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La tapisserie de la reine Mathilde. In , a young man who was groomed by Islamists went through a similarly rapid change. In terms of war outcomes, four defeated empires collapsed, others were weakened, and about a third of the countries that now make up the European Union directly or indirectly gained their freedom, including Ireland. In all cases, the victims were vulnerable teenage girls, often in the care of social services. Many of these guns actually dated from the Franco-Prussian War in , but they were still in good working order. Nevertheless, this quantity of weaponry would have significantly boosted the chances of the poorly armed Irish rebels if this arms cargo had actually made it safely ashore. As a Rotherham grooming gang survivor, I want people to know about the religious extremism which inspired my abusers Grooming gangs are not like paedophile rings; instead, they operate almost exactly like terrorist networks, with all the same strategies Ella Hill The Independent 18 March
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He must now face the consequences of his actions. Cdr Dean Haydon from the Metropolitan Police said: Jurors heard the area outside the Muslim Welfare House had been busy with worshippers attending Ramadan prayers on 19 June. Mr Ali had collapsed at the roadside in the minutes before the attack. Several of those who went to help him said he was alive and conscious in the moments before being struck by the van. Osborne drove the van into the crowd at about Jurors were told the van only stopped when it hit some bollards.
In just a few weeks, Darren Osborne went from a troubled, angry and unpredictably violent alcoholic to a killer driven by ideology. The rapid radicalisation — the way he became fixated on the idea that Muslims in Britain were some kind of nation within a nation, is one of the most shocking parts of this awful crime. The sources of that radicalisation, including his obsession with a television programme about the Rochdale abuse scandal, show how difficult it is to predict who will become a danger to society.
But the fact that he smiled contentedly after he had run over and killed Makram Ali proved to the jury that his motive was ideological. Osborne is not the first terrorist to have radicalised so quickly. In , a young man who was groomed by Islamists went through a similarly rapid change. The speed at which these men and others went from a change of mindset to planning an attack is one of the issues that most concerns the security services. Osborne told the court he had originally hired the van to kill Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn at a march he was due to attend.
Osborne started following Tommy Robinson, one of the founders of the English Defence League EDL , and other far-right leaders on social media, in the fortnight before the attack. Mr Robinson sent him a group email saying: It is a nation built on hatred, on violence and on Islam.
Harun Khan, secretary general of the MCB, said: Go to the website www. The site contains very straightforward info, including explicit animations illustrating the proper way to don or insert a condom. You can stand with one foot on a chair, sit on the edge of a chair, lie down, squat, or for fun, have your partner help you out. What is it telling our youth? I get the sex-education thing for kids in schools, but mail-order condoms for year-olds??? They hear that kids are cutting schools to have orgies. The first time we got a year-old was mind-blowing.
Now, Foster and her colleagues barely twitch when a child barely in his or her teens tests positive for HIV. People gasp at that, says Foster, who diagnoses new HIV cases at a rate of two to three teens a month, up from one every four months just a decade ago. Because there are two groups of children in this city:. Those lucky enough to have at least one caring, available adult to guide them through sex-charged adolescence. Like the child being raised by a single mom whose two jobs keep her from supervising her child. They just have more support to get them through it. He mentions a recent, awful survey of sixth-graders in West Philly, which showed that 25 percent of the children, who were just 11 years old, had had sex.
We can, however, make condoms available fairly quickly to whoever needs them. I think that jobs and education are the key to turning this ship. But it will take time and hard work in a period when the city is struggling financially. There are no easy solutions. This is a complicated problem, exacerbated by generational poverty and family collapse that paralyzes our cities in ways too myriad to address in one column.
Giving out free condoms at school is not a surefire way to avoid teenage pregnancy — or it might not be enough. Access to condoms in schools increases teen fertility rates by about 10 per cent, according to a new study by the University Of Notre Dame. However the increase happened in schools where no counseling was provided when condoms were given out — and giving out guidance as well as birth control could have the opposite effect, economists Kasey Buckles and Daniel Hungerman said in the study.
Access to condoms in schools increases teen fertility by about 10 per cent, according to a new study by the University Of Notre Dame file picture Buckles and Hungerman looked at 22 school districts located in 12 different states, using data from the s. Times have changed already and teenagers today are overall less likely to have sex and less likely to become pregnant, they wrote.
