Kendo World 6.1 (Kendo World Magazine Volume 6)

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These values are conservative and can assist members in gaining government employment. Kendo clubs are highly gendered social spaces where women learn that their primary role in society is one of mother and wife. As a result of this social role projection, women receive less resources and development opportunities in kendo compared to men.

In this way kendo formally institionalises gender. Given the entrenched male proprietorship of kendo and its symbolic value, it is difficult to change how women are positioned in the field of kendo. Negotiating Kendo Capital and Gendered Identity in a Japanese Sports University Kendo Club is no more than , words in length including quotes and exclusive of tables, figures, appendices, bibliography, references and footnotes.

This thesis contains no material that has been submitted previously, in whole or in part, for the award of any other academic degree or diploma. Except where otherwise indicated, this thesis is my own work. Brent McDonald and Assoc. Caroline Symons, who have earnestly and patiently supported me throughout the course of this research. Together we worked through the process of articulating my voice. Your professionalism and guidance has been tremendous. Brent assured me this research would be a challenging process of reflection and discovery and guided me along a path that has positively impacted my personal development.

Most importantly, Brent facilitated the opening of a relatively unknown and understated world. Thank you to Kanzaki Hiroshi sensei and Kanzaki Satoko sensei, whom charitably provided the resources for my research. Thank you to Tomiyama Kozo sensei for your academic support and to Ozawa Hiroshi sensei for your advice and support.

Thank you to Dr. Alex Bennett for your friendship, generosity and access to the field. My heart felt gratitude to the TSSU teachers, OB, OG and club members, whom allowed me to become a part of their experience and share their trials of challenge and success. I wish I could publicly acknowledge every one of you.

Thank you to Shimoda Yoko who arduously transcribed the interviews. Thank you to my father, Paul and my brother Pat who played 'boys' sports with me as child. Your encouragement and support has guided me in kendo and life.

Thank you to Shinzato Chikano sensei, your kendo is my greatest source of inspiration. I am grateful to Victoria University who have supported my study with a generous research budget and the Australian Government whom granted an Australian Postgraduate Award Scholarship, which enabled me to study full-time and conduct my research in Japan.

Sharing beer and real emotions Global Gender Gap Index Letter to Participating University Shinto ceremony performed in dojo……………………………………… Daruma in the corner of the dojo……………………………………………28 Figure 2. Female members holding a meeting after their meditation session…………30 Figure 4. Graduation ceremony attire…………………………………………………46 Figure 4. Female members preparing for competition……………………………… Figure 6. Night out with female club members at En………………………………..

Training at 5am…………………………………………………………… Figure 6. Day list of camp attendees…………………………………………. Seating arrangement at kendo camp dinner……………………………. Typical set up of competition………………………………………….. Female members walking together after kendo training………………….. Ideal-type representation structures of labour, power and cathexis at the macro level gender order of Japanese society………….. Ideal-type representation structures of labour, power and cathexis at the micro level gender order of kendo………………………… Table 7.

Ideal-type representation structures of labour, power and cathexis at the sub-micro level TSSU kendo club………………………. These are words that are not commonly used in English or the Japanese terms are more compact, which will assist in grammatical sequencing and flow. Japanese words in this thesis are italicised.

Japanese words with long vowel sounds have macrons. Although there are several skilled female kendo practitioners in Japan, very few hold leadership and senior teaching positions. There is not one woman who has achieved the highest rank available, 8th black belt. This thesis critically examines how traditional gendered identity is simultaneously negotiated and gender hierarchy is actively re-positioned through the practice of kendo.

Paradoxically, because kendo is seen as a representation of masculine identity, kendo women do have the opportunity to express masculinity and experience intrinsic rewards that men do not. The research and research questions I address here evolved from my experiences in Japan. During my 21 years of participation in kendo, I have had the opportunity to both train and compete in multiple cultural, international training and competition settings. The most rewarding experiences have been training with, or competing against, skilled Japanese female practitioners.

However, I was always perplexed by the contradictions in kendo spaces. Despite the gendered systems and articulations in Japan, kendo with the helmet on is a space where women are encouraged to be masculine in terms of public and aggressive self-expression and self-assertion. A shift occurs when women are not in practice the helmet off , as their demeanour becomes feminine in terms of self-reservation and an astute awareness of others.

