Tramping With the Legion : A Carolina Rebels Story

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Please try your request again later. Gene taught university-level courses for many years to both undergraduates and graduates. He presented courses in linguistics, French language and literature, and French history and culture. His book titled France: Traditions in Transition was used as a college-level text for courses in French civilization and culture. Another book, Charles Dassoucy: Adventured in the Age of Louis XIV, shed new light on one of the most prolific poets and prose writers remaining true to "baroque" esthetics throughout the early years of the age of classicism.

Over the years Scruggs held several administrative posts: Chair of the foreign languages department, director of university student exchanges, and director of international relations. For this long service to academia, Gene received major recognition. Later his colleagues in international education for the State of Florida awarded him the title of "President Emeritus. Tramping with the Legion: A Study in Genealogical Research co-edited. A novel set in 17th century France will be in print soon. Are you an author? Help us improve our Author Pages by updating your bibliography and submitting a new or current image and biography.

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Selections from Searching for Scruggs The View from Brindley Mountain: Hanger's language is horsy, as befits the late second-in-command of Tarleton's cavalry, and he dismisses the "butterfly" taunt with a reference to "certain gnats which lodge themselves in the posteriors of the finest horses, which do not however prevent them from running. Tarleton retained his connection with the army after the war, dividing his time between a military career, a political career, and the career of a Regency buck.

Between these three stools he fell into mediocrity. As a soldier he held commands in Britain and Ireland, was promoted to major-general in and in to general; but in the deadly routine of home garrisons his talents were wasted and atrophied. As a politician he sat as M. As a buck he is said to have competed with the Prince of Wales afterwards George the Fourth for the favors of the famous Mrs.

In none of this did he fulfil the promise he showed as a fighting man in America. Tarleton died without issue in , after wasting his talents for half a century. But after we are more concerned with the Legion than the man whose name it bore. During the war New York had become the chief refuge and assembly point of Loyalists made homeless by the rebellion, all facing bitter persecution at the hands of the rebels if and when the British forces finally withdrew.

The news of Yorktown was the final blow. Many sailed for Nova Scotia in the spring and summer of , and by the spring of '83 it was an exodus. Probably some of Tarleton's Legion withdrew from the regiment at this time and went to Nova Scotia or elsewhere with the refugee civilians. Some of the Loyalist regiments, held inactive at New York since '81, literally melted away.

But at least officers and men remained with the corps and left New York as a unit when the troops, regular and loyalist, began to withdraw in September. Tarleton's Legion and their women and children embarked about September 15th, and had a rough passage to Nova Scotia in the teeth of the easterly and north-easterly winds prevailing at that time. The Legion transports arrived at Shelburne with the rest of the troops, mostly regulars, consigned to that place, on or after September 23rd.

At Shelburne they found a desperate situation, a raw-new town in the edge of the forest, swarming with 10, refugees, most of them still without a decent roof over their heads, and all clamoring for the attention of the commissaries and surveyors. The weather had turned cold, and there was a Nova Scotia winter to be faced.

As a temporary refuge Shelburne offered little to the late-coming troops. As a permanent location it was impossible, because the best of the land had been taken up months before by the refugee civilians; indeed, the government surveyors, Marston and Morris, at their wits' end to find space for the growing mob of claimants, had adopted the desperate expedient of laying out "farms" in the wilderness along a projected road across country to Annapolis. Faced with a choice of evils, some of Tarleton's Legion disembarked at Shelburne, and in the following summer we find 24 of them, with 15 women and children, included in General Campbell's muster of the Shelburne settlers.

But the rest of the corps sought something better, a place of their own, where they could settle as a group and stick together in peace as they had in war. On October 5th and 6th, the government surveyors, Marston and Morris, dined together aboard H. Cyclops in Shelburne harbor, and on the 7th Morris set out in a boat for Port Mouton, 40 miles to the eastward. They or some higher authority had made a wild decision. Tarleton's Legion was to be alloted lands at Port Mouton and to be dumped ashore there forthwith, men, women and children, to get themselves housed as best they could.

The remnant of the corps followed close on Morris' heels; for on October 10th, , we find Simeon Perkins of Liverpool recording in his diary, "A ship with part of the English Legion is arrived at Port Mutton.

by C. Eugene Scruggs | PB | Acceptable

Now let us do what the authorities failed to do back in - take a good look at Port Mouton - which Perkins called "Port Mutton" and the modern inhabitant pronounces "Port Matoon". It is a sandy bay about six miles wide and reaching about four miles into the land. There is some shelter inside the islands at the mouth but in general the bay is exposed to the easterly gales which are so frequent and so fatal on the Nova Scotia coast. The shore of the bay is rock-bound, with alternative stretches of sand beach and in some places acres of gleaming white sand dunes.