Most of the free condoms programs in the study began in or and about two thirds involved mandatory counseling. The 10 per cent increased occurred as a result of schools that gave out condoms without counseling, Buckles and Hungerman said. Access to contraceptives in general has been shown to lower teen fertility, Buckles and Hungerman noted, or in some cases had no effect at all. But condoms might have a different impact because of several factors, such as the fact that their failure rate is more important than that of other contraceptives. The time at which condoms are used could also explain why they have a different impact than other types of birth control.
Condoms have to be used at the time of intercourse, whereas the pill, IUDs and implants are all taken in advance. Free condom programs in schools could have led to two additional births per 1, teenage women so far, Buckle and Hungerman found. Health clinics based in schools that offered contraceptives were shown to significantly lower teen fertility in a study. Tous applaudissent le coup de force italien. Le texte est soumis vendredi au vote de la Chambre des Communes. The first one is the problem of normativity.
Second comes the problem of temporality, according to which moral panics can be characterized as short-lived episodes exceptions are Hall et al. In other words, the moral panics studied do not focus on the historically structured processes that have an impact on the development of the moral panics in the first place. Subsequent revisions have led to the acknowledgement of the necessity for a time-frame and contextual analysis: The third problem is the one of un intentionality which ultimately is concerned with the question of responsibility.
In contrast, the analysis of the mugging moral panic Hall et al. Last but not least, Goode and Ben-Yehuda constructed the problem as one of intentional actions versus unintentional developments. Their approach distinguished between grassroots, interest groups and elite- engineered moral panics. The first model based the problem onto sentiments that were present in society in the general.
The second model suggested that the reaction should be considered as an outcome of the efforts of specific moral entrepreneurs and particular interest groups in society. The last model, the elite-engineered panic, was presented as a deliberated organised propaganda campaign aimed at diverting attention from real structural problems.
Even with such contribution being made, the concept has been criticised for falling short of providing alternative means of explanation and theorisation Hier, A fourth problem is the one of anthropomorphizing. The claim that a society can engage in hysterical, panic-stricken behaviour has been criticised on the grounds that collective social processes cannot be rendered as individual psychological ones. Another problem, outlined by Garland is concerned with the ethics of attribution, according to which the critical ascriptions which the concept carries also have an impact on its use.
This creates situations in which the conditions for the analysis of a moral panic exist, but due to ethical consideration such an inquiry is not pursued. The aftermath of the tragedy contained all the necessary conditions included in the definition of the concept — expressed concern, hostility, disproportionality, consensus and a moral dimension was attached to all of the above, yet the episode itself was not categorised as a moral panic. The commentators involved into the analysis of the terrorist attack avoid the use of the term and considerable caution was exercised when discussing the event Walker, According to Garland one explanation is the widespread uncertai nty of the nature of the attack itself.
The use of the concept would clash with the prevailing moral sentiments of fear and grief that drove the reaction to the attack. What it shows, however, is the relationship that exists between the analysts and the social actors and the way in which they influence each other. That was the case when he was studying the media coverage of the Mods and Rockers and when Young was studying the reaction to drug taking in the late s and the early s. To begin with, the modern moral entrepreneurs have adopted a status similar to the social analyst in terms of class, education and ideology and the likelihood for the two of them to perceive the problem in the same way has increased substantially.
Fourthly, in contrast to the old moral panics, the new ones are interventionist — focused. The new criminalizers Cohen, who address the moral panics are either post — liberals who share a common background with a decriminalized generation, or are from the new right who argue for increased focus on private morality sexuality, abortion, lifestyle. In contemporary times the denial of certain events, their cover — up, evasion and tolerance is perceived as morally wrong, and such denied realities should be brought to the public attentio n, which would result in widespread moral condemnation and denunciation.
Potentially, this could also lead to the questioning of the notions of rationality, disproportionality and other normative judgements that have characterised the studies of moral panics. By contrast to Critcher, Cohen accepts the possibility of counter — hegemonic moral panics.
In addition, Critcher stresses the need to focus not only on the politics of moral panics, but also consider the economic factors that might limit or promote their development. Moving beyond moral panics, Hunt has argued that a shift has taken place in the processes of moral regulation over the past centu ry, whereby the boundaries that separate morality from immorality have been blurred. As a result, an increasing number of everyday activities have become moralized and the expression of such moralization can be found in hybrid configurations of risk and harm.
