Hundert Sagen aus Nordschleswig (German Edition)

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For three centuries Norsemen sailed on their well-built ships along the coasts of Europe in search of plunder. But raiding was not the sole purpose of their activity. In addition to stealing things and people, Scandinavians also stole land: They took over the North Atlantic islands, parts of Anglo-Saxon Britain, Ireland, Frankia, and various territories in eastern Europe, which everywhere caused short- and long-term changes in the ethnic composition of local populations Loyn , Byock , Duczko When they had had enough of plundering, Scandinavian pirates started to engage in trading goods, specializing in slaves, and commerce became the principal reason for their travels.

The Norsemen were mainly interested in the riches of the West and the East, but they also recognized the opportunities to be found in places that were much closer to home, such as the southern coast of the Baltic Sea, populated by Slavs, Balts, and Finns. Among these trading sites, Wolin, known as Jumne, was the most famous. Wolin was founded on the island of the same name located in the eastern part of the estuary of the river Odra Oder. Taking advantage of its strategic position deep within the estuary of a great river that connected the Baltic Sea to the Slavic lands in the south, the settlement that appeared on the eastern side of the island of Wolin, close to the river Dziwna Dievenow , developed in the early ninth century into a centre of thriving trade.

Historians and archaeologists have focused their attention on Viking- Age Wolin for a long time. However, archaeological research has changed this once dominant opinion by introducing results that have allowed for a new approach to the early history of the town. It is now clear that the original settlement on the eastern shore of the island of Wolin was Slavic. What the initial impulse for founding this site was we do not know. It is possible that in the beginning people on the island were more interested in agrarian economy than in trading.

In the long run, this appears to have been a sensible choice: The production of food attracted the attention of traders and sped up developments on the island. This sort of urban unit points to the establishment of an elite who were involved in new kinds of activities — trading and crafts — which exposed them to the dangers of plundering raids. Wolin was becoming a regular port of trade similar to many other pre-existing sites around the Baltic. Further developments that occurred in the irst decades of the tenth century also reveal that the town was successful: In the same period a chain of forts along the river Dziwna were built that secured the city from the sea.

Wolin was systematically gaining an important position in the network of long-distance trade. The Norse presence, which had been almost non-existent in the early phases of Viking-Age Wolin, was now taking up more space and exerting more inluence. The clearest trace of this can be found in the form of a large house built in the late s during the heyday of the main settlement in Stare Miasto. Its central location and the kind of material used for its construction — oak, a tree that was already rare on the island — demonstrate the exceptional nature of the building and its purpose.

Finds from this place provide us with the evidence that it was serving people from the North. The site with the oak-house was not the only place in Wolin where Norsemen dwelt from the end of the tenth century to the irst decades of the eleventh Filipowiak There are at least seven such places, including wooden houses, where typical Norse objects have been dis- covered: What we have here is a collection of easily recognizable items of Norse origin far more numerous than was previously believed would be the case in the city.

Not all of the aforementioned artefacts were initially recognized as works by Norsemen. Especially one, a very famous object, is notorious: From my studies it became obvious that this artefact belonged to the Norse religious sphere, not only because of the charac- teristic element with four faces, but also because of the shape of the elongated part, which is in fact a whetstone with the same decoration as an item found in the Oseberg ship Duczko In the same study I was able to attribute a large number of items found in Wolin to a local Norse workshop.

The number of items with such decoration and their homogeneity show that artisans who had been trained in Britain were working in Wolin. Many of the objects with the typical motifs of this art were discovered in the main centres of the young Polish state of the Piasts: The distribution of products that are characteristic of the Wolin workshop indicates the existence of a special kind of relation between the city and the rulers of Poland.

What can the aforementioned Norse archaeological source material from Wolin tell us about this site when we compare it with other trading sites on the southern shore of the Baltic? There are several of them — in Mecklenburg-Vorpommern: Ralswiek, further east in Polish Pomerania: One distinguishing feature is signiicant: Wolin was founded later than these other emporia which in most cases were established in the early eighth century.

Equally important is that they appeared in the regions where a Scandinavian presence had been unbroken since at least sixth century Duczko ; Dulinicz The other important fact is that — with exception of Truso and Wiskiauten — these sites only existed for a century or two: The main feature of these sites is their wholly Norse character: Menzlin has to be considered as a special site. Located on the river Peene, only about ninety kilometres west from Wolin across the Bay of Szczecin, it was occupied by Danes and comprised a complete Norse society, where the infrastructure with a harbour, stone roads and bridges was standard and where the burial ground with family graves was visible in the land- scape in a most impressive way.

How does Wolin look in this context? Different, as we have already been able to see. Wolin was fortiied while none of the other aforementioned emporia, with the exception of Truso, was protected by a wall. The presence of entire families, with women and children, is a necessary prerequisite for the creation of a society with a distinctive culture, as is so well manifested in eastern Europe, where many settlements can be easily recognized as Scandinavian because of family burials with classic Norse elements Duczko The absence of typical oval brooches as well as extremely few inds of female jewellery in Wolin is a revealing feature.

It is well-known that Norse women used a lot of ornaments as can be seen from inds not only in their own countries but also abroad. The few inds of Norse ornaments lead us to assume that some Norse women were living in Wolin, but they were not many. Only a pair of very untypical oval brooches have been discovered here, along with another pair of round brooches with a four- volute motif, which are not in an orthodox, standard form.

This reinforces the idea that the Norsemen did not constitute a consolidated group acting as a regular society here. So the presence of so few Norse women can be taken as an indication that the Scandinavian community in Wolin was not functioning as in the other Norse emporia along the Slavic and Baltic coasts. Contradicting the contents of the saga are the very few inds of weapons and similarly the few burials of warriors, practically none of the kind in the form of chamber-graves known from Birka, Hedeby, Pskov, and Gnezdovo. However, we have to notice what is special about Wolin, namely the activity of a workshop producing knife-handles with Insular decoration: This is an important indication of the presence of a group of males of Danish origin with Anglo-Saxon connections enjoying the art they were accustomed to.

What usually gives a site outside Scandinavia a distinctive Norse lavour are inds of artefacts with runic inscriptions. It is worth remembering that Scandinavians had been using writing since the beginning of the irst millennium, while West Slavic societies were illiterate, and that the use of runes had many purposes, among which magic was reportedly the most important.

It should also be stressed that when objects with runes appear outside Scandinavia, they are usually discovered in places where Norsemen were evidently dwelling, which is also the case in Wolin. We can be sure that Danes were living in the town, where they played an important, but temporary, leading role in the Slavic community of Wolin. They were traders and warriors, some of them both at the same time, like many other Scandinavians during the Viking Age.

However, as their presence there was not recorded in reliable written documents, they have to remain literary heroes. Bibliography Byock, Jesse L. Origins of Central Europe. Studies on the presence of Scandinavians in Eastern Europe. About hoards of silver in the Viking Age Scandinavia. Some aspects of the development of Wolin in the 8th—11th centuries in the light of the results of new research.

Polish Lands at the turn of the irst and second millennia. Ports and emporia of the southern coast: The Baltic Sea region in the early Viking Age as seen from shipboard. Maritime Culture of the North 2. Loyon, Henry Royston, The Vikings in Britain. Interdisciplinary Medieval Studies 2. Viking Age Wolin and the Baltic Sea trade.

Proposals, declines and engagements. Across the western Baltic: Die Kultur der Wikinger in Ostpreussen. Bonner Hefte zur Vorgeschichte 9. Firstly, Wolin was founded later than other emporia in the region. Secondly, the character of the Scandinavian presence is different. Wolin is characterized by a distinct Slavic core and a short-lived presence of a Scandinavian elite with a clear underrepresentation of Norse women. Other emporia bear evidence of a continuous Scandinavian presence and wholly Norse character, including families, with a very clear presence of Norse women, and graves with rich inventories.

Thirdly, Wolin was fortiied while none of the other aforementioned emporia was protected by a wall. Whenever one side of the Baltic coast was weakened by civil wars or internal turmoil, invaders from the opposite coast tried to take advantage of the situation. However, Danish schoolchildren are told that in the end the Danes gained the upper hand, unlike in later military campaigns in Danish history.

