Cultivating Democracy: Civic Environments and Political Socialization in America

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Library Locations Map Details. Indiana State Library Borrow it. Carousel Grid List Card. Copy to clipboard Close. Cite Data - Experimental. Data Citation of the Item Cultivating democracy: We display the weighted means and percentages of these indicators in Table 1. Table 1 also reports the general patterns of political participation outcomes between groups; however these differences are discussed in more detail in the logistic regression models.

We performed tests of statistical difference between each mean and percentage compared to the reference group of white 3 rd plus generation respondents. Beginning with family and community, Latino children of immigrants as well as Latino and black 3 rd -plus generation adolescents had lower parental education levels than the white 3 rd -plus generation.

These groups, along with Asian children of immigrants also report lower parent volunteering activity than whites. Latino children of immigrants have a higher rate of religious participation, with 80 percent reporting church attendance during high school compared to 74 percent of white native-born adolescents. Differences in educational measures also highlight stratification within the formal and informal aspects of schooling.

Noticeably, 1 st and 2 nd generation Latino and Asian respondents differ significantly from white 3 rd -plus generation respondents on most schooling measures—however they do so in opposite directions. Latino children of immigrants display lower rates of extracurricular involvement, take lower level academic courses and less social studies credits, and are report lower rates of postsecondary attendance.

Conversely, Asian immigrants display higher social connection to school, are enrolled in courses that are higher in rigor, and report higher rates of postsecondary education attendance than 3 rd -plus generation whites.

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Table 2 reports the log odds from logistic regression models for each political participation outcome in which values greater than zero indicate a positive relationship between the probability of political participation and the independent variable, and values less than zero indicate a negative relationship. For ease of interpretation, our discussion of the findings transforms these coefficients into odds-ratios indicating whether the indicator in question is associated with a higher or lower likelihood of participating compared to the reference group.

The second model considers family and community indicators of political socialization, as well as all measures of schooling. Models also control for: Column 1 in Table 2 shows that 1 st and 2 nd generation black young adults are over two times more likely odds ratio of 2.

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Once we add political socialization variables in model 2, the difference in the probability of registering between Latino children of immigrants and the reference group is no longer statistically significantly different from zero. This suggests that the initial difference in voter registration between Latino 1 st and 2 nd generation immigrants and white 3 rd -plus generation young adults may be accounted for by the stratification within the political socialization variables.

Even considering these factors, though, black children of immigrants are still more likely to register, and Asian children of immigrants continue to be less likely to register. Voter registration is greater for those whose parents have higher levels of education, and who volunteer.

Religious participation in adolescence is similarly predictive of later voter registration. Focusing on schooling indicators, students who took more social studies credits throughout high school, as well as students who took more rigorous courses were more likely to register, indicating that both civic education, as well as the overall difficulty of the courses taken in high school serve as predictors for future political participation.

We next predict voting in the election. These results are displayed in the third and fourth columns in Table 2.

Cultivating Democracy

This implies that once individuals register to vote, the likelihood of actually voting is similar across all groups. However, black 3 rd -plus generation young adults are more likely to vote than their white counterparts when political socialization indicators are held constant shown in Model 2. Similar to the model predicting registration, both parental education and living with both parents are positive and statistically significant predictors of voting among registrants.

Not surprisingly, adolescents who volunteered and attended religious services in high school were more likely to vote. All measures of schooling, except extracurricular involvement predict the likelihood of voting. Finally we investigate party identification in young adulthood. Model 1 shows us that black children of immigrants are about 75 percent more likely to identify with a political party than white 3 rd -plus generation young adults.

Asian children of immigrants are the only immigrant group that is less likely to identify with a political party. Interestingly, parent volunteering is not associated with declaring a political party. As with the other participation outcomes, adolescents who volunteer and those who attend religious services are more likely to identify with a political party in young adulthood. Among academic indicators, social connection to school is the only predictor of party identification. Despite the lack of an academic effect in high school, students who attended postsecondary education after high school are more likely to report identification with a political party.

Exploratory analyses identified two variables that had significant interactions: Parent education level and the academic rigor of courses taken in high school. We find statistically significant interaction effects for both registration and party identification. However, the models suggest that neither the effects of parental education nor academic rigor of high school courses have differential effects on the likelihood of voting among young adults who were registered, implying that once registered, the predictors leading to the decision to actually vote are similar for children of immigrants and the white 3 rd -plus generation.

We calculated these values by allowing the corresponding socialization variable parent education or rigor to vary, while holding all other independent variables at the sample mean. In these figures, the expected levels of participation are represented for each children of immigrant group, as well as the reference of 3 rd -plus generation whites.

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Solid lines indicate that the slope is statistically significantly different from white 3 rd -plus generation adolescents. Looking at the top graph, we see that for 3 rd -plus generation white young adults, higher parent education indicates a higher probability of registering to vote. However, for Latino and Asian children of immigrants, the effect of parent education is not positive. The probability of registering between Latino children of immigrants and white 3 rd -plus generation young adults begins to diverge at parent education levels above high school.