The moralization of everyday life contains a dialectic that counterposes individualizing discourses against collectivizing discourses and moralization has become an increasingly common feature of contemporary political discourse Garland, ; Biressi and Nunn, ; Haggerty, With the shift towards neo — liberalism, such regulatory scripts have taken the form of discourses of risk, harm and personal responsibility. The moral codes that are supposed to regulate behaviour , expression and self — presentation are themselves contestable and their operation is not bound in a time — space frame.
The problems with such an argument for expanding the focus of moral panics to encompass for ms of moral regulation is that it is too broad Critcher, and a more specific scope of moral regulation should be defined in order to conduct such analysis. As the focus of the concept was expanded significantly over the past 40 years, it can be argued that such a task is within the scope of academia due the cha nging nature of the contemporary world and social relation. In fact, in such a world full of insecurity and one that is characterized by a constant fear of falling Young, a such an approach of putting reality on trial would be much appreciated.
Ecrite par les vainqueurs mais cousue par les vaincus …. La tapisserie de la reine Mathilde. Guillaume et ses partisans font appel au roi de France Henri 1er , leur suzerain. The tapestry, thought to have been made in England, is history written by the victors but sewed by the vanquished; the Anglo-Saxon seamstresses who made it compelled to embroider the end of the Anglo-Saxon era. As the earliest English non-legendary history play in terms of setting, King John is chronologically the nearest in time to the Norman invasion, yet it goes unmentioned, leaving a fascinating absence.
It is almost as if Shakespeare is repressing the invasion, preferring to show England invading France. He makes no mention of William the Conqueror or the Battle of Hastings, even though the conquest shaped the reigns of the French-descended Angevin, Plantagenet, Lancaster and Yorkist kings he portrayed.
As every schoolchild knows, William was illegitimate. One of their allies was Robin Hood — Scott pioneered his deployment as anti-Norman insurgent, later copied by Hollywood. Hereward leads resistance to the Normans after Hastings until defeated at Ely. Mocking the certainties and priorities of textbook and popular history, it informed its readers that: Though best-known for her Regency romances, Heyer ventured into other periods and ambitiously tackled the 11th century in this Normandy-centred portrait of William the Conqueror that culminates with the battle and inevitably features his courtship of Matilda.
Jean Plaidy also went where Shakespeare seemingly feared to tread, depicting William in her s Norman trilogy.
The Normans here portrayed as Vikings, as they originally were try to conquer France and are seen off by the plucky and ingenious Gauls. The foundational moment for the Eurosceptic movement that triumphed 28 years later in the Brexit referendum. A Man Booker-shortlisted novel that remakes Hereward the Wake. Its hero is another Anglo-Saxon resistance fighter battling against Norman rule. The vast French vocabulary the Normans introduced — suspected by proponents of a blunter, more Saxon English, including George Orwell and Kingsley Amis, of embodying alien ways of thinking — is banished from the prose of the first-person narrative, and told in a version of Old English.
A total of 67 medals with 27 golds put Team GB second in the medal table — above China for the first time since it returned to the Games in Britain is the first country to improve on a home medal haul at the next Games, beating the 65 medals from London They won gold medals across more sports than any other nation — 15 — and improved on their medal haul for the fifth consecutive Olympics. UK Sport is the body responsible for distributing funds from national government to Olympic sports.
This is the end result in Rio — the country should expect a return for their investment, it is incredible. Sweeney said it would be difficult for Britain to replicate their position in the medal table at Tokyo , at which he predicted hosts Japan, China, Russia and Australia would all improve. China did top one table in Rio — that of fourth-place finishes, according to data from Gracenote Sports.
Winning gold medals does not mean everything anymore in China. How did Team GB make history? It has been an Olympic fiesta like never before for Britain: Never before has a Briton won a diving gold. Never before has a Briton won a gymnastics gold. There have been champions across 15 different sports, a spread no other country can get close to touching. Only 20 years ago, GB were languishing 36th in the Atlanta Olympics medal table, their entire team securing only a single gold between them. This is the story of a remarkable transformation. Biased judges or gracious defeat? As that nadir was being reached back in , the most pivotal change of all had already taken place.
It has reinvigorated some sports and altered others beyond recognition. In Rio, Max Whitlock won two gymnastics golds; his team-mates delivered another silver and three bronzes. As a talented teenage swimmer, Adam Peaty relied on fundraising events laid on by family and friends to pay for his travel and training costs. In Rio he became the first British male to win a swimming gold in 28 years.
