from all the shows which have been discussed, that the differential racial condition of the persons exhibited not only formed the basis of their exhibition, but may also have fostered and even founded racist reactions and attitudes held by the public.

However, there are many other factors political, economic and even aesthetic which come into play and have barely been considered, which could be seen as encouraging admiration of the displays of bodies, gestures, skills, creations and knowledge which were seen as both exotic and seductive. Secondly, the image of the zoo inevitably recreates the idea of an exhibition which is purely animalistic, where the only relationship is that which exists between exhibitor and exhibited: If we accept that the exhibited are treated merely as as more-or-less worthy animals, the consequences are twofold: It is therefore of no surprise that the research barely considers the role that these individuals may have played, the extent to which their participation in the show was voluntary and the interests which may have moved some of them to take part in these shows.

Before we conclude, it must be said that the proposed analysis does not intend to soften or justify the phenomenon of the ethnic show. My intention has been to propose a more-or-less classifying and clarifying approach to this varied world of human exhibitions, to make a basic inventory of their forms of representation and to determine which are the essential traits that define them, without losing sight of the contingent factors which they rely upon. This category of exhibition was organised by either public administrations or private institutions linked to colonial enterprise, and very often featured some degree of collaboration between the two.

The main aim of these events was to exhibit official colonial projects and private initiatives managed by entrepreneurs and colonial settlers, which were supposedly intended to bring the wealth and well-being of the metropolis to the colonies. Faced with the likelihood that such content would prove rather unexciting and potentially boring for visitors, the organisers resorted to various additions which were considered more attractive and engaging. Firstly they devised a museum of sorts, in which ethnographic materials of the colonised peoples: These exotic and unusual pieces did draw the interest of the public, but, fearing that this would not be sufficient, the organisers knew that they could potentially sell thousands of tickets by offering the live display of indigenous peoples.

If the exhibition was official, the natives constituted the ideal means by which to deliver the colonial message to the masses. Raw materials and a variety of other objects including ethnographic exhibitions from the colonies were already placed on show at the Great Exhibition of in London. These items were accompanied by a number of individuals originating from the same territories, either as visitors or as participants in the relevant section of the exhibition. However, such people cannot be considered as exhibits themselves; neither can similar colonial visitors at the Paris or London exhibitions; nor the Paris and exhibitions, which featured important colonial sections.

It was only at the start of the s that Europeans were able to enjoy the first colonial exhibitions proper, whether autonomous or connected albeit with an identity and an entity of their own to a universal or international exhibition. All three housed reproductions of native villages and exhibited dozens of individuals brought from the colonies.

This was precisely what attracted the thousands of people who packed the venues. Such success would not have been possible by simply assembling a display of historical documents, photographs or ethnographic materials, no matter how exotic. Thereafter, colonial exhibitions almost all of which featured the live presence of native peoples multiplied, whether they were autonomous or connected with national or international exhibitions. In France many municipalities and chambers of commerce began to organise their own exhibits, some of which such as the Lyon Exhibition of were theoretically international in scope, although some of the most impressive exhibits held in the country were the colonial sections of the Paris Universal Exhibition of Palermo, ; Tran, ; Wyss, and Wilson, ; Mabire, ; Geppert, Equally successful were the colonial sections of the Belgian exhibitions of the last quarter of the nineteenth century, which displayed the products and peoples of what was called the Congo Independent State later the Belgian Congo , which until was a personal possession of King Leopold II.

In Germany, one of the European capitals of commercial ethnological shows, several colonial exhibitions were orchestrated as the overseas empire was being built between and Among them, the Erste Deutsche Kolonialausstellung or First German Colonial Exhibition, which was organised as a complement to the great Berlin Gewerbeausstellung Industrial Exhibition of , was particularly successful Arnold, ; Richter, ; Heyden, In principle, those natives who took part in the live section of a colonial exhibition did so of their own accord, whether they were allegedly savage or civilised individuals, and regardless of whether the show had been organised through concessions to private company owners or those who indirectly depended on public agencies.

Although neither violence nor kidnapping has been recorded, it is highly unlikely that most of the natives who took up the invitation were fully aware of its implications: In all cases their living conditions in the metropolis were unlikely to differ greatly from those of the participants in purely commercial shows: However, it must be said that conditions were considerably better for the individuals exhibited when the shows were organised by government agencies, who always ensured that formal contracts were signed, and were probably unlikely to house people in the truly gruesome conditions present in some domains of the private sector.

Perhaps the clearest example of this kind of event is the Philippines Exhibition which was organized in Madrid in The most striking feature of this exhibition was its stated educational purpose, to present a sample of the ethnic and social diversity of the archipelago. Other colonial exhibitions attempted to do the same, but in this case the intentions of the Spanish appeared to be more authentic and credible.

Of course the aim was not to provide a lesson in island ethnography, but to prove the extent to which the Catholic Church had managed to convert the native population, and to show where savage tribes still existed. Representing the latter were, among others, several Tinguian and Bontoc persons generically known as Igorots by the Spanish and an Aeta person, referred to as a Negrito.