For at least half a mile behind the shore the land is undulating and covered with scrub spruce and poplar and wire birch, as it undoubtedly was in see Perkins' Diary, July 5, for the soil is thin and the surface littered with granite and whinstone rocks. Several streams flow into it, none of any size except a small river flowing into the north-west corner of the bay, which the local inhabitants in knew as the Great River, ironically, to distinguish it from the others.

This stream is almost closed by a sand-bar at its mouth, so that only small boats can pass up to the falls, half a mile above, and a ship of any size must lie at least a mile off-shore completely exposed to gales from the south and east. There is another small inlet at the westerly corner of the bay, still known as Jones Creek, after one of the Legion settlers. This creek is now sandy and shallow but it was quite deep as late as the 's, when the Campbell firm built and launched several large square-rigged vessels there.

Opposite the point where Jones Creek opens into Port Mouton bay there is a small stream known as "the dike", where Stewart's Lake and the Mill Brook discharge their waters into the sea. In half a dozen fishermen Gamaliel Stewart, Robert McClarn et al lived at the mouth of "the Dike", subsisting chiefly on fish, wild fowl and venison. These and a few Indians were the only inhabitants.

Had His Majesty's deputy surveyor, young William Morris, consulted these people he would have learned that the place was totally unfit to shelter or support a host of strangers, many of whom were from the rich soil and warm climate of Carolina. But evidently he did not, or perhaps he thought it was none of his business. There were charts of the coast but the hinterland had never been surveyed, and I suspect that the whole project of the Legion settlement had been born over an inaccurate map in the gunroom or the "great cabin" of H.

Cyclops in Shelburne harbor. At any rate, Morris hurried ashore from the little sloop Gig and busied himself for the next two weeks in laying out a most ambitious township. It was rectangular, with a 4-mile frontage on Port Mouton bay, and extending ten miles up the "Great River" into the wilderness. On paper it looked perfect and no doubt it gave the Surveyor-General at Halifax a good deal of satisfaction. In the year a surveyor named Whitman Freeman ran out Morris' original lines on the ground and made a map of his township.

It is a beautiful thing, with the timber-land up the river laid out in narrow acre strips, each marked with the soldier grantee's name, and the town itself neatly plotted at the south-west corner, on the slope facing Jones Creek. William's brother surveyor, Charles Morris Jr. William laid out "water lots" i. Behind the town he laid off a rectangular common, and on the south-west side a number of "sea-lots" running down to the shore, to be used for the drying of fish.

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All this is worthy of note because Tarleton's Legion did build their town on Morris' site and on the plan he had laid down; and the chosen name for it was Guysborough, in honor of Sir Guy Carleton, the wise and humane commander of the forces at the evacuation of New York. A grateful country lost no time in discharging these gallant men from its service. On the very day that Perkins noted a transport arriving in Port Mouton the soldiers of the Legion were paid off and given their discharge papers.

One of those discharge papers, that of Sergeant Neil Campbell of the British Legion infantry, is still a prized possession of his descendant, Mr. Samuel Campbell of Port Mouton. It is further signed by "Neil Campbell his mark" to acknowledge receipt of "all just demands from my Colonel and Captain" and of fourteen days' pay as a sort of discharge bonus. As Campbell was a sergeant his war gratuity for six years' hard service thus was fourteen shillings. A private at sixpence a day was rewarded with seven shillings. When held to the light the paper reveals a large watermark, an oval medallion surmounted by a crown and containing a figure of Britannia, seated in the usual manner but grasping in her left hand, not a trident but a spear, and holding forth in her right hand what looks suspiciously like a bunch of wilted flowers.

If so it was sadly symbolic to the men who had carried her spear so long and so valiantly in America. One hopes that none of them examined his certificate too carefully in the light of the days to come. This final disbursement to the Legion did not cost Britannia much. Battle, disease, the heat and dust of the long marches had taken their toll of the regiment.

Of the officers and men on the muster roll in , and the hundreds of others who joined its ranks in Carolina, only remained to answer their names at Yorktown. How many left the unit when it reached New York we do not know; certainly Tarleton and Major Hanger and probably other officers of means went off to England, never to return. Twenty-four officers and men settled at Shelburne, as we have seen. At the final disbandment stepped ashore at Port Mouton.