In Japan, although social roles are clearly defined by sex, gender performativity in kendo is transient, complex and dependent on the social situation. The aim of this introduction chapter is to briefly provide a contextual background locating Japanese women in kendo. I conclude this chapter by outlining the chapters of this thesis. As such, many people consider that the true essence of kendo can only be grasped and embodied by Japanese people exclusively. Gender, society and sport Sport remains classified as a masculine field that disadvantages women globally Kelly, Sport participation reflects broader social practices in most cultures, and many men consider that sport is significant in the development of masculine identity Vincenti, Sporting practices are historically produced, socially constructed, and culturally defined to serve the interests and needs of powerful groups in society.

Sport therefore, is seen as a cultural representation of social relations and here includes gender, class, and race relations. Sport participation plays a significant part as an ideological tool in social re-production and reflects historically defined relationships between men and women. Perceptions of women and men athletes have always been embedded in cultural expectations of masculinity and femininity.

Whereas athletic prowess, physical strength and competitive toughness in a man are expected and celebrated, the same qualities in a woman are regarded with suspicion, unless she can counterbalance these qualities with exhibitions of femininity and heterosexuality. Paradoxically however, externally feminised masculinity and masculinised femininity have built strong gendered narratives in media around the national football teams. Mandujano-Salazar brings to light how mainstream media representations of Japanese female and male football players are used as an instrument to cleverly re-naturalise traditional gender role ideals.

Japanese media has not changed the masculinised narratives of football however, as men are constructed as experts and players, whilst women are supporters of the male players. Mandujano-Salazar implies that this dominant discourse reflects a negative relationship between long-term professional achievement and womanhood, and it sends the message that Japanese women who enter a field dominated by men and put their job success over their search for a family are no longer feminine, therefore undesirable. In reaction, periodically women who intentionally deviate from their social responsibility are criticised.

In education sport clubs, women learn the roles they play are important but have less status than male roles Vincenti, Japanese school sport clubs play an important part in re-producing and re-naturalising the notion of sex-based separate spheres Blackwood, Vincenti found that the Japanese sport club provides a sense of tradition for both men and women and is therefore an important aspect in social re-production. As a part of the cultural learning that occurs in education sport, developing gender appropriate skills and attributes is a fundamental aspect of membership.

Modern kendo is largely practiced in the education system, specifically the school sport club. There are several reasons why members invest in sport clubs. Through membership, cultural capital can be accrued by being obedient to rules, practicing leadership, learning to be a good teammate, and how to support or communicate with others Miller, Membership also provides assessment of teamwork capabilities and connections to alumni networks Manzenreiter, a. Umezaki as cited in Ommen, has shown through empirical evidence that membership in an OB old boy network increases the chances of finding employment.

Through the club, specifically university level, members can accrue forms of capital that have a broader reach to other fields, specifically government employment. The development of cultural capital happens through specific learning mechanisms. Learning through the body simultaneously is considered to train the mind, and tolerating pain and suffering is seen as a way to strengthen and the whole self Miller, Gender is normalised in kendo fields as women are re-positioned and practices explicitly re-produce certain universal characteristics deemed beneficial to their projected social roles.

Gender is formally institutionalised in kendo fields and there is little space for women to permanently change the culture due how firmly patriarchy is entrenched. The preceding pages aimed to provide a contextual background of how women, sport intersect and overlap with kendo. Before I summarise the chapters of this thesis shortly, I will firstly describe the process of how I became connected to kendo.

My interest in kendo is personal and has had a great impact on my life. I reflect that the marginalisation I experienced participating in hegemonic masculine sports as a child was not experienced in the same way whilst I participated in kendo. Thereafter I was always actively playing outside, seeking physical adventures. I remember being extremely disappointed and confused at receiving gifts of dolls or anything 'girly'.

In protest to receiving dolls, I would draw all over their bodies, mess up their hair or cut it off completely. I loved watching the television series, Robin of Sherwood. Play as a child was outdoors and adventurous. I remember playing in our front yard, wearing a plastic bow on my back, hiding behind trees aiming at imaginary foes, and engaging in sword fights with broken off branches. I experienced a similar sense of adventure from participating in primary school lunchtime informal sports such as soccer, handball or rugby. I was the only female player and was the first or second picked to be on a team.