There are ethical and economic debates raised by this maximum sum game. At a time of austerity, that is profligate to some. We can maintain the momentum of success for every athlete with medal potential through to the next Games. The idea of marginal gains has gone from novelty to cliche over the past three Olympic cycles, but three examples from Rio underline how essential to British success it remains. That can be the difference between winning a medal or going out in the first round. In track cycling, GB physio Phil Burt and team doctor Richard Freeman realised saddle sores were keeping some female riders out of training.
To bring together a panel of experts — friction specialist, reconstructive surgeons, a consultant in vulval health — to advise on the waxing and shaving of pubic hair. In the six months before Rio not a single rider complained of saddle sores. Britain won that gold on a penalty shootout, standing firm as their Dutch opponents, clear favourites for gold, missed every one of their four attempts.
That hockey team featured Helen and Kate Richardson-Walsh, in their fifth Olympic cycle, mentoring year-old Lily Owsley, who scored the first goal in the final. A squad that won bronze in London were ready to go two better in Brazil. You see that on the pitch. Leverage on the human beings as much as the science. In the velodrome, experience and expertise is being recycled with each successive Games.
Paul Manning was part of the team pursuit quartet that won bronze in Sydney, silver in Athens and gold in Beijing. Expertise developed, expertise retained. A culture where winning is expected, not just hoped for. Funding has not flowed to all British sports equally, because in some there is a greater chance of success than others. With 43 athletes they also had the biggest team of any nation there. Forty-nine of the nations there qualified teams of fewer than 10 athletes.
Thirty-two had a team of just one or two rowers. Only nine other nations won gold. Then there is the decline of other nations who once battled with Britain for the upper reaches of the medal table, and frequently sat far higher. In , Russia finished fourth with 22 golds. They were third in and third again in Eighth in , sixth in Beijing, fourth in Athens, 10th here in Brazil. It is a remarkable depth and breadth of talent — a Games where year-old Nick Skelton won a gold and year-old gymnast Amy Tinkler grabbed a bronze, a fortnight where Jason Kenny won his sixth gold at the age of 28 and Mo Farah won his ninth successive global track title.
The abilities of those men and women has been backed up by similar aptitude in coaching and support. We do a lot in terms of people development. We are conscious when people are recruited to key positions as coaches they are not necessarily the finished article in their broader skills. After two decades of consistent improvement, Rio may not even represent the peak. Sports that have propelled Britain up the medal table have received extra investment while others have had their funding cut altogether Josh Halliday.
In the past 24 hours Team GB have rewritten their Olympic history, moving ahead of China into second place in the Rio medals table after winning a record-breaking five gold medals in a single day. So how has funding in British sport changed in the run-up to Super Sunday? Sports that failed to hit their medal target — including crowd-pleasers such as wrestling, table tennis and volleyball — either had their funding reduced or cut altogether.
Has that affected their prospects in Rio? It may be too soon to tell, but so far swimming is the only sport that has won medals at this Olympics after having it funding cut post The aim is quite simple: As it stands after day nine on Sunday, Team GB has one more medal than at the equivalent stage in London — their most successful ever Games.
With six medals so far in Rio — one gold and five silvers — it has already passed its target of five for this Olympic Games. Its national governing body, British Swimming, will hope to be rewarded for this success with an increase in funding before Tokyo UK Sport funding for medal-winning Olympians is assured, but some of the clubs where they spend long hours training are struggling to survive. The club is trying to raise sponsorship money through partnerships with local companies, he said, but has so far been unable to raise enough money to pay for coaches rather than rely on volunteers.
We saw that a little bit, but of late that has dwindled a bit. It is well on the way to reaching its final Rio target of between eight and 10 medals. Funding for individual athletes Advertisement. Medals have gone up. British elite sport is certainly booming. They have argued that focusing disproportionately on sports such as cycling, sailing and rowing has meant those such as basketball risk withering because they were unable to demonstrate they would win a medal at either of the next two Olympics.
What about basketball, which has a lot of social potential in the inner cities? Why focus on specific sports? Why do we invest all this money in all those medals? Just to get the medals? To get people active? With a cold analysis of the objectives and the money invested, yes it has worked. They were given the objectives and they delivered. In May, Sport England, which focuses on grassroots sport, unveiled a four-year strategy to target inactivity. More than a quarter of the population is officially defined as inactive because they do less than 30 minutes of activity a week, including walking.