Thus, these events form an important part in the creation of Danish national romantic self-understanding. The historical annals which deal with this period naturally focus on martial deeds and battles as focal points in the events of history. However, when studying the most learned of these annalists, Saxo Grammaticus, it is evident that the description of the enemy as such is also very negative: Slavs seemingly have bad habits, they are primitive, and — if they do negotiate — they are replete with false words.

In all this, of course, they are very unlike their Danish counterparts. This impression of constant hostilities is in turn contradicted by the fact that numerous marriage bonds linked the royal families around the Baltic according to the same historical sources. Archaeological evidence also demonstrates the large-scale trading and exchange of goods that involved all the populations in the Baltic region.

In Scandinavia the presence of Slavic occupation or settlement has been suggested from the island of Als in the west to the island settlement of Lerche Nielsen, Michael. On the island of Langeland excavations at the medieval fortiication Guldborg in seem to conirm a Slavic onslaught on the Danish defenders Skaarup South of the Baltic Sea chamber burials, burial customs, ship tumuli and marketplaces along the inland rivers bear witness to a substantial Scandinavian presence.

The majority of the archaeological artefacts, however, suggest trade and the presence of Slavic settlements points in a more peaceful direction.

In this respect the historical records are literary texts or political pamphlets rather than neutral records of the events. To what extent did the two populations interact linguistically? According to Saxo there was no mutual intelligibility between the Scandinavian and Slavic populations.

Among the armies there would often be people who could understand a word or two and igure out the intentions of the enemy, but translators seemed to be compulsory when it came to peace negotiations. The rather great linguistic difference between Slavic and Scandinavian languages provides a good explanation for this but it is not necessarily the only explanation and bilingualism might have been more common than the written sources lead us to believe.

Loan words are also an important subject, and a complex one, especially in this case, because Low German at an early stage and High German at a later stage have been both primary and intermediary sources for the exchange of loan words between Slavic and Scandinavian. Personal names Another important linguistic source is personal names.

It is well-attested that Slavic names were transferred to Scandinavia via royal marriages and later through the landed gentry from Pomerania who were established in Denmark, for instance common irst names as Valdemar and Preben in Denmark, Svante and possibly Gustav in Sweden from Slavic Vladimir, Pritbor, Svatopolk and Gostislav. Personal names are not, however, identical with ethnicity: Often, though, a name provides a good starting point for discussing linguistic contact.

If we assume that it is in fact the same Gnemer, he is the son of Ketill — a Scandinavian name.

Eine Königin von Dänemark und Die Stadt des Glücks (German Edition)

Despite the fact that he obviously speaks Slavic as well as Danish, it remains a puzzle to decide his ethnic ties: Another linguistic way of handling the clash of languages is name change. In the runic inscription his name is rendered mistiuis in the genitive thus showing a linguistic adaption to the Old Norse masculine ija-declension. A parallel to this is the Christian name that several rulers took after their conversion, for instance Queen Olga of Kiev took the name Yelena Helen when she was baptized in the s.

Name change has contem- porary as well as modern parallels. The reason for this might be that as a part of the plot in the narrative they all end up marrying Scandinavians. Runic inscriptions In order to establish how the West Slavs and the Scandinavians coexisted in the eleventh and twelfth centuries it is possible to involve further evidence which in my opinion has been both misjudged by previous scholars and overlooked or underestimated in more recent research, namely ifteen runic inscriptions from the West Slavic area. Most of the inscriptions were carved into the concave and convex sides of ribs from cattle while the bone surface was still soft after cooking.

Thus, we may assume that they were produced locally at the ind spots. The inscriptions are archaeologically dated to the second half of the eleventh century or the irst half of the twelfth century. For further bibliographical data I will point to the appendix. All the legible inscriptions are in Scandinavian and the types of inscriptions can be found elsewhere in similar urban runic inds from Scandinavia. In the following I shall go through the ifteen inds thematically. It should be noted, however, that the proportion of meaningful inscriptions from the West Slav lands seems to be at the same level or even higher than, for instance, urban inds from Lund, Sigtuna, Gamlebyen in Oslo, and Dublin.

Statements of ownership Another well-known type of inscription is the statement of ownership: The object is made of antler and it belongs to a very common type of artefact. The inscription — which I have unfortunately not investigated myself — seems to be worn, and it is not certain that it was carved on the banks of the river Vistula. According to the information available, the gaming piece was found in debris layers underneath a Romanesque ecclesiastical building Lerche Nielsen []. I mention this because his interpretation occurs quite frequently in the runological literature.

The Wolin stick Next I shall turn to the Wolin wooden stick which — according to my lim- ited information I have to confess, the Viking og Hvidekrist catalogue no. Only the top of the incised symbols are visible, and therefore the inscription could be interpreted as either purely ornamental or runic. However, a dating to the eleventh century seems very early indeed, since the Scandinavian parallels are from the High Middle Ages.

Probably it was simply the rune-carver who had fun writing his name. The same type of inscription is very common, for instance the grafiti from the Roman town Pompeii and modern name-tags. The runes kur perhaps relect a personal name Larsson Several medieval Norwegian examples have been published by Karin Fjellhammer Seim a much older example from Sigtuna has been published recently by Helmer Gustavson On the concave side of the rib is the unmistakably naughty inscription: Most other urban settlements have provided similarly naughty inscriptions which have parallels in the sagas.

We should certainly like to know more about the circumstances behind this inscription! Similar proverbs are well known in Old Norse literature. Even within the runic corpus there are parallels, for instance from the town of Lund Moltke First of all, earlier scholars have paid little attention to this ind group.

This substantial Scandinavian presence can be interpreted in several ways, however. There may have been Scandinavian prisoners of war or hostages who should secure a peace treaty who could have carved the inscriptions. A Scandinavian royal guard similar to the Varangians might also have been responsible for the messages.

Finally — and in my opinion most plausibly — Scandinavian merchants could have had permanent trade missions in the Slavic towns, just like Vindeboder in the Royal Danish town of Roskilde. The main conclusion to be drawn from the runic evidence is that the medieval sources seem to exaggerate the clash between the Scandinavians and their neighbours across the Baltic Sea, probably due to ideological reasons relevant to the age of the crusades. Runestones may tell of sudden death, but this undoubtedly has to express individual bravery and honour rather than a general negative attitude towards foreigners, and in fact other runestones attest peaceful trade activities.

Although small pieces of bone may seem boring — they provide a more plausible eyewitness report from the exact time and place of the events. References Barnes, Michael P. Medieval Dublin Excavations —81, Series B, 5. Bidrag til dansk Sproghistorie. Acta Philologica Scandinavica Zwei Runeninschriften aus Oldenburg in Holstein. Danmarks gamle Personnavne 1—4. Neue Folge Band Runepind Wolin [Catalogue no. Norden og Europa — Die Skandinavier und Europa — Altes Museum, Berlin, 1. Gesta Danorum, Saxo Grammaticus 1—2. Hagland, Jan Ragnar, Ei kjelde til handelshistoria.

Meddelelser fra prosjektet Fortiden i Trondheim bygrunn: Hagland, Jan Ragnar, ms.: Runepind Ralswiek [Catalogue no. Roes- dahl et al. Navnestudier udgivet af Institut for Navneforskning University of Lund, Institute of Archaeology Learning to Write with Runes in Medieval Norway. Nordisk medeltidsliteracy i ett diglossiskt och digraiskt perspektiv 2.

Wegweiser durch die Sammlung. Aulage irst published Lerche Nielsen, Michael, Von Thorsberg nach Schleswig. Sprache und Schrift- lichkeit eines Grenzgebietes im Wandel eines Jahrtausends. Internationales Kolloquium im Wikinger Museum Haithabu vom Lerche Nielsen, Michael, []: Meldingsblad om runeforskning 18, publ.

De arkeologiske utgravninger i Gamlebyen, Oslo 1. De arkeologiske ut- gravninger i Gamlebyen, Oslo 3. Festskrift til Kristian Hald. Runes and Their Origin — Denmark and Elsewhere. Seim, Karin Fjellhammer, Runes and Latin Script: De vestnordiske futhark-innskriftene fra vikingetid og middelalder — form og funksjon. Die Runeninschriften aus Schleswig. Sprache und Schriftlichkeit eines Grenz- gebietes im Wandel eines Jahrtausends.