My nickname was 'twinkle toes'. In informal rugby games, I recall the feeling of empowerment, running through opponents and dragging their bodies across the field to score a try. Although I was aware I was the only female participating, I wasn't conscious I was a girl when engaged in play. I felt I was stronger and more skilled than most of the others. It was only near the end of primary school as I was about to enter high school that I was told girls don't play sports like rugby. It was then that my peers started to tease me and I was prevented from participating by my teachers.

In fear of being ostracised at high school I internally rejected sports like rugby altogether.

During that first year of high school, I felt as though I had lost a sense of self and my self-confidence. My participation in sport was no longer unconscious and natural. Inscribed somewhere inside of me was the belief that it was wrong for a female to enjoy physical aggression, competitiveness and freedom of expression through sport. I had become conscious of the social regulations of gender and regrettably, at the time I did not resist. Although I enjoyed playing soccer, I somehow felt restrained and missed the feeling of empowerment I gained from contact sports like rugby.

I imagined that parts of Japan were still like the feudal period, as depicted in the series, although I had seen many images of Japan's advanced technology. As a young child, I had developed a romanticised, nostalgic view of Japan, which was very different from reality, as I discovered when I went on a high school exchange to Japan as a year-old. The first few months were isolating and lonely until one of the teachers at the school suggested I join a school club. I decided to join a sports club, as most of the students at my high school were club members.

I could have joined any ball sports clubs but I was drawn to kendo. When I first saw kendo, I remember how exciting it seemed with the piercing screams, foot stomping and clashing of bamboo swords. I had never seen or heard anything like it before. From the beginning, unlike my experiences in rugby, I felt that my participation in kendo was remarkably accepted and supported. In the club, I made two very good female friends.

I spent most of my day with them at school and at kendo practise. Because of kendo, I came to enjoy living in Japan and developed strong female friendships. I learned to reconnect with my authentic self and connect with others who were similar. I felt special and that I was able to express my physical body in kendo as I had in rugby. This was an extremely rewarding experience. Returning home and feeling disconnected After I finished my exchange in Japan, I returned to New Zealand and continued my schooling. Despite playing other sports, I could not stop thinking about kendo and searched for a kendo club.

As I result I joined a small club with two other males. I found that it was not the same experience in practice as it had been in Japan with women. The men used their physical power to dominate rather than connect with their opponents. Despite the fact I was as physically strong as the men, I did not enjoy practising kendo at that time as we did not connect in the same way.

Although I still wore kendo armour and used a bamboo sword, it was as though these two experiences of kendo reflected two completely different activities. In New Zealand, the relationship with my body and with other members did not provide satisfaction and the sense of unity experienced in Japan. The kendo in New Zealand was awkward, clumsy and painful. I then disengaged with kendo for 5 years. However, I thought about kendo every day and yearned to re-experience how I enjoyed kendo in Japan. Reconnecting and being inspired In , I moved to Australia in search of a new life.

I decided to try kendo again in the hope that the experience would be similar to that experienced in the club. As soon as I started I realised that in those 5 years without kendo I greatly missed the relationship and freedom experienced through my body whilst practising kendo. After my first training session, I felt euphoric. For most, kendo was just a hobby and I did not feel inspired to train the same way I had in Japan. Although this experience of kendo was different, I was able to express myself, relate to my body, and gain a sense of success and confidence through my participation in weekly practice and competition.

It was not until I had the opportunity to experience Japanese kendo again that I felt fully reconnected. The famous Japanese Sports University, Nippon Taiiku Daigaku sent a group of students to Australia to perform a martial arts demonstration. During these visits, the kendo students would train at my club, which is when I had the opportunity to train with skilled Japanese female practitioners.

Finally, I felt reconnected. These female students were assertive and aggressive and yet they did not use physical power. My style of physical power play was futile and counterproductive against these women and I was most often struck precisely on a target, even before I moved. I was intrigued how cute and friendly the female students seemed until we started to practise together, when they unapologetically annihilated me.

The joy I felt playing the Nippon Taiiku Daigaku female students felt similar to my first kendo experience as a club member in Japan. Although I was completely out-skilled by the students, I felt inspired by training with them. Rediscovering the feeling of love and inspiration for kendo, I decided to go to Nippon Taiiku Daigaku for two months and train with several highly skilled and elite female practitioners. I also shared their living spaces and daily lives.

For the first time in any context , I had female role models.