Local tradition puts the total of "Legion people" - men, women and children - "at something over ". Fully one-third of the names in the list are Scotch, and the rest are English, Irish, Welsh and one or two Dutch. As we have seen, the corps was raised originally in Pennsylvania and brought to full strength amongst the Loyalist refugees on Long Island. But the regiment's losses in Carolina were terrific - it was cut to pieces at Cowpens - and its twenty-odd other battles and skirmishes took their toll.

The fever and heat in the unhealthy Carolina river country took no less. Tarleton himself declared History, pages 87 and 88 in reference to the routine patrols and baggage escort work, "This service injured them infinitely more than all the preceding moves and actions of the campaign See also, for instance, Tarleton's despatch to Cornwallis, Jan. The settlers of Scotch descent in the Carolinas were stout Loyalists, and to them we must attribute the maintenance of the "Scotch Company" in the Legion attested by the regimental muster rolls.

In view of all this, and of local tradition at Port Mouton, I think it safe to say that most of the men, women and children who stood on the sandy shore of Nova Scotia that cool October day in came originally from plantations in the South. Picture the scrub forest and the stony land, the dull sky and the grey sea, and feel the cold wind whipping up the slope.

And picture, if you can, the thoughts of those Carolina exiles on the sandy shore! The story of that settlement at Port Mouton is one of the most heroic and tragic in Nova Scotia history. Haliburton "Account of Nova Scotia", Vol. This is what he says: So far Haliburton's account is correct, but he makes a most important omission - that another corps with its wives and families, much more numerous than the Legion group, were put ashore at Port Mouton soon after them.

And it is these others, not Tarleton's Legion, of whom he speaks in the succeeding passage: Let us see what really happened. Haliburton gives us the bones of it. Local tradition, handed down in the Legion families, gives us a good deal more. A careful study of the land grants, with the successive changes of ownership, add a bit here and there.

The Admiralty records help, so do the muster rolls of Loyalists compiled later on in other parts of the province. There is the letter book of Morris, the surveyor-general. There are the admirable researches of W. Raymond, published by the New Brunswick Historical Society. Finally there is the diary of Simeon Perkins, chief magistrate, member in Assembly, merchant, ship-owner and general Pooh-Bah of Liverpool, just around the cape from Port Mouton. In his various capacities. Perkins came into contact with the Legion settlers from time to time, and noted it in his diary.

Unfortunately he was a man of many affairs and interests, especially money and religion, there was a bitter religious controversy raging in Liverpool at this time - all of which seemed more important to Perkins than the fact that 2, people, a population larger than that of Halifax in , were struggling for existence just around the corner. But we must be satisfied with what we have - it is enough.

As we have seen, the first transport arrived in Port Mouton on October 10th, , and promptly put its passengers ashore. Two of them, Lieut. Thomas Scott and Surgeon Edward Smith of the Legion, took a quick look at the landscape, went off to Liverpool, hired a shallop, and removed their families to that frugal but comfortable Yankee town. They must have smiled grimly when a Yankee merchant, "Mr. Emmoney of Boston", taking quick advantage of the peace and the needs of the detested Tories, sailed his brig into Port Mouton and blandly offered live cows and sheep for sale.

They needed his cargo badly enough but they had little money for such things, and Mr. Emmoney sailed off to try the trade at Shelburne. About this time, October 17th, another ship came into the lonely bay. Sophie with another burden for the slender resources of Guysborough Town - 70 negroes, who were put ashore to settle themselves. She also informed the Legion men that two other ships were on the way from New York, bringing of the Commissary-General's Department. This was surprising enough; but the sequel was more surprising than the forecast, for during the remainder of October and all through November, ships came and put ashore at Port Mouton practically the entire base personnel of the British fleet and army operating out of New York since , together with sundry discharged sailors from the dispatch boat Miranda, the transport Neptune, and a few soldiers of the King's Own Maryland Loyalists and the 71st Highlanders, many accompanied by wives and children.

Records of the Commissary-General's Department at the evacuation of New York show that exactly persons were settling or about to settle at Port Mouton. Add these to the Legion people, and the negroes, and it is clear that something like men, women and children spent the winter of in Guysborough Town at Port Mouton. Brook Watson, that shrewd and able man, was Commissary-General of the forces.