Summary This article discusses the discrepancy between historical accounts of the contacts between Scandinavians and West Slavs in the late Viking Age and early Middle Ages on the one hand and linguistic evidence — loan words, place-names, personal names, and runic inscriptions — on the other. The main focus is the small corpus of runic inscriptions found in urban contexts along the south coast of the Baltic Sea.

The inscriptions were previously seen as signs of hostilities, but the inds from Starigard Oldenburg in particular now point in a much more peaceful direction. The runic texts represent a high degree of literacy and the text types are very similar to inds from urban runic inds in mainland Scandinavia. This suggests a state of peaceful co-existence between Scandinavians and West Slavs and a permanent presence in the Slavic Towns, for instance of a diplomatic or mercantile nature or by a band of mercenaries. Concave side height of the runes: Convex side height of the runes: Ralswiek Thigh bone from cattle measurements unknown.

Kulturhistorisches Museum Stralsund Hd Inscription tu… No interpretation perhaps the beginning of a personal name Wolin Wooden stick yew-tree, mm long. First half of the eleventh century. Lerche Nielsen []: Inscription on the back, height of the runes approx. The most important evidence to be studied further is that of the place names, especially Vinderup and Vindeboder. The former is by Lerche Niel- sen p. The problem here, of course, is that we do not know for sure if these persons really, as suggested by Lerche Nielsen, stem ethnically from the regions suggested by their names or if they are ethnic Scandinavians having been given names because of some connection with non-Scandinavian areas.

If Vinderup was settled by one person or several from the Wendish area it proves that relations between them and the Danes must have been rather peaceful. A Scandinavian given a name connecting him to a non-Scandinavian area, on the other hand, does not 1 In this connection I discount the possibility of a person being named after an ancestor, in which case the question of onomastic origin is only removed a generation or more. The Scandinavian population cannot have been very small; the number of runic inscriptions is only one less than that stemming from the Nordic settlements on Ireland.

Nor are the runic inds from Wendland insigniicant. The most important aspect of these texts is that they constitute speaker- generated originals. Here, we hear from the resident Scandinavians them- selves, not from much later Danish, German or Icelandic authors.

And it is striking how similar the inscriptions from West Slav lands are to those from places within the Scandinavian homelands proper. And even though the West Slavic runic material is limited in quantity, it is quite rich in contents and very interesting, showing a wide range for its size. Clearly we have a case of an n being misread as u or vice versa. Since the former would in that case be in- complete and this very legend appears in more than half a dozen other runic inscriptions, alternative interpretations should also be considered.

We are dealing with ribs from cattle, not eagles or horses, but in any case I think personal names are the more likely choice for an inter- pretation. But who would claim ownership of a cattle rib? It is therefore more likely that the sequence should be interpreted as one word, ending in -a with a miscarving of the same type as the one just mentioned.

Female names are some- times formed from weak adjectives Stroh-Wollin The convex side also bears a three-rune legend: No less than three Old Norse words would be written exactly like this: The second alternative may seem tempting compare note 3 below , given the geographical context, but the third is even more attractive since this word is used as a byname in Old Norse Larsson There is, however, a fourth alternative.

The inscription should rather be grouped with the non-lexical texts, perhaps consisting of doodles, although one or more of those inscriptions may simply be too damaged or just not yet interpreted. With my new interpretations I have tried to stress the importance of taking the runic texts in Wendland seriously. The level of literacy evidenced through these texts may be seen as proof that the resident Scandinavians had some degree of education and that they practised their runic art under not too belligerent circumstances.

This may open up a new perspective on the relationship between Scandinavians and Wends. Perhaps the literary sources do stress conlict more than trade and social interaction. But that not all was peaceful is evident even in more original text sources, as shall soon be seen. On runestones from Viking-Age Sweden certain places along the southern or south-eastern Baltic coastal areas are mentioned: Nevertheless, there is at least one certain Viking-Age example of dealings between Swedes and Wends, although it is not as well-known as it should be since the discovery was made known many years after the oficial publication of the runic inscription and in a popular context where it might easily slip past the attention of scholars.

It is somewhat damaged, but the memorial message is obviously the usual, in this case someone erecting a stone in memory of a father. The text certainly ends with an obituary notice convincingly interpreted by Sven B. Somehow it is obviously more shameful than when the commemorated themselves have slain strangers.

The interpretation by Jansson also presupposes that the inal consonant cluster -ndr is written nr, something which at irst sight might seem like an arbitrary assumption, especially since this is a word with high commu- nicative load which should have been written with extra care compare Williams But I would claim that there is at least one other example, and that possibly of a more peaceful nature.

In another article Williams ms. It ties in with other names derived from peoples and places in Northern Europe, viz. There are also strong forms: It may of course be that a person called Vindi is given this name because he has waged war against Wends or in Wendland. But it is also possible that this type of name may be derived from more peaceful pursuits. We will never know, of course, but it is in my view likelier that Vindi got his name from prolonged, more or less peaceful contacts with Wends than solely because of his ighting with them.

Possible, too, is that he himself is of Wendish extraction but settled in Sweden. His sons, at least, had quite Swedish names. In conclusion I note that Scandinavians and Wends had enough intimate contact to affect name-giving, and that the runic inscriptions left behind by the former constitute an important source to their life in Wendland.

Bebyggelsehistorisk tidskrift 27, 33— Curonian bead sets with bronze spacer plates and their Scandinavian parallels. Studia anthroponymica Scandinavica 25, 53— Studia anthroponymica Scandinavica 26, 35— Namn och bygd 97, 51— Sprache und Schriftlichkeit eines Grenzgebietes im Wandel eines Jahrtausends. Snorri Sturluson Heimskringla 2. Snorri Sturluson Heimskringla 1. Vitterhets Historie och Antikvitets Akademien.

A Daughter without a Name? International Journal of Runic Studies 2, — International Journal of Runic Studies 1, 27— According to Laur A detailed list including all essential historical records of the place name is provided by Petrule- vich I will refer to this later in the text. For a long time, it was not possible to localize the exact position of the site denoted by these names. Nevertheless, this statement does not clarify the problem at all. It is therefore evident that uncertainty about the correct place name form already existed in earlier times.

Yet, with some probability it can be stated as summarized by int. Below are listed the attested forms that I will be discussing in more detail: Wulin ; in civitate Wulinensis; ciuitatem Willin; twelfth century copy fourteenth century Jumneta multiple occurrences , Vimneta Helmold , in copies also recorded as Vineta uncertain spelling ; c. The relation between the former records and the examples with the name of the Velunzani tribe is most questionable.

In the following, I will irst concentrate on the different name types and then their variants and discuss them in more detail. However, it is important to note that it will not be possible to combine all the different spelling variants of the place name such as Liuilni, Julin, Jumne, Jumneta, Vineta, Willin, Velin, Vulin, and Wolin into one single etymological background Udolph Die Namenformen Jumne und Wollin werden wohl kaum auf einen Nenner zu bringen sein. Therefore, it is particularly dificult to distinguish between these letters in medieval texts.

However, this problem provides an explanation for the spelling differences in forms such as vimn-e, iumn-e, uimn-e. The minims have been interpreted differently by various writers. This phenomenon is apparent in all medieval texts and has to be taken into account when dis- cussing the etymologies of Vineta, Jumneta, Jumne, Vimne, and others. Iulin, Julin According to the majority of scholars, the following records are to be considered erroneous forms: Therefore, they are not relevant for the etymological investigation of the place name forms Udolph According to these studies, such forms originate in an alleged stay of Julius Caesar.

We can therefore disregard these place name forms in the present discussion. Forms of Jumne etc. Iumme, Iumnoe Iulinum schol. This form can be found in the following records according to Adam of Bremen c. It is signiicant when Petrulevich However, I do not accept the original form Hyumsburgh suggested by some scholars. I am convinced that the genuine form was a logical development of Jumne, which was seen as an ia-stem by the Danish author.

