Le Docteur noir (Autrement mêmes) (French Edition)

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Neither category should be ignored, but both have to be understood in the context of their time that explains not only much about individual's behaviour, but also the driving force behind their actions.

Collection

Personal accounts by Missionary Sisters offer a good example. With few or no exceptions, they show complete submissiveness to the Church Fathers, little appreciation of traditional beliefs and relentless attempts to convert Africa to Christianity. This would be a mistake as these books have their importance, if only because they give access to a side of colonial history that differs from official records.

It provides ample details of Sister Elisabeth's life, but more importantly it also reveals her Order's and her own vision of colonial society from an idiosyncratic women missionary's perspective. In that sense, her autobiography is invaluable. Take for example Marie-Louise Comeliau's portrayal of women missionaries in her Guide: At the mission, the highly gendered roles of the European church pertained, and were enforced by the authoritarian Monsignor Augouard, who ran his mission like a political kingdom.

At their convent community within the larger mission, the Sisters organised the work with women and girls, but on certain matters, they had to give an accounting to the male authorities. Their permissible sphere of action was domestically defined. For Reverend Mother Marie, crossing boundaries determined by the bishop was fraught with problems.

Her letters give glimpses of the situation, as she shared her dilemmas with the Mother-General. Two years later, while Augouard was on a trip upriver, she accepted land from the administration to enlarge the convent property. But on his return, she reported, he was incensed that such action had been taken without his consent, that the land had been put in the name of the Cluny Sisters, and that the administration seemed to grant the nuns' requests but not his [34].

Obviously, invoking the "weakness and helplessness of the Sisters" in order to justify their presence next to a Mission under male authority is only a ploy designed to hide the Fathers' need for domestic help and to absolve Bishops such as Augouard who were bullying female Missionary Sisters in order to take full advantage of their work and influence in the local community [35]. They are also essential as they reveal the complexity of society that can only be understood in the context of the contradictory forces and power struggles that determined people's destiny at every echelon of colonial life.

The contribution to knowledge of women journalists arriving on the continent with the well defined purpose of exposing some of these struggles is also interesting but, as was the case with missionary writing, it is essential to put their investigation of and interest in African issues in the context of their personal and professional pursuits. The rather obscure reasons that led Christine Garnier to publish Va-t'en avec les tiens! This novel is excellent from a literary point of view. It deals with the issue of hybridity in a colonial context that advocates racial segregation while turning a blind eye to inter-racial relationships.

According to Christine Garnier's autobiography [37] , she went to Africa in at the invitation of an old friend who lived in Togo with her husband, a colonial doctor. In order to cover part of her travel cost, Christine Garnier turned to the "Old M. Payot" who agreed to sign a contract for a book on sorcery and fetishism.

Christine Garnier said "yes" [38] , but this life story that was written by a journalist and revised by the editor with no consultation with the presumed "author" cannot be considered as a genuine autobiography: Interesting from a purely literary point of view, the dark side of this text is also important as it exposes common editorial scheming that controlled the kind of books offered to readers and, by association, the latters' perception of life in the colonies.

The publication of The Fon and His Hundred Wives by American journalist Rebecca Reyer aimed also at shaping the readers' mind, but in contrast to the previous book, it did not "massage" the truth to suit readers' expectations. Following the success of her first book dealing with polygamy in South Africa published in [39] , Rebecca Reyer embarked on a sequel showing "that this wasn't just a custom limited to South Africa" [40].

As the author said subsequently in an interview: It was picked up and quoted by the world press and various world-wide women's organisations, particularly the St. Joan's Feminist Alliance of England, which, with their magazine, was in the forefront of feminism. Joan's Feminist Alliance of England petitioned the United Nations, claiming that the Cameroons and some other African countries were under United Nations jurisdiction as trustee territories and that they were, according to the Human Rights Charter, obligated to observe human rights; that polygamy and forced marriage were contrary to human rights, and that they wanted an immediate investigation.

Dictionnaire biographique des Français d'AFN de René Mayer

These women's organisations forced the United Nations to at least discuss the matter. When this story and polygamy was raised on the floor of the United Nations, I listened to some of the discussion. The men under whose jurisdiction it came, couldn't think of a bigger joke. They just all guffawed. I couldn't get those Cameroon women out of my mind. I felt that I had to go, and do another study on polygamy to prove to the United Nations that the young women were not acquiescent, that girls and women were running away. Since the UN had agreed to go to the Cameroons to make an investigation, I wanted to make one, too [41].

Rebecca Reyer, years earlier, had written articles featuring Sita Gandhi, Mrs. Paton and many other young South African women of every race and colour. When she set out for Cameroon, Rebecca Reyer, with no ulterior motive, looked to build upon her previous work. She was just keen to expose a situation that was not taken seriously by the authorities and her interest in the fate of Cameroonian women was not faked.