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By sharing their daily lives, I felt extremely fortunate and very inspired to improve my kendo. I felt a sense of purpose and belonging, which I did not experience living in New Zealand or Australia. There was something about practising kendo in Japan that created some feeling of emotional connection. I loved kendo and felt I was able to be myself.

I did not feel as disconnected training in Australia, as I had developed strong relationships in Japan. In the following year, I had reached the level of 4th black belt and won my first national championships. My motivation to improve continued as I was also selected to represent Australia at the and World Kendo Championships. I experienced a connection with the heart of my opponent during our match. In that bout, I felt no fear, nor tension in my body and a total sense of freedom. I was in control.

It felt as though time had slowed down and I had a heightened sense of awareness. My response was harmonious and automatic. I absolutely revelled in every second of our bout. This connection surprised me as I could sense her weakness but did not have the desire to beat her.

After I returned from the championships, I reflected on that particular match. I was perplexed as to why I enjoyed the match so much and why I did not want to take advantage of her weakness. Even more so, I could not stop thinking about the experience of flow.

Something happened where I felt a unity of mind, body and spirit within. This thesis reveals the cultural barriers and marginalising practices women can experience in Japanese kendo, which also affects how women practice kendo outside of Japan. Chapter summary To grasp a foundational understanding of gendered practices in Japanese kendo it is crucial to reflect on Japanese mythology, warrior culture, religion, philosophy, education and employment patterns.

Chapters 2 and 3 provide a review of historical literature review of Japanese women in society, which positions women in kendo. I introduce each chapter with a vignette, which brings to life the field. The purpose of the vignette is to illustrate the richness of the empirical data and its relevance to the literature for analysis. This chapter explains how the symbolic relationship between masculinity, nationalism and the sword has remained. The gendered practices of employment fields overlapping with kendo are reflected in structures and practices of Japanese sports university kendo clubs like TSSU.

The preceding chapters contextualise the phenomenon and provide an insight as to how gender identity is shaped and continues to be re-produced in Japanese kendo. This overview assists in making sense of women's practices and positioning in kendo today. During an month period, I wrote daily observational field notes and conducted semi-structured interviews with the students and teachers of TSSU. Thematic analysis was applied to the qualitative data by hand through the process of open, axial and selective coding Ezzy, ; Giampietro, The theoretical framework is also explained in this chapter.

This data was analysed using SPSS statistical software. Although the survey provided some valuable demographic data, the qualitative data in comparison was substantially more informative and rich as it communicates lived experiences. The findings and limitations of the survey are summarised in this chapter. This chapter is as much about the negotiation and understanding of self within the dojo, as it is with other members of the club.

TSSU culture reflects the gender regimes of education and employment institutions. At TSSU, women have limited access to the sensei, with less support and space allocation compared to the men. Gender hierarchy was evident in the lower positioning of women within the dojo, which was replicated across most club related activities. This chapter provides an array of examples and expounds on several aspects as to how and why gender is performed and reproduced in the dojo.

This suggests that the performances of regulated liberties and unintentional subversive behaviour did not change the fixed patriarchal structure of TSSU, and veritably their performances resignified patriarchy and contributed to reproducing gender. As such, these aspects of club culture are the interactive focal points of this chapter, which provides insight to the benefits and disadvantages of kendo club culture for women as a result of gendered practice.

Despite the gender order, women can benefit from membership to a kendo club as it provides a reason for being, self- development opportunity and lifelong friendships. Lastly, I provide recommendations for change and future research directions. Kana then told me the story of her experience of a god in the dojo. I did harmless naughty things in secrecy to give myself a laugh. One time when I was sweeping the room, I hid a pile of dust under the mat. After I finished cleaning my sempai came, and checked my cleaning and passed it. At the time I thought it was funny that she did not find the pile of dust.

However, during training on that same afternoon I could not stop thinking about that pile of dust and was really worried about it. As soon as training finished I quickly went to the room to put the hidden pile of dust in the rubbish bin. When I lifted the mat, the dust was gone! I was convinced that a god took it to protect me from my sempai being angry at me.

From that time, I really believed that gods were in the dojo. Because I felt there 1 The influence of shintoism is strong in kendo and can be seen both in the physical structures of the dojo and club practices. The presence of the gods is respected by the members. All members bow to the altar multiple times during the day, which includes entering and leaving the dojo, and before and after training.