The same also applies for the forms Jomni and Jomune: Vimne [Adam of Bremen knows […] the name form civitas Iumne, as in the Viennese manuscript, and according to Schmeidler the name is more likely to be read as Uimne or Vimne in the other manuscripts ]. Since Laur refers to historians in this statement, his remark is of a certain signiicance. Laur thus concludes that, the form Iumne and its variants are to be preferred to the Vimne-forms. The place name variant Jumne has already been analysed several times by different scholars. At this point, I wish to provide a brief summary of the main views and discuss them later in the text: According to him, there are two ap- proaches from which this form may have developed.

Some years later, Schmid In my article Udolph I will get back to this suggestion at the end of this article. Laur also considers a Baltic interpretation of Jumne which was already suggested by Labuda. Laur points to the problem of Wollin not actually being situated within the Baltic language area, but never- theless assumes Baltic inluence in the regions along the lower Oder. Latvian joma was even borrowed into the German dialects of East Prussia. It is found in the usage of ishermen as Jome fem. Jumneta The variant Jumneta apparently only occurs in the chronicles of Helmold: It is uncertain whether the form represents a younger variant, which is based on Vineta, Uineta.

In a footnote, Petrulevich The statement made by Laur Jahrhunderts als Vinneta, aber auch als Iumneta. His comments are strongly based on Adam of Bremen, and here the form in -eta represents a Latinization to him]. When discussing the form Jumneta, it can therefore be noted that we are dealing with a younger variant, which was most likely derived from the forms Iumne, Jumne.

This also applies for Vineta, see below paragraph 7. Liuilni The variant Liuilni only occurs in the tradition of Thietmar of Merseburg. However, this is most questionable since the forms Wolyn, Wolin, and Volin represent considerably younger forms and Julin is not relevant for the investigation. I will refer to Willin and Wulin in the next paragraph. For the forms Livilni, Liuilni, I am of the opinion that they are more likely to be due to an incorrect division and reading of the minims.

Besides the initial letter L, the name form Liuilni consists of eight! One has to be brave when trying to present a deinite reading of it. From my point of view, Liuilni represents a single reading which therefore must be disregarded as a relevant variant in the etymological discussion. This is also supported by the fact that it represents the only example with initial L-. Illustration taken from a copy of Puhle, Matthias ed. Magdeburg und Europa, Bd. Due to their spelling, these recorded forms can hardly be used to explain the place name Jumne.

Subsequently, the forms Wilin and Velin represent only occasional examples which should hardly be considered in this investigation. When discussing these records, one has to bear in mind that the original text of Adam of Bremen is unknown and only available in copies. Anyone familiar with these texts knows how dificult it is to read them without mistakes. This is exempliied by the following excerpt Fig. It is obviously very dificult to separate the letters i, n, u, m, t and even l from each other in the words magnitudine second line, antepenultimate word , dignum last word of the ifth line or diligentia last line, penul- timate word.

This variation is most likely explained by the fact that the handwritten manuscripts showed several minims side by side, which may have represented the letters u, i, m or n. It appears that the reading of these letters must have led to different results. Therefore, I think the readings for Uimne must be variants of Jumne, this being the only form — and I will explain this later — for which a reliable etymology can be established.

Vin n eta In the German-speaking countries, the most popular form of the currently disputed place name is Vineta, which has become a synonym for a lost city engulfed by the sea. However, as Laur However, this form represents a younger formation and is almost certainly without signiicance for the etymology of the place name in question.

The variant Vineta can only be encountered in the manuscripts of Helmold of Bosau. However, it is advisable to examine all the different spellings found in the edition Scriptores rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum separatim editi, Vol 32, Hannover Moreover, Laur tried to ind a reason for the initial letter V-: Wollin, Wolin Petrulevich See her for the full references. The variation may be listed in the following manner according to year of sources: The Origins of National Consciousness.

Reflections on the origin and spread of nationalism pp. In Nationalism and the state pp. University of Chicago Press. Since this does not hold true for German-speaking minorities in Belgium or Denmark, both terms demand consideration. In contemporary academia, ethnicity is generally understood as the membership of a population group regarded as having common descent Natio in Classical Latin, similarly referred to a class of people or gentiles, but has come to take on rather broader meaning than ethnicity: Essays on freedom and power.

Treatise on the Origin of Language M. Retrieved April 25, In Language and national identity: Comparing France and Sweden pp. As Oakes points out, in the European context, the construction of modern nation-states has favoured national identity as the paradigm for collective identity, and so scenarios a, b and c above are most relevant for the populations analysed in this thesis.

In other words, ethnicity or ethnic identity can be a constituent, precursor or subordinate element in the construction of national identities in Europe. People will redefine themselves when circumstances make it desirable or when circumstances force it on them. Language can act as an identity marker - like a traditional costume or typical cuisine - which is functionally expendable and easily replaceable. But, language is perhaps also the only identity-marking behaviour that carries with it extensive cultural content.

In any case, it is clear that language, especially with the emergence of more monolithic national languages, has developed to become a marker of national identity. Even in multilingual situations such as Switzerland, for example, national citizenship for many is unthinkable without having fluency in one of the four national languages. Given this blueprint, it is interesting to!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!

Oxford University Press 34 ibid. Language and the sentiment of nationality. American Political Science Review, 10 01 , p. As such, the label of nationality per se is of meagre interest.

If we accept the constructivist approach to identity - a complex, evolving and layered concept - then the nationality label does not contribute to our understanding of the unpredictable nature of identity and its relationship to language use. Rather, the endeavour here will be to assess the extent to which the minority-language groups in question accept and inhabit their ascribed national identity. The interplay between the three concepts of identity, language and nationality is both complex and contested. No Venn diagram or flowchart can provide a definitive picture of how the concepts interact.

In sum, though, it will be tentatively concluded that the symbolic concept of nationhood in Europe is a fundamental but ascribed component of identity. Language, in turn, can and often does feed into a sense of national identity by providing a distinction that allows the perceptual boundaries of a community to be maintained.

As Spolsky points out, language policies can influence a whole gamut of different domains including family, religion, the workplace, the public linguistic space, the law, health, the military, government and, importantly, the realm of education Language policy in education will be considered more closely when looking at the cases of Belgium and Denmark. More generally, however, these areas, and the linguistic circumstances in which they are conducted, are important arenas in which speakers construct their identity.

Language policy is a concept that has been used in different ways by different scholars. Spolsky sees language policy as choices, which are arranged into three levels: Hidden agendas and new approaches p. Towards a theory of language management. In Language Management pp. Beliefs — language ideology - the values and statuses assigned to named languages, varieties and features e.

Management — the explicit and observable effort by someone or some group that has or claims authority to modify the practices or beliefs of speakers. It is language management then, and specifically governmental manipulation of the language practice and beliefs of its society, that will be the main focus in this study. Language policy is therefore inherently ideological.

Nordic Identity between “Norden” and Europe

List of mechanisms between ideology and practice adapted from Shohamy p. Mechanisms affecting de facto language policies. This policy persists largely unchallenged where a language has a hegemonic status, such as that of English in the United Kingdom, or where a country is geographically insulated from the influence of other languages besides the prescribed norm. The figure below illustrates how Petrovic uses these opposing views of liberty as a way of viewing language policies. Monolingual ideologies in multilingual states: Language, hegemony and social justice in Western liberal democracies.

University of Minnesota Press. Two concepts of liberty: An inaugural lecture delivered before the University of Oxford on 31 October Positive and Negative Liberty. This necessarily results in a laissez-faire language policy where no measures are taken to influence language practice and beliefs. On the other hand, language positive liberalism, also termed linguistic autonomy by Petrovic, involves government intervention to create a level linguistic playing field.

Under that umbrella of equality-creation, however, many aims can exist, each of which can have effects on feelings of national identity, especially for immigrant and minority groups. The cases of language management in Iceland and France offer examples where language positive liberalism can be said to strengthen or maintain monolingualism, whilst showing little regard for any effect on national identity amongst minority groups. Names may not conflict with the linguistic structure of Icelandic. University of New England. Protectionism is a term often attributed to the French and this is true in the domain of language policy.