She thought it was proper to fight on the side of the victims of sexist attitudes that not only limited women's freedom, but also restricted their ability to be heard. Half a century later, the mechanism that led the coloniser to take over the voice of the colonised and to speak in their name has been exposed: In denouncing polygamy, it is fair to say that Rebecca Reyer addressed an issue which was not of direct concern to her, yet her challenge to patriarchal power is aimed at both traditional and Western societies.

It revealed that at every level of social interaction, some men of influence were not taking women's plight and claims seriously. In , French journalist Louise Faure-Favier had challenged male sexism and racism in arguing that "the Fathers of French literary critique declaring that Blacks could not be writers of genius" was as worthless as "the Fathers of the Church who proclaimed that women did not have a soul" [42]. One generation later, Rebecca Reyer was showing that the Fathers of international politics who considered the fate of the Fon and his wives a joke were no better than their alter-ego and their attitude just as bad.

Conjointly, one has also to acknowledge that Rebecca Reyer was spared the wrath of colonial authorities for her unsolicited comments and meddling in the colony's affairs because her book did not challenge white colonial hegemony as she cast her eyes on an aspect of traditional life that colonial powers considered backward. Colonial authorities were less amused and conciliatory when it came to women taking upon themselves to openly criticise the evils of European presence in Africa. As in previous centuries, the writers who indulged in such a critique were mercilessly censured and most of their books are still to re-emerge from oblivion.

French woman Lucie Cousturier illustrates the point. She was a painter and had discovered colonial society by instalments: This autobiography tells how she met and later developed friendly relations with individuals who were widely different from the stereotypical images of Black and African people [44]. Sharing the views of her contemporary Louise Faure-Favier, she discovered that the Fathers of colonialism were mistaken: In the district's main towns, when people kept telling me that the Blacks were liars, thieves, indolent, ungrateful, these words were losing their meaning as I heard them oft repeated: And no one disagreed [47].

This "reaction" provides a hint as to Lucie Cousturier's criticism of French colonisation: White colonials, even with the best of intentions, and in spite of themselves, can only contribute to this politic of depletion [ The fate of Lucie Cousturier's report is unclear, but the conclusion of the civil servant in charge of its evaluation leaves little doubts as to its final destination: Like in the 19 th century, literary survival or disappearance was due to the manoeuvres of a politico-economic and administrative elite protecting their interest rather than literary values.

The censure of Lucie Cousturier in the s is easy to understand, yet the reason for her to remain in semi-obscurity almost a century later is less obvious. One can only share Roger Little's bewilderment: Denise Morand's argument was especially damaging as it was based on an insider's examination of the issues. In asking Denise Morand to take charge of an important colonial office as acting head, the hierarchy certainly did not expect her to go beyond day-to-day matters until such time as a proper head could deal with important issues; nor were they anticipating that she would review administrative blunders and become highly critical of the administration that promoted her.

As mentioned in Tchad 's introduction, even close friends were arguing against her rocking the boat: I will tell this country the way I saw it first, and how, progressively, it got into me with its landscapes, its natives, its colonists, its history, its social and political issues.

That will do much harm. Come on, you are French and should feel a sense of solidarity with the French Think what will happen to this colony once you have proven that we are England, Germany, Italy, all ferocious exploiters, America, possibly, which is lynching her Negroes, will claim it to themselves While some is used as a plural article. In French, indefinite articles take on the gender of the noun it precedes if singular, but also has a plural form that is used for either gender.

Note that des , like les , is used in French before plural nouns when no article is used in English. For example, you are looking at photographs in an album. The English statement "I am looking at photographs. If it is a set of specific pictures, the French statement should be "Je regarde les photographies. On the other hand, if the person is just randomly browsing the album, the French translation is "Je regarde des photographies.

The partitive article de indicates, among other things, the word some. As for prepositions, de le contracts combines into du , and de les contracts into des. Also, de l' is used in front of words starting with vowels. When speaking about food, the partitive article is used sometimes, while the definite article le, la, les is used at other times, and the indefinite article un, une in yet another set of situations. In general "de" refers to a part of food a piece of pie whereas the definite article le refers to a food in general I like pie in general. The indefinite article refers to an entire unit of a food I would like a whole pie.

When speaking about eating or drinking an item, there are specific situations for the use of each article. If the noun taken in a partitive sense happens to be preceded by a qualifying adjective, or a negative verb, then de is used alone. Wikipedia has related information at French articles and determiners. In French, all nouns have a grammatical gender ; that is, they are either masculin m or feminin f. Most nouns that express people or animals have both a masculine and a feminine form. For example, the two words for "the actor" in French are l'acteur m and l'actrice f.