He knew Nova Scotia well, though not this part of it, and if he sent his numerous New York staff to the north on a surveyor's blind choice he at least made some provision for their shelter. Watson also sent an agent, Mr. John Stuart, to look after his Departments' needs at Port Mouton and to harass the authorities at Halifax in their behalf. The men of Tarleton's Legion had no such influence, and they must have looked with mixed feelings upon this sudden flood of strangers, most of whom had served out the war so comfortably, so far from the dust and heat of battle, and now apparently were to live with comfort in the wilds of Port Mouton.

But even Brook Watson's influence could not equip all his people, and the last-comers found themselves short of everything, like Tarleton's men. Guysborough Town was overflowing, and local tradition says some of the people wintered in miserable huts on the slope east of Wobamkek Beach, while the letter-book of Charles Morris declares that certain ones spent the winter in caves. Unloading the ships was difficult and slow. There were no wharves and the vessels lay in the creek; everything had to be taken ashore in boats, and the more bulky freight on rafts. Fortunately there were plenty of hands to do the work, and men accustomed to the handling and despatch of supplies.

Although the distance across the cape to Liverpool was only 12 miles in a straight line there was no road, not even a path through the woods, and communication by sea was interrupted frequently by the furious autumn and winter storms. Some of the Legion men found their way to Liverpool by following the shore, wading the mouths of the smaller streams and crossing Broad River and the White Point river on makeshift rafts. The supplies they bought with their scanty funds had to be carried on their backs to Port Mouton by the same route - a round trip of not less than 35 miles.

Liverpool then was a town of frugal fishermen and other seafarers, with a grist mill and a few small sawmills on the lower falls of the Mersey River. Its merchants were hard-headed traders of New England birth, and Simeon Perkins, the cautious Connecticut Yankee, was their chief magistrate and spokesman. Early in November the desperate exiles on the shore of Port Mouton sent an appeal to Liverpool for lumber.

Perkins at once asked who would pay for it.

Nobody seemed to know. There was correspondence with the government at Halifax - which was overwhelmed with requests of this sort. Secretary Bulkeley wrote Perkins vaguely requesting him to assist the Commissary-General's Department and the other refugees at Port Mouton. That was not good enough for Simeon. December came in with snow and then rain on a furious south-east gale. Through that gale at the risk of his life came John Stuart in a small sloop from Port Mouton, sailing over the Liverpool bar in a smother of breaking seas. Urgently he demanded to know what the government had said or done about lumber for Guysborough Town.

Perkins simply showed him Bulkeley's letter. Off went Stuart again, and there was more correspondence between Port Mouton and Halifax. In the meantime a great number of new refugees had arrived at Port Mouton, amongst them a Presbyterian minister who may have been John Macleod, chaplain of Tarleton's Legion during the war.

Whoever he was, after seeing the situation at Port Mouton he left on December 12th aboard a coasting schooner for Halifax - probably to add his pleas to those of Stuart, Molleson and McPherson, for within a few days Perkins received a direct order from Halifax commanding him to purchase and ship 60, feet of lumber to the refugees at Port Mouton.

Payment for this was specified. He purchased the cargo of a sloop already laden with lumber for Halifax and despatched it [to] Port Mouton on December 20th. For the rest he had to depend on the sawmills two miles up the Mersey River.

Tarleton's Legion by Thomas H. Raddall

There was no road to the mills. The lumber as it came from the saws had to be dropped into the river, gathered into rafts and floated down to the town - this in December weather. At Liverpool the lumber had to be taken out of the water - each board by this time coated with ice - and loaded into schooners and sloops. At Port Mouton the lumber had to be flung into the water again and floated ashore, where those anxious men and their shivering families were waiting. And over this whole belated enterprise hung the weather.

One cold snap would freeze the lower reach of the Mersey and prevent all further shipment from the mills. On December 23rd Colonel Molleson sent one of his officers to Perkins, probably with an urgent plea for speed. On the following day the cold snap came. The river froze all the way from the sawmills to Liverpool.

On Christmas Day, Perkins wrote in his diary a significant "Very cold. When the last of the boards arrived at Port Mouton the winter was half gone. Meanwhile those hard-pressed men at Port Mouton had put up log huts, sod huts, tents of ship canvas and brushwood, together with frame houses brought piecemeal from New York, and so at last Guysborough Town stood in the snow complete with its three long streets and its three lanes down to the water. Some of the officers were able to buy luxuries like sugar but most of the people lived on the ration doled out by the commissariat - one pound of salt pork and one pound of hard biscuit per head per day, eked out with salt codfish, with rabbits snared in the barrens behind the town and clams dug in the creek at low tide.