From the 17th century on, French authorities strove to codify and strengthen the status of the French language, which had often been seen as the uniting force of the French people. However, this policy excluded the use of any of the many native regional languages spoken within the country — a policy still in force today despite the rise of linguistic human rights. Protecting the language from foreign influence is another priority in the language management of the French government. On the other hand, there are cases of inclusive language policy that encourage multilingualism through protection of minority language groups.

Finland, for example, has an ideology of national bilingualism incorporating both the Finnish-speaking majority and the Swedish- speaking minority as two language communities belonging to the nation-state. Public services are offered in Finnish, Swedish or both languages on a pragmatic basis, depending on the relative proportion of language groups in each municipality Similarly, the language policy of the early Soviet Union was based on an inclusive ideology that accepted languages other than Russian as native languages of the state. Modern-day Belgium is another example of a multilingual society.

Debates over the status of the Finnish and Swedish languages in Finland tend to ignore the fact that Finland has developed into a truly multilingual country. An Overview of Soviet Language Policy. In Language policy in the Soviet Union pp. For him, the main criterion for diglossic contact is a difference in functionality and status of the two languages in question. As such, diglossia can also be said to exist in societies that employ functionally differentiated language varieties of whatever kind.

Equally, in a multilingual society, entirely different languages might be used in different contexts. This functional split of language use in complementary contexts within a society, or diglossia, is common in multilingual societies. Especially amongst minority- language communities living under a monolingual state language ideology, the necessity to use the state-sponsored language the high or H variety in the public sphere means the minority low or L-variety is restricted to the private sphere of hearth and home.

Since the formation of the two German-speaking communities in Belgium and Denmark, both states have applied very different language policies to the respective populations.

Papers on language in society, p. Journal of Social Issues, 23 2 , Rather, they emerge because they are required by the given social context. This context helps to elucidate how the two German-speaking communities, starting from rather similar beginnings, have taken different paths up until the present. After the end of the First World War, both groups came into being after the borders between Germany and its neighbours were redrawn according to the Treaty of Versailles. At Versailles, the cantons were awarded to Belgium on a provisional basis and in were permanently integrated into the Belgian state after a plebiscite confirmed the annexation.

The Nazi German government reclaimed the area in with mixed response57, but it was returned to the Kingdom of Belgium in September after the Allied forces liberated the region Since , when the Belgian and German governments concluded discussions about the final border adjustment, the DG has continued to extend its powers. Retrieved May 11, , from http: History of the German-speaking Community. While the region had been under German rule since , the treaty called for a referendum and the plebiscite saw Schleswig split into two with a new international border transecting it.

Map showing the shifting German-Danish border from http: Jahrhundert [The German-Danish language conflict in Schleswig in the 19th century]. Typically, language policy dictates that the resources of the state chiefly support the majority language s. Other languages that happen to be spoken within the same country tend to get less support and less respect. Sabine Kirchmeier-Andersen, Director of the Danish Language Council, claims that Denmark is one of only nine European countries that have no language policy.

Minimalism of linguistic regulation is not an oversight, but a conscious choice. It is therefore perhaps more useful to think of Denmark as having a laissez-faire language policy. One might expect this linguistic freedom to result in a society where many different varieties are spoken. Hvad skal der blive af dansk? Retrieved December 15, , from https: A case study of laissez-faire language policy in Denmark.

Traditional dialects of Danish and the de-dialectalization International Journal of the Sociology of Language, This, he explains, has resulted in a particularly pronounced process of de-dialectisation in the Danish case. The regions and their associated language communities are responsible for matters concerning the territory housing, energy and transport as well as matters concerning the individual culture, social welfare and education.

Essentially this language policy, based on the principle of territoriality, is directly connected to the prevailing language ideology that links language and territory. Bilingual Brussels is the complicating factor, as home to members of both the French and Dutch language communities. In stark contrast, Denmark comprises one territory and one language, indeed one that has existed in some form for over a thousand years, including long periods of hegemony over its neighbours.

The Danish language, despite striking similarities to neighbouring Swedish and Norwegian tongues, is unique to Denmark. Even against the backdrop of a broadly laissez- faire language ideology and the secure place of the Danish language in all areas of Danish society, the first decade of this century saw a right-wing government addressing the need to protect the language. Before independence, its territory had been under the dominion of numerous third parties. The state consists of three separate language communities each with its own exclusively monolingual territory.

However, the process has not been without tension. The reincorporation by Germany of the nine German- speaking municipalities during the Second World War led to mistrust of German speakers by the rest of the Belgian population after German speakers faced accusation of collaboration with the enemy and were, for some time thereafter, denied any language rights. Challenges facing Danish as a medium-sized language.

The German language today: a linguistic introduction

Prospects and challenges pp. German-speaking in Belgium and Italy: Two different autonomy arrangements. In , however, the second state reform saw a divergence in the development of autonomy between Flanders and Wallonia on the one hand and the German-speaking community on the other. While the expanded federal system granted Flanders and Wallonia regional status with greater competencies beyond culture, social welfare and education76 the German-speaking community was not acknowledged in the same way.

The party along with Der Bund Deutscher Nordschleswiger Union of German Nordschleswigers have more modest ambitions, focussing on strengthening German-language schools and supporting the wider use and recognition of the German language in the public sphere One current example is!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! Provinzen und Gemeinden [Provinces and communes]. The debate surrounding these questions has seemingly reached an impasse, in which one side makes accusations of relativism, while the other attacks the emergence of a version of the Sonderweg thesis, the assertion of an inherent German propensity to genocide.

Despite the extended reflection on inter- disciplinarity in the introductory section of Colonialism in Question, Cooper none the less seems to lay proprietary claim to the colonial object on behalf of the historical discipline, narrowly defi ned. I have shown that such colonial constructions of Poland had been in prominent cultural and political circulation long before Hanns Johst and Heinrich Himmler made their journey eastward. Quite aside from questions regarding the colonial nature of any of the various German interventions in Polish space—institutional or otherwise—the colonial constructions exist, and must be accounted for.

There are two sets of questions I fi nd it important to address in interpreting this fi nding. First, the discourse must be historically contextualized, for it fi rst appeared at a particular historical juncture, and the intensity of its use was greatest at specific moments and in response to specific socio-political needs.

Second, the discourse must be internally analyzed, its distinctive features identified, and the changes it underwent over time addressed. Hanns Johst could therefore appeal to a rich set of pre-existing representational models to depict the East as colonial space, and it is important to explain which of these he gravitated toward, and why.

There, the privileged class claims to represent the people. As if the nobility and their indentured servants could establish a state! That they both depict this capacity as absent in their representations of Polish space is indicative of a discursive continuity I have found to have spanned a century of German rhetoric on the East. Soll und Haben presents a classic tale of European colonization, mobilizing the structuring conventions of racial difference and spatial under-development to do so: Anton Wohlfart travels into Poland as a self-proclaimed German colonist, cultivates a barren piece of land to make it fruitful, protects this developed territory from the attacks of primitive warring natives, and creates the conditions under which future generations of his ethnic cohort can expand and consolidate their hold over the region.

A central tenet of European colonial ideology held that non-European peoples lagged behind European civilization because, due to their intrinsically static nature, they lacked the ability to change and progress on their own. This self-identity of the Europeans translated into geographical terms: Understood as such, diffusionism legitimized colonial intervention: This world region was identified as non-European, as existing in the Outside and thus just as dependent upon European diffusions as, for example, Africa would have been—except that Eastern Europe was closer to the source of diffusionist flow.

This proximity meant that the contact of Eastern Europeans with these diffusions was more frequent and more concentrated than that of populations located overseas. It is indeed possible to fi nd ideological continuities linking German interventions in Africa and in Eastern Europe, but only after we account for the effects of adjacency—of perceived racial and spatial proximity to the European center—and the differences this introduces for the way Poland was cast in colonial discourse. Ironically, this adjacency also posed conceptual problems for those who used colonial rhetoric to promote their agendas in the East, and it is important that we examine critically the strategies they enlisted to compensate for this perceived lack of structuring dichotomies.