The two words for "the cat" are le chat m and la chatte f. However, there are some nouns that talk about people or animals whose gender are fixed, regardless of the actual gender of the person or animal. For example, la personne f the person is always feminine, even when it's talking about your uncle! The nouns that express things without an obvious gender e. This form can be masculine or feminine. For example, la voiture the car can only be feminine; le stylo the pen can only be masculine.

There are many exceptions to gender rules in French which can only be learned. There are even words that are spelled the same, but have a different meaning when masculine or feminine; for example, le livre m means the book , but la livre f means the pound. Some words that appear to be masculine like le photo , which is actually short for la photographie are in fact feminine, and vice versa.

Then there are some that just don't make sense; la foi is feminine and means a belief, whereas le foie means liver. A pronoun replaces a noun in a sentence. Often used to prevent repeating the noun. French has six different types of subject pronouns: Tu is informal and used only with well-known acquaintances.

In case of unknown persons you have to use the polite form Vous. A good example, to explain that is the following: If two business acquaintances meet another, they say Vous. If they later fall in love, they say Tu. When unsure, it is better to say "vous. However, when pronounced, they normally sound the same as "il" and "elle", so distinguishing the difference requires understanding of the various conjugations of the verbs following the pronoun.

Ils is used with all-male or mixed groups, elles is only used when all members of the group are female. French pronouns carry meanings that do not exist in English pronouns. The French third person "on" has several meanings, but most closely matches the English "one", except that it is not so formal, and is more common. It has a number of uses:. On does not have ordinary direct- and indirect-object pronouns, only the reflexive pronoun se. Similarly, its disjunctive-pronoun form, soi , is only used when on is the subject and soi refers to the same entity. The pronoun quelqu'un "someone" can fill some of the roles of on , in the same way that one and someone are sometimes interchangeable in English.

A direct object is a noun that receives the action of a verb. You have learned earlier that names and regular nouns can be replaced by the subject pronouns je, tu Similarly, direct objects, such as "la balle", can be replaced by pronouns. Indirect objects are prepositional phrases with the object of the preposition. An indirect object is a noun that receives the action of a verb. Lui and leur are indirect object pronouns.

When used with the direct object pronouns le, la , and les , lui and leur come after those pronouns. Note that while le, la , and les are used to replace people or inanimate objects, lui and leur are not used to replace innanimate objects and things. Also note that unlike le and la , which are shortened to l' when followed by a vowel, lui is never shortened.

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Note that lui and leur , and not y , are used when the object refers to a person or persons. The French pronoun y replaces a prepositional phrase referring to a place that begins with any preposition except de for which en is used. When expressing positive commands, there are several rules one must remember when using object pronouns. Wikipedia has related information at French Pronouns. In the introduction of the book the description of a sentence, versus a phrase was outlined. A sentence, and not a phrase, is a grammatical unit, which may have nouns, verbs, adjectives, etc.

Like English, a sentence begins with a capital letter and ends with a punctuation mark. This word order is pretty much the same as English. While this is true in the literal sense, it doesn't mean you can't get the point across in another way. The French declarative sentence with direct and indirect object nouns must be in this order: In the second example you will see that the direct object and indirect object have been swapped.

In order to translate an English statement like this, you would have to slide the indirect object to its proper place. Il aime les bonbons.

Il aime les bonbons? Does he like sweets?

To form a question, attach "Est-ce que Sometimes "que" has to be modified to "qu'" for elision. Est-ce is actually the inversion of c'est "it is". Like all inversions a '-' dash is required. These questions in this form are typically mean't to elicit a "Oui" or "Non" answer.

If you want more than that, you must precede it with an interrogative: Quand est-ce que, Qui est-ce que, or Quel est-ce que, for example. Some of these later examples can more easily be said by just leaving the inversion off. If the question is negative, then the form is: N'est-ce pas qu'il fait beau temps? It is good weather, is it not?

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Il aime ce film. He likes this film. This is considered to be the most formal way to ask a question out of the three. The indicative form of the following sentences will be placed in parentheses for comparison. To ask a question by inversion, simply invert the verb and the subject the pronoun and insert a hyphen un trait d'union in between. Do you like apples? Tu aimes les pommes. In the case where the verb ends in a vowel while the subject starts with one, a "t" needs to be inserted to avoid elision.

Did she make the decision already? She made the decision already. For third person plural verbs ending in "ent" , there is no need to insert the "t". Are they buying a house? They are buying a house. If the subject is a noun instead of a pronoun, invert the verb and the pronoun that represents the subject. Did Marie choose this shirt?

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