For fuel they had green hardwood, burned in the crude open hearths. In most cases their clothes were too few and their bedding too thin for a Nova Scotia winter. The men could venture abroad and warm themselves in cutting firewood and hunting, but the women and children remained in the tents and huts and houses, prisoners of the cold. When the snow became deep all were confined to the town, and this crowding and jostling together produced the inevitable quarrels between the Legion men and the Commissary personnel.

There was a flare-up of violence. Men came to fists and then to clubs, and Captain McPherson of the Legion took part in one affray with a drawn dirk. Yet McPherson knew what every soldier knows, that such affairs are born of idleness and close quarters. The remedy is to get the men outdoors and give them an outlet somehow for their surplus energy. And so McPherson went to Liverpool and suggested to Perkins the cutting of a road through the woods between the towns. If the Liverpool men would cut half way, his men would undertake the rest.

They agreed on a route and the thing was done. Fifty men of Liverpool turned out and cut towards the west. McPherson and his soldiers cut their way from Guysborough Town. The job began on February 21st and was finished on March 4th - a horse-path, really, cut out the width of a man's outstretched arms after the old colonial fashion, with pole bridges over the brooks. And the day it was finished, despite the cold and the snow and another storm in the offing, a number of people tramped the twelve miles from Guysborough to look upon the neighbor town of Liverpool.

They were not much impressed with each other at first, indeed there would be little inter-marriage until the second generation, but part of the strong blend which the world came to know as the Bluenose type was brewing that wintry day in the County of Queens. The worst of the winter was now past; but the weather, the monotonous diet, the close confinement in huts and tents, had taken their payment in sickness and death.

Young William Morris had failed to include a graveyard in his neat plan of the town, and so they buried their dead in one of the "water-lots", half way between the first street and the head of Jones Creek. Still their common miseries did not unite them. The squabbles went on, and when the spring court opened in Liverpool April l2th, there was a rush of litigants from Port Mouton with cases to press or to defend.

In cases of Legion men versus those of the Commissary Department the scales were weighted, for Colonels Molleson and Hubbell of that Department turned up at the court with commissions as justices, accompanied by their own clerk, and took their places on the bench. Captain Donald McPherson of the Legion applied at once for a similar appointment, but his application had to go to Halifax and the commission did not arrive until late in May.

By that time matters had completely changed. Perkins does not reveal the outcome of these April trials, but they were symptoms of the unrest that prevailed at Guysborough Town all through the winter and the long wet spring. Tarleton's men, veterans of actual fighting in the war, and the pioneers of Guysborough, resented the presence of the horde of base personnel thrust upon them by the Commissary-General.

And Colonel Molleson's men for their part detested the place and wanted no more of it. Some were for removing to Chedabucto Bay as soon as the weather got warm; some were for Digby, some for the St. Croix river on the farther side of Fundy. Finally they held a "camp election" to decide who would go where, and as a result of it about the middle of May, , they began to take down the frame houses they had built and prepared to remove.

And while this was going on the final catastrophe occurred. All through April and May the weather had been continuously wet, so that the woods were sodden and the streams in flood. But on May 14th the wind swung to the south-west and there followed a succession of hot days. It was the dangerous time that every forest ranger knows, when the trees and bushes are still bare and last year's leaves are crisp and rattling under foot, when every brush pile, every patch of grass is like a powder train awaiting one unlucky spark.

Such a spark occurred. The Legion people, watching the others preparing to depart, suddenly heard a cry of fire in one part of the town. In another minute a wave of flame, borne on the strong southwest wind, came swiftly upon them. All hands caught at water pails and they formed lines down to Jones Creek, but their efforts were useless. The fire swept through the town consuming everything they had in the world, and men, women and children were driven down to the water's edge where they had landed six or seven months before. The date of the fire is not recorded. I put it at May 19th.

Molleson sent an appeal for help to Halifax, and for once the response was prompt. A naval transport came to Port Mouton with supplies, and a few days later sailed for the Bay of Fundy crammed with refugees. Croix river, where they hoisted the British flag and founded what they called Morristown now known as St. She landed the rest of her passengers, persons, at Digby, N. In the meantime Colonel Molleson had hired three or more vessels at Liverpool to take him and several hundred of his people to Chedabucto Bay; and there, in June they founded a new town and gave it the old name of Guysborough, in memory of that blackened ruin at Port Mouton.