In his contribution to the present volume, Brian Vick shows that in , at the moment when educated Germans were envisioning what their hoped-for German state would look like and anticipating the role it might play on the global stage, they did not in their protocolonial or imperial imaginings primarily reference the overseas acquisition of colonial space, but instead focused upon expansion into the lands of Eastern Europe. There were three factors that led to the discursive re-invention of Poland at this time.

First, liberals were seeking to create a unified German state according to an ethnically defi ned category of nationhood. They envisioned the borders of the new state as circumscribing those areas where ethnic Germans lived. But this created a problem at the peripheries of this territory that were populated by other ethnic majorities. Would Germans have to relinquish this space? Many argued that it was only right to cede Polish ethnic regions to the Poles, who also desired the establishment of their own ethnically defi ned nation state.

Others desired a continued German hold over these Polish territories, but they struggled with a lack of moral justification for such an aspiration. Such a protective role created an imperial identity for the German nation, such that Germans could imagine joining the ranks of the European imperial empires, even without overseas colonies. And it also provided the promise of an answer to the emigration crisis.

A colonial identity for Poland provided a rhetorical alternative: Germans should head not to Texas, but to Posen— where their colonial endeavors would continue to serve the German nation instead of other European empires. But he faced problems of attractiveness: Representations of Poland as exciting colonial space in which Germans could seek their fortunes reflect these pragmatic needs. The authors of the Ostmarkenromane were socially positioned actors, supported in their literary activities either fi nancially or politically or both by nationalist interest groups such as the Ostmarken-Verein and the Alldeutscher Verband.

In the period following World War One, Germany was dispossessed of its overseas colonies and forced to cede 13 per cent of its continental expanse, much of which became part of a reinstated Polish state. In this context, it is interesting to explore the rhetoric deployed by those attempting to regain the lost region in the East. At this historical juncture, the pre-war colonial discourse is reconfigured along two partially overlapping lines of argumentation.

While both of these sets of arguments are familiar to scholars of inter-war Germany, I would argue that they are best understood as being derived from pre-war colonial constructions of the East. This space belonged back in German hands, it was argued, because it had only been brought into the era of human progress and development due to past German colonial intervention.

Allowing Poles to control this land, it followed, was not only an injustice to the Germans who had invested their colonial labor in the civilizing of this space, but was also an injustice to the agricultural and architectural products they left behind, which would certainly only fall into decay and misuse under Slavic control. In the post-war climate, the interest in territorial recovery and eastward expansion involved ever-larger segments of the German population, and these two reconfigured colonial arguments found expression in a wide variety of popular cultural productions.

While historians increasingly address the question of the National Socialist colonization plans for Eastern Europe and attempt to explain the ideology behind this project, I would argue that the understanding of this ideology can be greatly enhanced by contextualizing it within the history of German colonial constructions of Eastern Europe.

For the history of this colonial project, see Michael A. Oxford University Press, Important contributions to this discussion include David Furber, Going East: University of North Carolina Press, Nebraska University Press, , pp. Dirk Moses New York: Berghahn, , pp. Zur Kulturgeschichte des deutschen Kolonialismus, ed. Campus, , pp. Zur Politik der Rasse im deutschen Kolonialreich, ed.

Steiner, , pp. Von Windhuk nach Auschwitz? Frederick Cooper, Colonialism in Question: Theory, Knowledge, History Berkeley: University of California Press, , p. The full quotation thus reads: University of Nebraska Press, , pp. Studien zu Gustav Freytags kontroversem Roman, ed. Visual Culture in TwentiethCentury Germany, ed. Indiana University Press, , pp. Gustav Freytag, Soll und Haben, 58th edn Leipzig: Hirzel, , p.

Guilford, , p. Blaut introduces his model in order to explain his criticism of much historical work undertaken today, which he sees as uncritically reproducing Eurocentric diffusionism, especially in accounts of the rise of Western hegemony over the colonized world. University of Chicago Press, , pp. See Maria Wojtczak, Literatur der Ostmark: Posener Heimatliteratur, — Poznan: Wydawnictwo Naukowe Uniwersytetu im. After eight weeks, the siege was lifted by an allied force under the British General Gaselee. Subsequently, the reinforced occupation troops were placed under the command of the German Generalfeldmarschall Graf von Waldersee, although no German troops had been involved in freeing the legations.

For it was not only the fi rst war in which Germany had been engaged since , but also the fi rst time that Germany, as a new colonial power, had had the chance to assert and strengthen its position, interacting with established colonial nations in a common military undertaking.

As a result, the Boxer Uprising became a phenomenon in the German print media that was out of all proportion to the small German role in the actual fighting. An important factor that contributed to this process was the technical innovation of reporting by telegraph, which gave distant events an immediacy that journalism had hitherto lacked.

The German reading public could thus be engaged emotionally in a confl ict on a faraway continent. As I have shown elsewhere, the dramatic and often fictitious way in which the war was reported in fact amounted to a covert re-enactment in print of the foundation myth of the Reich, namely the defeat of France at Sedan. Its chief concern is with the political aspects of the creation of a German middle-class version of the Boxer uprising through the popular print media. My aim is to redress the imbalances which have been caused in scholarship to date.

It is documented by a wealth of newspapers which have been preserved in archives. If one excludes those newspapers whose political stance is explicitly supportive or critical of government policy, a vast quantity of material still remains. For the purposes of this chapter, it is necessary to narrow the focus while preserving coherence and continuity. This may best be done by examining the coverage of the Boxer Uprising in a single highly successful German newspaper that did not have any explicit political affiliation but, instead, was produced for mass consumption by an urban readership without aiming to sway readers toward one side of party politics or another.

The Berliner Morgenpost belonged to this group. With circulation figures of around , copies per day, it was one of the most successful of the mass-circulation papers that exemplified the new and increasingly prominent enterprise of the Generalanzeiger General Gazette , parteilos but unashamedly appealing to a middlebrow readership.

Werner Faulstich has estimated a total newspaper readership of 9 million for all of Germany, so the interaction of the Morgenpost with its readership of a quarter of a million permits a credible exploration of aspects of the middle ground of public opinion. These were steered by an ongoing concern to identify and separate the defi ning events—as they The Berliner Morgenpost and the Boxer Uprising 47 unfolded—from amid the mass of conjecture, rumor and false information coming from China.

Considering that many German newspapers were preoccupied with the Boxers for the whole of , it is advisable to narrow the focus of this enquiry and examine how the Berliner Morgenpost treated the following three phases of the war: It is also important to stress, before we proceed to these specific instances as they figure in the Morgenpost, that the whole German mainstream press displays from the outset some of the contradictions inherent in any colonialist view of the world.

This newspaper was esteemed throughout Germany for its sophistication, so its blatant materialism is surprising. Yet the essential point is that the mode of discourse that conflated profits with culture and morality had— well in advance—paved the way for later rhetoric that justified looting, the wholesale murder of Chinese civilians and the demands for huge fi nancial compensation in the peace settlement as a justifiable response to the depredations of the Boxers and their support by Chinese government forces.

In the light of what was to follow, it is remarkable how low-key and sporadic the reports on China in the Berliner Morgenpost in the fi rst five months of remained. Through March, April and May, reports from China remain brief bulletins among a mass of other oddities. Suspicions of complicity between the Qing court and the Boxers are thus aired very late by the Morgenpost; but the length of the report shows that events in China are fi nally beginning to be treated more earnestly.

But the readerships of the two papers were quite different. Nevertheless, in this fi rst phase, the casual use of negative stereotypes, when briefly reporting events in China, paved the way for the characterization of all Chinese as barbarians in the much more detailed reporting that the Morgenpost was to undertake in the phase to come. On 10 June, the telegraph line between Beijing and Tianjin was severed by Boxers. This had major consequences for the way in which the world press reported events in Beijing in the coming months, since the legations were now almost entirely cut off from the outside world, and newspapers had to fill their columns as best they could, often with quite inaccurate material, in which scanty information was inextricably mixed with rumor and conjecture.