Finally, as an example of the benefits of the colonial enterprise, Christian Filipinos both men and women were invited to demonstrate their artistic skill and craftsmanship and to sell their artisan products from various structures within the venue. All were legally employed and received regular payment until their return to the Philippines, which was very unusual for an exhibition at that time. Individuals considered savage lived inside the exhibit enclosure and were under permanent control; they could visit the city but always in a scheduled and closely-directed way. Muslims, however, did not live inside the park, but in boarding houses and inns.

Their movements were also restricted, but this was justified on the basis of their limited knowledge of their surroundings. Christian men and women cigar makers and artisans simply performed their professional tasks in front of the audience, and were expected to complete a given timetable and workload as would any other worker. In the light of the above, it may be concluded that the Philippines Exhibition of specifically the live exhibition section was conducted in a manner which questions the simplistic concept of a human zoo that many historians apply to these spectacles.

Although there were certain similarities with commercial shows, we must admit that the Spanish government made considerable efforts to ensure that the exhibition, and above all the participation of the Filipinos, was carried out in a relatively dignified fashion. It must be reiterated that this is not intended to project a benevolent image of nineteenth-century Spanish colonialism. The position of some of the exhibited, especially those considered savages, was not only subordinate but almost subhuman almost being the key word , in spite of the fact that they received due payment and were relatively well fed.

Moreover, we cannot forget that three of the participants a Carolino man and woman, and a Muslim woman died from diseases which were directly related to the conditions of their stay on the exhibition premises. As the twentieth century advanced, colonial shows changed their direction and content, although it was some time before these changes took effect.

The years prior to the First World War saw several national colonial exhibitions Marseille and Paris in ; London in , [4] two binational exhibitions London, and [5] and a trinational London, , [6] which became benchmarks for exhibition organisers during the interwar years. The early twentieth century also saw several national colonial sections, wich had varying degrees of impact, in three universal exhibitions organised in Belgium: For all these reasons, and in addition to many other minor events, national colonial exhibitions were staged in Marseille , Wembley —25 , [9] Stuttgart , [10] Koln , Oporto , Freiburg im Breisgau , Como , [11] Glasgow , [12] Dresden , Vienna and Naples In addition, although they were not specialised international colonial exhibitions, outstanding and relevant colonial sections could be found at the Turin National Exhibition of , the Iberian-American Exhibition of , the Brussels Universal Exhibition of , the Paris International Exhibition of and the Lisbon National Exhibition of At most of these events, a revised perspective of overseas territories was projected.

Although, with some exceptions, metropolises continued to import indigenous peoples and persisted in presenting them as exotic, the focus was now shifted on to the results of the civilising process, as opposed to strident representations of savagery. This meant that it was no longer necessary for exhibited peoples to live at the exhibition venue. The aim was now to show the most attractive side of empire, and displays of the skills of its inhabitants, such as singing or dancing continued, albeit in a more serious, professional fashion.

In principle, natives taking part in these exhibitions could move around more freely; in addition, they were all employed as any other professional or worker would be. However, once again the ethnic factor came into play, materialising under many different guises. Once their working day was completed, they were free to visit the exhibition or travel around Paris.

Their presence in the city and the fact that they were displayed and lived within the same exhibition space was something that neither the press nor contemporary politicians saw fit to criticise. In fact it was the pretos black African men and especially pretas black African women who were the main attraction for thousands of visitors who thronged to the event, which was probably related to the fact that all the natives were bare-chested. Of course they had no objections to the exhibition of human beings either. Two interwar exhibitions Seville and Oporto have been cited as examples where the management of indigenous participants markedly resembled the practices of the nineteenth century.

However, this should not imply that other events refrained from the more or less sophisticated manipulation of the native presence. The most significant example was the Parisian International Colonial Exhibition of Although it is true that the official French and International sections did not include this feature, [15] there can be little doubt that this was a gigantic ethnic spectacle, where hundreds of native peoples who were present in the city as artists, artisans or simply as guests were exhibited and manipulated as a source of propaganda of the highest order for the colonial enterprise.

This is just one more example, although a particularly significant one, of the multi-faceted character that ethnic shows acquired. The last major European colonial exhibition took place in the anachronistic Belgian Congo section of the Brussels Universal Exhibition of , the first to be held after the Second World War. In order to prove the authenticity of this discourse, the organisers went to great pains to avoid the jingoistic exoticism which had characterised most colonial exhibits thus far.

In accordance with this, the event did not include the traditional, demeaning spectacle of natives living within the exhibition space. However, it did include an exotic section, where several dozen Congolese artisans demonstrated their skills to the audience and sold the products manufactured there in a context which was intended to be purely commercial.

Unfortunately, the good will of the organisers was betrayed by an element of the public, who could not help confronting the Africans in a manner reminiscent of their grandparents back in This resulted in the artisans abruptly leaving the exhibition for Congo after being shocked by the insolence and bad manners of some of the visitors.