Finally, in July, five government transports carried the rest of Molleson's people to the new Guysborough, and the ruins of the old were left to Tarleton's Legion and the seventy poor negroes. Most of the negroes drifted into Liverpool, where they found a few others of their race, slaves or servants of Perkins and other merchants, and formed a little colony on the outskirts of the town which remains to this day. Of the Legion people a considerable number remained at Port Mouton, building new homes closer to the shore, where the house of Sergeant Neil Campbell still stands, on a spot not far from the Legion cemetery.

Others removed to fishing coves between Port Mouton and Liverpool, and some to Liverpool itself, where a number of single men took refuge in the abandoned barracks at the fort. One or two families went up the river to Milton, and some of the Irish later to the new settlement in north Queens.

As far as I can determine most of the Legion men remained in Queens or the adjacent parts of Nova Scotia. Of those who settled in other parts of the province one finds a reference here and there. Captain John Spencer had a town lot and other property in Shelburne, where according to Marston's journal he practised somewhat unsuccessfully as an attorney at law.

Major Hanger's groom Newton see Winslow Papers married a well-to-do widow at Annapolis and settled there. James Maxwell, of the Legion's flying artillery, settled at St.

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In "The Old Judge", Haliburton gives what is obviously a portrait from life of a "Captain Tygart" of Tarleton's Legion, badly wounded at Cowpens, restless and embittered by the war, living somewhere near Amherst on his half-pay and drinking himself to dementia in the village inn. They took a keen interest in the Valley militia, and at the time of the French alarm in one of them led his company from Granville to Halifax, marching the entire distance of miles in 35 hours - a feat worthy of Tarleton himself. Indeed the memory of Tarleton's old corps was so fresh in western Nova Scotia at this time ten years after disbandment that Colonel Barclay's regiment of militia, of which Willett's company was part, was proud to call itself the Nova Scotia Legion or Barclay's Legion.

This corps was formed like Tarleton's Legion with inclusive units of horse, foot and artillery, something unique in the Nova Scotia militia establishment. In a report to London, Lieutenant-Governor Wentworth referred to them in these words: They have two companies of artillery and one of horse, and can be assembled in Halifax on six days' notice, part of them sooner. A particular vein of tragedy seems to have followed Tarleton's men who settled in Queen's County. We find it again and again in Perkins' Diary. Thus - "August 15, , one of the Legions buried this evening.

His comrades arrested him and brought him by boat "in extreme cold weather" to the Liverpool gaol, there to await the spring court. At Halifax, Attorney-General Sampson Salter Blowers seized an opportunity to demonstrate the majesty of the law and came down in May in person - in the Governor's yacht. There was a full dress trial, the first ever seen in Queens County, and on July 10th in the presence of the townsfolk and a solemn platoon of the County Militia, poor Hayes was hanged in Liverpool "on the common land back of the meeting house" - a spot still known as Gallows Hill.

There was trouble of other kinds. For instance in November , after the men had settled and improved their lands at Port Mouton for three hard years, a Liverpool court granted a writ of ejectment and a bill for trespass against a number of them, including a soldier's widow. The matter dragged on for many months before the local court's decision was over-ruled at Halifax.

But of course these were the matters that excited Perkins' interest, and they found their way into his diary precisely as such matters find their way into the newspapers of today. In the main, after that climactic fire at Port Mouton, the Legion soldiers settled peacefully into the life of the County, their sons and daughters inter-married with those of the New England pioneer families, and their descendants are numerous and proud of their descent.

Unfortunately too few of them know the full story of their ancestors' courage and endurance, and that is one reason why I have been at pains over a period of years to collect these notes and set them down. Some of the descendants did preserve much of the story, of course. One such was Nicholas Smith, for many years the principal of Milton Queens County Academy and famous for the number of his pupils who became men of note. He was a grandson of Dr. Edward Smith, surgeon of Tarleton's Legion.

Another who knew much of the story was the late Colonel F. He enlisted in at the age of 16, probably in one of the Loyalist partisan troops then operating in South Carolina, and transferred to the Legion when that corps came to Charleston. After Yorktown he remained a prisoner until '83, came to Nova Scotia from Virginia, and settled with the rest of the regiment at Port Mouton.

He married a Nova Scotia girl some years later. It was 23 years before he had word of his parents, who had followed him into Virginia and then gone back to Charleston after the war. One curiosity of the Carolinian strain introduced into Queens County by Tarleton's men is a distinct trace of the southern accent which persists in certain families after all the years.

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