I felt something in the way Kana looked at me. I began to think maybe there is a spiritual presence in the dojo. Personal communication — August The field note above illustrates a deeper relationship between the dojo2, religion, philosophy and education for women. Whilst perhaps appearing as superstition, Kana demonstrates a clear belief in the relevance of religion to the meaning of what takes place in the dojo.

This extends not only to kendo practice but also to seemingly mundane activities, in this case cleaning, which was most often performed by female members. In this way, not only was kendo a part of their education, but also their chores. In this way the dojo is a multi-dimensional educational space. In the case of women, this extended to the gendered chores they performed for the club. There have been female warriors throughout Japanese history; however, their existence has been variously 2 Many martial arts in Japan are practiced in a dojo.

The word dojo is derived from the Buddhist Sanskrit, meaning the site of enlightenment Kiyota, Myths and legends have inherited present patriarchal consciousness Wehr as cited in Nakamura, , p. How female warriors have been depicted throughout history provides an insight to how women are positioned in kendo. Gendering religion and philosophy Okano suggests Shintoism, Confucianism and Buddhism have contributed significantly towards discrimination of women.

In one way or another, they assert that women are born with different abilities and are therefore automatically a lower status. The gendering aspect of these religions and philosophies is widespread. For example, in Shintoism, women are considered to be impure by menstruation Kasulis, , whilst Confucianism has paid special attention to maintaining gender hierarchy and education consisting of womanly cultivation Sekiguchi, A subtle example of gendered religious influenced is in following and image see Figure 2.

He believed in equality of the sexes and that women should have access to the dharma and criticised the exclusion of women Faure, ; Okano, We are not conscious of such acts. Personal communication — April Figure 2. Shinto ceremony performed for members who were about to compete in a major kendo competition A Shinto ceremony was held today to wish the competitors good luck for the competition. The female club members prepared nine cups for rice wine and nine small dishes filled with meticulously cut little squares of dried seaweed and squid for all the club members and teachers to share.

The 3 teachers sat at above the flag, in hierarchical order on cushions facing the students, with the male members to their right and female members sitting directly in front of the teacher. The male manager announced the competitors and the captain entered the dojo and marched in with the males at the front and the females behind.

Two females closed the doors behind the competitors. The teachers addressed the competitors and encouraged them have the courage and do their best. A male competitor announced their intentions to do their best, followed by a female. I then take a sip of rice wine and a piece each of seaweed and squid. Field note — May This field note not only captures the symbolism of Shintoism but points to gendered aspects of the ritual such as the segregated order of all members and the division of labour. These practices discussed in detail in chapter 7 are replicated across all club activities.

Rice wine is can be consumed to mark a beginning of a new enterprise, a celebration and purification rites. Myths and folklores tell of gods enjoying rice wine and parties Kasulis, Drinking wine and eating snacks in this ritual encourages communal bonding and solidarity with kami, eachother and competition success. Modern kendo reproduces this belief by insisting that women do not have the qualities to achieve the highest rank in kendo, 8th black belt, benchmarking a special quality, which resembles enlightenment.

Often I heard teachers comment that women do not have the technical skill or physical strength to achieve 8th black belt although men in their seventies have passed the test. A male teacher provided an insightful, more accurate explanation as to why a woman has not yet passed the prestigious exam: Another teacher explained that if a woman did become 8th black belt it would be problematic for her to cope with the amount of travel and physical exertion the rank requires, given her primary role of wife and mother.

He also explained that it would be difficult and perhaps awkward for a female 8th black belt to deal with physically strong men who would come to her in preparation for their 8th black belt exam Personal communication — April This was an era of unsurpassed cultural growth where the general society influenced the creation of new cultural forms Nishiyama, According to Benesch there is diversity in the writings of warriors that were dependent on region, historical periods and ranks. However, there is a similarity in the writings, which suggests there was a samurai ethic and the samurai who practised martial arts valued bun letteredness and bu martiality Benesch, Hane and Perez , p.

In Japan cultural orientations and habitualised practices as well as legal codifications, support the maintenance of a gendered order to which men are placed super-ordinate positions to women and women are regarded as weak, passive, subordinate and dependent. The underlying principle is the reductions of women to their primary roles in family reproduction and home keeping, which by coincidence is also rooted in Confucian traditions , p.