The Congolese presence in Brussels was not limited to these artisans: The remaining figures were made up of people who were carrying out some sort of task in the colonial section of the exhibition, whether as specialised workers, dancers, guides or as assistants in the various sections, perhaps including some members of the Public Force, made up of natives. Neither this specific measure nor any others taken to bring blacks and whites closer seem to have had any practical effect whatsoever.

Despite everything mentioned thus far, or perhaps even because of it, the exhibition was an enormous public success, on a par with the colonial events of the past. This time, as before, it was predicated on a largely negative image of the Congolese population. Barely any critical voices were heard against the exhibiting model or the abuses of the colonial system, not even from the political left. Finally, as with earlier colonial exhibitions, it is obvious that what was shown in Brussels had little to do with the reality of life in Congo.

Barely one year later, on the 30th of June , Belgium formally acknowledged the independence of the new Democratic Republic of Congo; two years later Rwanda and Burundi followed.

Émilie Andrewes

The excitement that exhibitions generated in the second half of the nineteenth century provoked reactions from many quarters, including Christian churches. Of course, the event which shook Protestant propagandist sensibilities the hardest as Protestants were the first to take part in the exhibition game was the London Exhibition. However, the interest which both the Anglican Church and many evangelical denominations expressed in participating in this great event was initially met with hesitation and even rejection by the organisers Cantor, Finally their participation was accepted, but only two missionary societies were authorised to officially become an integral part of the exhibition, and they could only do so as editors of printed religious works.

The problems that were documented in London in continued to affect events organised throughout the rest of the century; in fact, the presence of the Christian churches was permitted on only two occasions, both in Paris, at the exhibitions of and At the first of these, it was only Protestant organisations that participated, as the Catholic Church did not yet recognise the importance of such an event as an exhibitional showcase. By the time of the second, which was the last great exhibition of the nineteenth century and one of the most grandiose of all time, the situation had changed dramatically; both Protestants and Catholics participated and the latter the French Church, to be precise did so with greater success than its Protestant counterpart.

This occurred in the religious section of the Italian-American Exhibition of Genoa in Bottaro, ; Perrone, n. This happened, for example, at the colonial exhibitions of Lyon , Berlin although this also involved Protestant churches and Brussels-Tervuren , as well as at the National Exhibition of in Turin. Years later, the great colonial national and international exhibitions of the interwar period continued to receive the enthusiastic and uncritical participation of Catholic missions although some, as in , included Protestant missions too.

The most remarkable examples were the Iberian-American Exhibition of Seville in , the International Exhibitions held at Amberes and Paris , and the Oporto and Lisbon and National Exhibitions. Their belated effort culminated in two of the most spectacular Christian missionary exhibitions of all time: Although both events documented native nuns and priests as visitors, no humans were exhibited. Again, dioramas and groups of sculptures were featured, representing both religious figures and indigenous peoples. Let us return to the Protestant world. Whilst it was the reformed churches that most readily incorporated native participation, they seemed to do so in a more sensitive and less brutalised manner than the Genoese Catholic Exhibition of We know of their presence at the first North American exhibitions: Native participation has also been recorded at the two most important British contemporary exhibitions: Both exhibitions toured a number of British towns until the late s, although for the most part without indigenous participation Coombes, ; Cheang, — The exhibition model at these early-twentieth century Protestant events was very similar to the colonial model.

The three most important categories of modern ethnic show —commercial ethnological exhibitions, colonial exhibitions and missionary exhibitions— have been examined. They are both private and run by the successful show businessman Imre Kiralfy.

Vos réactions

For the former, see Coombes It was organized by the businessman Imre Kiralfy. These showed Ainu peoples and persons from the newly incorporated territories of the Japanese Empire Siddle, ; Nanta, Therefore, whenever exhibitions were celebrated during the interwar period Germany lacked any possessions whatsoever. Thus, German competitions mentioned including Vienna were nothing but mere patriotic exhibitions of colonial revisionism, which were celebrated during the Weimar Republic and reached their heyday in the Nazi era.

A very brief selection of titles could include the following: How Theodor Wonja Michael experienced racism in Germany. E-mail obligatoire adresse strictement confidentielle. Impossible de partager les articles de votre blog par email. Ce site utilise des cookies. Politique relative aux cookies. Science and spectacle in the age of colonial empires , edited by Blanchard, P.

University of Washington Press, Washington.

International Bulletin of Missionary Research October http: Bancel, Nicolas; Blanchard, P. Au temps des exhibitions humains. Blanchard, Pascal; Bancel, N. Science and spectacle in the age of colonial empires. Liverpool University Press, Liverpool. Bloembergen, Marieke Colonial Spectacles: Singapore University Press, Singapore. Bottaro, Mario Genova e le celebrazione colombiane. Francesco Pirella Editore, Genoa. Cantor, Geoffrey Religion and the Great Exhibition of Oxford University Press, Oxford. East Asian History , 32— A Window on the World.

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