In this context, it was ironic but unsurprising that the fi rst time events in China provided the Morgenpost with a leading front-page story was on 17 June. Baron von Ketteler was shot by a Manchu soldier; but this did not occur until 20 June, and it remains a mystery why his death was reported world-wide at a time when he was still alive and a forceful voice in the councils of the besieged diplomats. However, the tone of the commentary in the Morgenpost anticipates much of the rhetoric to come: Impossible, that cannot be true!

The report is like a slap in the face. Only after strong patriotic emotions have been aroused does the article mention in passing that the telegraph line to Beijing had been cut some days before, so that the atrocity cannot be verified. Nonetheless, the Morgenpost compensated energetically for its previous offhand treatment of events in China, now filling the front page on a daily basis with stories enhanced by hand-drawn illustrations.

Moreover, the still unconfi rmed death of von Ketteler has the effect of intensifying the image of the Chinese as cruel and perfidious barbarians. This is shown by another sensational—and erroneous—disclosure in the Morgenpost of 5 July. On 5 July, the paper lends credence to equally unconfi rmed reports from London: It is reported that the Europeans in the English legation maintained a long resistance against vastly superior numbers.

When they saw that all was lost, they themselves fi rst killed the women and children, so as to spare them tortures inflicted by the Chinese, and then all fell in a heroic last-ditch struggle. There is a rumor stemming from Peking that 5, Chinese Christians have been murdered. On 8 July, the Morgenpost further confi rms the butchering of all the diplomats, their womenfolk, their children and the soldiers defending them after they had held out for 18 days: For the confl ict to have the magnitude already claimed for it in the commentary of 20 June, it must be made consistent with the established paradigm of an epoch-making and mortal conflict between civilization and barbarism, with Germany in the vanguard of Cultur.

The Berliner Morgenpost was not alone in believing the diplomats and their families were dead. The genuine weakness of the Qing regime and the obsolete equipment of most of its army had been proverbial in the German press long before it became evident that the Chinese government had thrown in its lot with the Boxers. It was thus scarcely credible that China could withstand for long the combined might of the colonial nations that was now being mobilized.

The print media in Germany, however, had successfully created another reality, in which civilization itself was at stake in a war of apocalyptic proportions and one bloodbath in Beijing called for an unlimited number of further atrocities in reprisal. The Morgenpost stands out in this context only by its belated recognition of the Boxer Uprising as an ideal means of engaging its readership in a patriotic cause, and by the vehemence with which it caricatured the enemy.

China was real in this context only to the extent that it offered a means to glorify German national identity. In fact, the second allied relief force under General Gaselee had won a victory at Tianjin on 13 July, and this altered the balance of factions within the Qing court, with the result that a truce was offered to the besieged diplomats on 17 July. This was to endure, with minor intermittent hostilities, until the allied troops invaded Beijing on 14 August.

Without such a respite, the siege would have ended very differently, since the besieged legations simply lacked enough ammunition to hold out any longer. However, it was not until around 7 August that the German press could assure its readership that most of the besieged were still alive and well. As is well known, the speech was printed in two versions. The treatment of it in the Morgenpost indicates, however, that the speech did not shock middlebrow German readers at all.

On 29 July, the paper prints both versions of the most sensational passages, and—surprisingly— abstains from any direct editorial comment comparing their content. For the Morgenpost, Wilhelm II had said what he had said, and there was no cause to expect its readers to have trouble digesting it.

Later editions of the Morgenpost did not revisit the topic, which suggests that the Hunnenrede had simply become part of a broad rhetoric of aggressive patriotism with which its readers had come to feel at ease. In similar vein, the Morgenpost had no difficulty, once the true fate of the diplomats in Beijing was known, in ignoring the fact that it had long been feeding its readership lurid fictions of their having been massacred: While, in the fi rst days of August, the Frankfurter Zeitung comments in scathing terms on the sensationalist misreporting that had filled the populist press during the siege, the commentary in the Morgenpost on 5 August simply avoids the issue and fi nds a fresh target in allied disunity: The severing of telegraph lines in China and the obscurity of what dictated the conduct of the Qing court had created a climate in the world press in which any news from Beijing seemed credible, and the prime goal of the Morgenpost was to give its readers what they wanted.

Essentially, this was a further heightening of those nationalist feelings that were already inflamed. As the Morgenpost admits on 18 August, German troops played no part in the fi nal relief action. In reality, however, there was an emotional vacuum demanding to be filled by tangible German heroism. Such a role now fell to the German commander of the allied mopping-up operations in China, Graf von Waldersee.

Unlike the other colonial powers, Germany was above petty in-fighting and had thus earned the accolade. But all was not to go smoothly. On 12 August, the same paper was obliged to concede that the announcement had been premature. Four days later, it reports frictions between Czar Nicholas and the Kaiser. The Morgenpost is obliged to admit as diplomatically as possible that it was Wilhelm II who had had to go begging: Clearly, the Morgenpost would have preferred to adhere to its fi rst, triumphant announcement.

For what was there left to do? The Qing court had fled Beijing on 15 August; their army was dispersed. The capital had been comprehensively looted, and a number of Boxer strongholds had been attacked and taken while von Waldersee was still at sea. But the abundant examples in letters from troops in China, which are all over every newspaper, only serve to prove: Graf Waldersee is not a marshal of world stature but rather a marshal of executions.

But once again, anticlimax was the order of the day. Not only had all Chinese militants abandoned the city in advance, but—worst of all—a French detachment had reached it fi rst, indeed five days earlier, and had taken over, as the paper sourly notes on 30 October. Some prominent Chinese officials were executed, but this was no substitute for a glorious feat of arms. Graf Waldersee was becoming a lost cause to a readership hungry for major battles won by German bravery.

This is all too clear from a revealing passage in the Morgenpost of 1 November, in which the Supreme Commander complains to the British envoy. The main point at issue was the railways, and Graf Waldersee admits to having trouble asserting his authority in the matter. Visions of great battles in the apocalyptic mode of the Hunnenrede of 27 July are conspicuously absent from his vision of future events.

Peace negotiations between the colonial powers and China were, in fact, to drag on till the signing of a treaty on 7 September Comparing the journalism of the Berliner Morgenpost in this instance with that of its more highbrow counterparts, it becomes clear that even the patriotism it so pompously espouses is subject to commercial considerations.

In the fi rst phase I examined, the murders of German missionaries and other civilians are briefly reported without any attempt to forge a grand narrative. Only when events take a sufficiently dramatic turn in early June does the Morgenpost set about exploiting the Boxer Uprising. Its narrative constructs abandon all restraint when stories show promise of The Berliner Morgenpost and the Boxer Uprising 55 stimulating nationalist anger among readers: The third phase, which takes up the appointment of Graf von Waldersee as Supreme Allied Commander, is launched with great panache on 9 August.

However, it fails to provide the drama and excitement demanded by the readership, and is consequently allowed to trail off into occasional, brief bulletins. Two points should be made in conclusion. First, apart from the lavish illustrations of Chinese scenes accompanying stories in the phase of high drama, there is no attempt by the Morgenpost to provide in-depth commentary or background information on China. The result was a poorly defi ned image of China, which allowed the middle-class readers to imagine the details as they chose.

By implementing the reciprocal principle of offering the public what it is inclined to think anyway, the main sub-text of reports in the Morgenpost was an unquestioning confl ation of militant patriotism with colonialism. I conclude, however, that its very vagueness did much to create a fertile climate for the immense wave of German popular fi ction that was inspired by the Boxer Uprising.

I have dealt with this literary phenomenon in detail elsewhere. Cohen, History in Three Keys: Columbia University Press, , p. UVK Medien, , p. Faulstich, Medienwandel im Industriezeitalter, p. DTV, , p. Since, in what follows, all German papers are quoted from the original editions—there are no reprints—only the date of each issue will be given. All translations from the German are my own. Berkeley, , p.

Reden des Kaisers, p. Cohen, History in Three Keys, p. Preston, The Boxer Rebellion, p. A developing mass culture provided media—books, periodicals, toys, advertisements, museums, exhibitions, zoos, panoramas and eventually films, as well as myriad other products and productions—for making sense of it all. As the exercise of formal and informal colonial influence increasingly defi ned the nature of these global encounters, colonial references came to structure the idioms through which Germans across lines of class, gender, and region understood their place in the wider world.