Education for samurai women consisted of learning Confucian texts and womanly virtues. In the peaceful Tokugawa period the naginata was the most common martial art for samurai women Turnball, It was utilised as a self-defence weapon and to develop womanly virtues Bennett, Under the Tokugawa rule women of the samurai class were required to be trained in arms, such as the dagger and naginata, to protect their wards and family honour. According to Koyama , p. According to Koyama these were: In general, the texts did not include teachings on how to raise or educate children; rather they were aimed towards teaching the appropriate skills for wives and daughters in law.

Boys and girls received completely different education and only mothers taught their daughters. The text was simple compared to other complex Confucian texts and indoctrinated that women were subordinate and inferior to men and they were to obey fathers and husbands of the household Earhart, ; Saito, In general, the evil disorders of the mental state of women are these: These disorders are found in seven or eight out of ten women. This is why women are not equal to men. A woman must reflect and rebuke herself, and work to improve and rid herself of these evils.

In particular, the five disorders are brought about by lack of wisdom and judgment. Yin is dark, like the night. Compared with men, consequently, women, being foolish, do not see when something obviously should be done. They do not know when something ought to be criticized.

They do not recognize when an action will be harmful to their husband or children. They form grudges against innocent people, they rage and curse, or jealously hate. They work to establish their position but are hated and shunned. Not realizing they are their own worst enemy, they make a sad sight, and labor in vain. Even in raising their children, they love and dote excessively, making it hard to teach anything. Being this foolish, a woman should show humility in all things, and obey her husband.

Self-cultivation The Zen sect of Buddhism was popular among the samurai and influenced rituals found in budo and other activities, and were used as a method of self-cultivation where values of human courtesy, spirit, self-discipline, focus and mind-body integration could be developed Gannon, ; Tanaka, ; Uozumi, Although the samurai pursued enlightenment, it was not reserved only for the noble classes.

However, it was not until the 13th century that Zen Buddhism was introduced more widely into Japanese culture. During this period, the Buddhist monk Eisai developed the Rinzai sect of Zen and gained a strong following from Kamakura warlords Earhart, After the collapse of the Japanese feudal system in the founders of the modern disciplines borrowed from the theory and the practice of classical disciplines as they had studied or practiced.

In DNBK officially approved and recognized the Japanese discipline, iaido ; [20] this year was the first time the term iaido appeared in Japan. However, in , the Dai Nippon Butoku Kai was reestablished and the practice of the Japanese martial disciplines began again. Upon formation of various organizations overseeing martial arts, a problem of commonality appeared.

Since members of the organization were drawn from various backgrounds, and had experience practicing different schools of iaido, there arose a need for a common set of kata, that would be known by all members of organization, and that could be used for fair grading of practitioner's skill.

All dojos, that are members of the regional Kendo federations teach this set. Since member federations of International Kendo Federation FIK uses seitei gata as a standard for their iaido exams and shiai , seitei iaido has become the most widely practised form of iaido in Japan and the rest of the world.

Single-style federations usually do not have a standardized "grading" set of kata, and use kata from their koryu curriculum for grading and demonstrations. Many iaido organisations promote sword technique from the seiza sitting position and refer to their art as iaido. This style emphasizes the most important aspects of drawing and cutting. After the war it became obsolete, but was revived after Modern kendo is almost entirely governed by the FIK, including the ranking system. Iaido as governed by the FIK establishes 10th dan as the maximum attainable rank, though there are no living 10th practitioners in Kendo, there still remains many in Iaido.

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While there are some living 9th dan practitioners of kendo, the All Japan Kendo Federation only currently awards up to 8th dan. Most other member federations of the FIK have followed suit, excluding Iaido. Iaido, in its modern form, is practiced as a competitive sport, [4] regulated by the All Japan Kendo Federation. The AJKF maintains the standardized iaido kata and etiquette, and organizes competitions.

An iaido competition consists of two iaidoka performing their kata next to each other and simultaneously.

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The competitors will be judged by a panel of judges according to the standardized regulations. European Kendo Federation has arranged iaido championships since , [38] and this competition is held every year. Many national and regional organisations manage and promote iaido activities. Organisations which on the international level include iaido are following organisations:. KUARK is the new Kastel Tub chair in non-porous polyethylene, both for indoor and outdoor use, obtained by rotational molding process.

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