The move is a lurch away from the earlier strategy, which was set before London and focused on getting more people to play more sport with only mixed results.
Severe cuts to local authority budgets are also squeezing resources at the grassroots level. The Amateur Swimming Association ASA said this weekend that there had been a huge jump in the number of people searching online for their nearest leisure pool during the first few days of the Games. Meanwhile, the average level of swimming proficiency among schoolchildren requires improvement. Jennie Price, the chief executive of Sport England, said: Whether it encourages them to get more active, try something new or even strive for gold themselves one day, Team GB is making a massive contribution to sport back home.
We need to capitalise on that, for example with programmes like Backing the Best where Sport England supports young talented athletes at the beginning of their sporting careers. Our main aim is making sure all young people get a positive experience when they try a sport and whatever they choose to do, come away with the good basic skills and having had a great time.
The Means to Success in World Politics. HOW many rankings of global power have put Britain at the top and China at the bottom? Not many, at least this century. If that was unexpected, there was another surprise in store at the foot of the country index: China, four times as wealthy as Britain, 20 times as populous and 40 times as large, came dead last.
But the ranking gathered some useful data showing where Britain still has outsized global clout. Britain fared least well on enterprise, mainly because it spends a feeble 1. And the quality of its governance was deemed ordinary, partly because of a gender gap that is wider than that of most developed countries, as measured by the UN. Governance was the category that sank undemocratic China, whose last place was sealed by a section dedicated to digital soft-power—tricky to cultivate in a country that restricts access to the web.
But many of the assets that pushed Britain to the top of the soft-power table are in play. In the next couple of years the country faces a referendum on its membership of the EU ; a slimmer role for the BBC , its prolific public broadcaster; and a continuing squeeze on immigration , which has already made its universities less attractive to foreign students.
Its soft power endures—for now. Over the years, 26 different portraits of Elizabeth have been used in the U. However, some countries, such as Rhodesia now Zimbabwe , Malta and Fiji, used already existing portraits. The Queen is frequently shown in formal crown-and-scepter attire, although Canada and Australia prefer to depict her in a plain dress and pearls.
When Belize redesigned its currency in , it selected a portrait that was already 20 years old. Although She remains Head of State to many countries, over the years many member nations of the Commonwealth have adopted constitutions whereby The Queen is no longer Head of State. However, there are a number of nations who retain her as Head of State and she is still portrayed on the banknotes of numerous countries. The Queen has been depicted on the banknotes of thirty-three issuing authorities, as well as on an essay prepared for Zambia.
The countries and issuing authorities that have used portraits of The Queen are in alphabetical order: Arguably, there is some duplication in this list, depending on how it is viewed. Should British Honduras and Belize be counted as one issuing authority? Such decisions can be made by collectors for their own reference, but this list of countries should satisfy most collectors. In total, there have been twenty-six portraits used on the various banknotes bearing the likeness of Queen Elizabeth. This study identifies the twenty-six individual portraits that have been used and also identifies the numerous varieties of the engravings, which are based on the portraits.
The varieties of portraits on the banknotes are due, in the main, to different engravers, but there are some varieties due to different photographs from a photographic session being selected by different printers or issuing authorities. The list that follows this commentary identifies the twenty-six portraits, the photographer or artist responsible for the portrait where possible , and the date the portrait was executed.
Portraits used on the banknotes come from one of several sources. Most are official photographs that are distributed regularly by Buckingham Palace for use in the media and in public places. Some of the portraits have been especially commissioned, usually by the issuing authority, although, in the case of the two paintings adapted for use on the notes Portraits 9 and 19 , it was not the issuing authority that commissioned the paintings.
In the case of the portraits used by the Bank of England, a number of the portraits have been drawn by artists without specific reference to any single portrait. It is interesting to observe that many portraits of Her Majesty have been used some years after they were originally executed. There is often a delay in presenting a portrait on a banknote that is to be issued to the public, because of the time required to produce a note from the design stage. Therefore, it is unusual to see a portrait appear on a banknote in less than two years after the original portrait was executed.