Asian children of immigrants have lower predicted probabilities for registering to vote at all levels of parent education, and like Latinos of the same immigrant status, increases in parent education do not translate into higher probabilities of registering as they do for white native born young adults. The bottom graph in Figure 1 shows the association between academic rigor and the predicted probabilities of registering to vote. In this case, the only group that significantly differs from white 3 rd -generation is Latino children of immigrants.

Although for both groups, adolescents who had a higher level of rigor of course taking are more likely to register to vote as young adults, there is a stronger effect for Latino children of immigrants.

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Finally, we consider the political socialization processes leading to political party identification in young adulthood. As seen in Figure 2 , Latino children of immigrants differed from 3 rd -plus generation white adolescents for both variables. Similar to the participation outcomes of voting, 1 st and 2 nd generation Latino adolescents did not show an association between parental education identifying with a political party. Also, level of academic rigor had more of an effect on political party identification than for white children of native-born parents.

As children of immigrants begin to occupy a larger share of the voting age population, research that seeks to understand the pathways to political participation for this group becomes more important. We find that traditional models of adolescent political socialization may not accurately describe the experiences and diversity of this group. Previous literature, mostly based on the experiences of white citizens of native-born parents, identify several traditional predictors of political participation for young adults—many of which are indicators of general social stratification.

Following this model of socialization, one would assume that all groups from less advantaged families or with lower educational opportunities are also less likely to be politically represented. However, we find that parental education and academic course taking are actually related to our measures of political participation in unique ways for children of immigrants. First, whereas higher levels of parental education strongly predict registration and party identification among 3 rd -plus generation whites, parental education seems to be unrelated to these outcomes for Latino and Asian children of immigrants.

Additionally, we find a positive association between the academic rigor of high school courses and political participation outcomes for the sample as a whole. This positive estimated effect is even larger for Latino 1 st and 2 nd generation adolescents when predicting voter registration and political party identification in young adulthood. The fact that parental education seems to be unrelated to later political participation for Latino and Asian children of immigrants suggests that the measure of education may hold different meaning for immigrant parents than for native parents.

Some research suggests that education level for adult immigrants is not necessarily indicative of SES as it may be with native adults Cho Whereas among native adults, level of education may in fact indicate knowledge and acceptance of the political system through socialization in the U.

However, other more direct measures of parent political or civic involvement, such as parent volunteering, prove to be significant predictors of registering and voting for both children of immigrants and their 3 rd -plus generation counterparts. Schooling plays a particularly important role in the political development of children of immigrant adolescents.

This is evidenced in our finding that the academic rigor of course taking in high school is more consequential for political participation among Latino 1 st and 2 nd generation students than it is for white 3 rd -plus generation adolescents. Unlike 3 rd -plus generation students, the academic success of children of immigrants in the U.

Additionally, we find that the overall academic level of schooling is a key factor in predicting political participation above and beyond direct civics instruction. The inclusion of political party identification to our analyses adds an often-overlooked dimension of political participation that is not necessarily tied to voting. Additionally, recent research suggests that minority and immigrant citizens are more likely to be disengaged from political participation in any form Pew Research Center For this reason we performed subsequent analyses predicting political participation among non-registrants and find that the children of immigrants who did not register to vote were neither more nor less likely to claim a political party affiliation than white 3 rd -plus generation non-registrants.

The relationship between party affiliation and voting behavior, particularly among immigrants compared to native born voters is worthy of further study but beyond the scope of present study. The findings from our analyses highlight how the process of political socialization is likely somewhat different for children of immigrants.

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Our knowledge of what drives young adults to become politically active is largely based on studies of white Americans with native born parents. As the population of the United States becomes more diverse, researchers should continue to explore the political development and behaviors of children of immigrants. Our analyses suggest that schools may especially facilitate the political inclusion in young adult children of immigrants. This research uses data from Add Health, a program project designed by J. Richard Udry, Peter S. We would like to thank the Education and the Transition to Adulthood Group and the anonymous reviewers for their helpful comments in the development of this draft.

Opinions reflect those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect those of the granting agencies.

Results were similar to the logistic models shown here. This author will share all data and coding information for replication purposes.

Melissa Humphries, University of Texas, Austin. Chandra Muller, University of Texas, Austin. National Center for Biotechnology Information , U.

Author manuscript; available in PMC Dec 1. Author information Copyright and License information Disclaimer. Melissa Humphries, University of Texas, Austin;. Abstract Objectives This study aims to evaluate the adolescent political socialization processes that predict political participation in young adulthood, and whether these processes are different for children of immigrants compared to white 3 rd -plus generation adolescents.

Methods We use a nationally representative longitudinal survey of adolescents to evaluate the predictors of three measures of political participation: Results We find that the parental education level of adolescents is not as predictive for many minority children of immigrants compared to white children of native-born parents for registration.

Conclusions The process of general integration into U. Schools and Political Socialization The school is an important institution in which pre-adult political socialization occurs. Political Socialization and Children of Immigrants Although these accepted tenants of adolescent political socialization are well-supported through decades of research, they have not been explored for groups from diverse backgrounds, specifically adolescent children of immigrants.

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