They defi ned their world in terms of hierarchies of relative civilization, and in this world it was generally assumed that the civilized, however defi ned, had a right and duty to intervene in the affairs of the less civilized. The expressions of this worldview in the media of mass culture were not monolithic and consistent, but they were no less important for their flexibility.

As producers shaped their products to appeal and apply to specific audiences, they referenced empire in 58 Jeff Bowersox various and sometimes contradictory ways, always inflected by notions of gender, race, class, confession, nation, and Kultur. In an effort to illustrate the prevalence and utility of empire in German popular culture around the turn of the century, I focus on media aimed at German youth. Such products are particularly instructive because they illustrate more than simply the prevailing cultural reference points of the day.

Given pervasive fears of declining national virility in an era defi ned by national competition and the survival of the fittest, raising a generation capable of building a strong community at home and promoting its interests abroad was a central social concern. A host of reform movements aimed at educating and invigorating young Germans turned their attention to ameliorating perceived degenerative influences, in particular the baleful effects of industrialization and the Tingel-Tangel of mass culture.

In line with the most progressive pedagogical practices of the day, reformers demanded that products for children contain entertaining yet enriching content, content that engaged imaginations as it conveyed practical lessons and encouraged appropriate behavior. Although profit was usually the primary motive for producers, many sought to distance themselves from trashy commercial culture by infusing their products for youth with selfconsciously instructional intentions. A critical reading of these materials provides a glimpse not only of the terms in which young Germans came to understand their world but also of how various adults wanted the world to appear to their children.

Producers of media for youth faced exigencies that were sometimes difficult to reconcile. Young readers wanted entertaining content; pedagogues, politicians, and many parents insisted on educational material; and all demanded relevant and current topics. In this chapter, I examine the utility of colonial references in two mainstream youth periodicals, one for boys and one for girls. Both journals relied on a fundamental opposition between a civilized European world and a chaotic colonial world, but their details differed according to contemporary gender ideals.

Ultimately, the image of a colonial world defi ned by chaos and backwardness could provide both boys and girls with spaces for adventure and personal development not available within the confi nes of the civilized metropole. It was a space for independent and heroic action and for the illustration of the ultimate superiority of European civilization. In media aimed at girls, by contrast, the colonial world was initially far less adventurous and chaotic. Instead, it provided tamed, exotic decoration or examples of Gender and Colonialism in Kaiserreich Youth Magazines 59 foreign barbarity that reinforced European notions of civilized femininity.

Just as the adventure found on the frontier could entertain while promoting an active masculinity, so did publishers and contributors eventually try to promote an active, yet still domestic femininity through the example of women struggling at the margins of civilization. In the following year, he established its sister journal to reach girls of the same age and class. The two publications shared publishers and editors, but they also shared a common mission: To this end, both combined fictional features with general interest stories containing self-consciously educational content.

Serial stories were accompanied by reports on current events, famous personages, and technological advancements as well as informational articles on various topics in ethnography, geography, and natural history, such as readers would have encountered in their classrooms.

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By paying close attention, readers could learn how they could best contribute to German society at home and abroad. An appealingly wild setting for adventure literature, the colonial context also provided authors the opportunity to portray men wrestling, training, and improving that disordered space.

In 60 Jeff Bowersox this realm readers found examples of such stereotypically masculine qualities as bravery and daring but also respectability, humility, diligence, an appreciation for hard work, and intelligence. In Der gute Kamerad, boys were to engage imaginatively in the colonial world as hunters, explorers, adventurers, and agents of European civilization. A few examples can illustrate this dichotomy. From its founding in , Der gute Kamerad made an exoticized colonial world a central part of its offerings to readers fi rst and foremost through the serialized adventure stories included in every issue.

Roughly 10 stories appeared each year between and , and fewer than a handful of these took Europe as their setting. Through exceptional resourcefulness, courage, and skill with their fists and fi rearms, Schwartz and his comrades succeed in defeating the slavers and freeing their prisoners. The passive heroine encounters no physical danger during her stay abroad; even when she walks through the disorderly streets of Cairo, German men chaperone her at all times. Both journals relied on a fundamental opposition— between a progressive and civilized European world, on the one hand, and a more or less backward colonial domain in need of European assistance, on the other—to situate their readers in the wider world and to entertain them; but they used very different details to establish this binary and, in turn, put this binary to very different ends.

The lioness marks this space as a wild frontier ruled not by civilized rules of decorum but by a Darwinian struggle for survival, and its cultivation requires the efforts of capable men with reserves of bravery. Appropriately, the stalwart hunter stands tall and proud as he faces down the prowling predator, while the natives, marked as subordinates by their dress and fearful postures, look to their white master for leadership and protection.

Der gute Kamerad taught a relatively straightforward lesson through factual reportage focused primarily on the activities of men— hunting, fighting, trade and other economic activities; the use of technology; and forms of political organization. As in Figure 5. Editors of and contributors to Der gute Kamerad tried to teach boys to develop these virtues through an imaginative engagement with a chaotic colonial world. Such articles entertained insofar as they gave girls a glimpse of strange and horrifying situations and practices around the world, but they did so in a way presumed appropriate for feminine sensibilities.

These were patently not exciting. Nevertheless, despite contemporary concerns, it became apparent that many German girls were also interested in the very same adventure literature that pedagogues believed could develop maturity and independence in German boys. By reporting on the twin aims of colonial administration—suppressing opposition and building schools and infrastructure—Der gute Kamerad increasingly tied the effort to raise capable men at home with an effort to establish the capability of the German nation on the world stage. As editors and contributors tried to demonstrate to their female readers that German women, too, had a role to play in nation-building both at home and abroad, they increasingly appropriated the colonial adventure that hitherto had been an exclusively masculine preserve.

They did so by educating readers about the ways that women had played and must continue to play a central role in German civilizing efforts. Especially in roles where women could show off their particular domestic talents—nursing, teaching, or housekeeping—they also could Gender and Colonialism in Kaiserreich Youth Magazines 65 fulfill their role as bearers of German Kultur. This shift is perhaps best illustrated by the fi rst and only colonialist fiction to appear in the journal before the outbreak of the Great War.

There they set up a farm and begin taming the colonial landscape around them. The adventurous colonial frontier matures Hanna and allows her to prove her worth as a bearer and promoter of German Kultur. She, and only she, can perform the domestic tasks necessary to establishing a German home: At the same time, facing down the challenges of the frontier allows her to grow as an individual.

She acclimatizes to the harsh climate, hunts and tracks animals, and even fights against murderous natives in defense of her new German homeland. In an obvious metaphor for the necessary role that German women must play in colonial affairs, Hanna offers her shoulder as support so that her wounded brother can kill a leopard that threatens them and their herds.

Beyond its evident symbolism, though, the image also evokes the previously forbidden danger of the lioness attack rather than the tamed exoticism of the lion cubs, and Koch emphasizes that this young woman had benefited from her adventurous encounter.

In so doing, she directs an uplifting message at her female readership, namely, that women are strong and valuable because of their feminine, domesticating abilities. Although they offered different perspectives to their respective audiences, both tried to profit from a self-evident distinction between the European and non-European worlds, Figure 5.

Gender and Colonialism in Kaiserreich Youth Magazines 67 using the narrative of a civilizing mission to mediate the encounter between the two. Empire was far from being a matter of marginal interest for Germans; rather, it was a defi ning feature of how they understood themselves as a modern, powerful, civilized nation within a globalizing world. Young readers turned to portrayals of the colonial world because they offered opportunities to escape into exotic domains where different rules applied from those that governed their mundane Alltag. Editors and contributors both responded to and tried to shape this interest.

The specific details may have varied over the Imperial Period according to shifts in context and audience, but the enduring utility and attraction of colonial references did not wane. If anything, their prominence and allure grew, as cultural producers used them to reach new audiences. The flexibility of this popular colonialism, the fact that various colonial perspectives could coexist and compete in media aimed at young Germans, both reflects its appeal and helps to explain its prevalence. Eine Chronographie — Dortmund:

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