However, some portraits are introduced onto banknotes many years after they were taken. Portrait 9, which is based on the famous painting by Pietro Annigoni, was completed in but did not appear on a banknote until The last countries to introduce this portrait to their notes were the Seychelles and Fiji, who placed the portrait on their issues.
Perhaps the longest delay in using a portrait belongs to Belize. Portrait 13 was taken in and first used on the New Zealand banknotes in , which is in itself a reasonable delay. Belize introduced the image to its banknotes in , some twenty years after the portrait was taken. Apart from the portrait of Queen Elizabeth as a young girl on the Canadian dollar notes of , the earliest portrait used on the banknotes is Portrait 6, which appears on the Canadian notes issued in The portrait used for the Canadian notes was taken in when Elizabeth was yet to accede to the throne.
Undoubtedly there was a touch of nationalism is the choice of the portrait, as the photographer, Yousuf Karsh, was a Canadian. Karsh was born in Turkish Armenia but found himself working in Quebec at the age of sixteen for his uncle, who was a portrait photographer. Karsh became one of the great portrait photographers of the twentieth century and took numerous photographs of The Queen, although this is his only portrait of Her Majesty to appear on a banknote. After causing some embarrassment to the Bank of Canada, the image was re-engraved and the notes reprinted.
Notes with the modified portrait appeared from Wilding had been a court photographer for King George VI and many of the images of the King that can be found on banknotes, coins and postage stamps throughout the Commonwealth were copied from her photographs. On the accession of Queen Elizabeth, Wilding was granted the same duty by the new monarch. Shortly after Elizabeth became Queen many photographs of the new monarch were taken by Wilding. These photographs were required for images that could be used on coins, stamps, banknotes and for official portraits that could be hung in offices and public places.
In her autobiography, In Pursuit of Perfection, Wilding says of the images she created: It is interesting to see that the Group of Fiji Islanders have chosen to use for some of their stamps the head taken from the full length portrait of Annigoni … and for the others, one of my standard portraits which have been commonly used throughout the Colonial stamp issue of the present reign. The image on the North Borneo stamp, preferred by Wilding, is very similar to Portrait 3 but taken at a slightly different angle. Anthony Buckley was another prolific photographer of The Queen, and his work is well represented in the engravings of Her Majesty on the banknotes.
His work has also been adapted for use on numerous postage stamps throughout the world. One of the interesting aspects to the portraits of Queen Elizabeth, which appear on world banknotes, is the style of portrait chosen by each issuing authority. How does each issuing authority wish to portray The Queen? Some of the portraits are formal, showing The Queen as a regal person, and some show her in relatively informal dress. While most issuing authorities have chosen to show The Queen in formal attire, the Bank of Canada has always shown The Queen without any formal regalia and always without a tiara.
It has been suggested that this may be due to a desire to appease the French elements of Canada. Australia originally opted to show Her Majesty in formal attire. This is possibly a reflection of changing attitudes to the monarchy in Australia. While Canada and Australia may opt to use informal images of The Queen, most issuing authorities continue to depict Her Majesty regally.
In many portraits she is depicted wearing the Regalia of the Order of the Garter. In other portraits she is often dressed formally, wearing Her Royal Family Orders. In most portraits she is wearing some of her famous jewellery. In the following descriptions of the portraits, various tiaras, diadems, necklaces and jewellery worn by Her Majesty are described, although not all items have been identified. Of interest, in the following descriptions, are the differences observed in the same portraits engraved by different security printers.
In several instances the same portrait has been use by different security printers and the rendition of the portrait is noticeably variant for the notes prepared by the different companies. Another example can be seen in Portrait 16, which is used on banknotes issued by Canada and the Solomon Islands. Three issuing authorities have used five portraits: The following list of portraits is ordered by the date on which the banknotes, on which the portraits appear, were first released into circulation, rather than the date on which the portraits were executed.
Where the portrait was used by more than one issuing authority, the list of issuing authorities is ordered by the date on which the authority first used the portrait. Queen Elizabeth II has, of course, been pictured on British currency for much of her reign, but she has also appeared on the money of various British Commonwealth states and Crown dependencies.
With such a long reign and so many nations issuing money with her image on it over the years, there are enough banknote portraits to construct a sort of aging timeline for the Queen. The age given below for each portrait is her age when the picture was made, which is not always the same as the year the banknote was issued more information can be found at this interesting site maintained by international banknote expert Peter Symes.
Here is Elizabeth through the years, on money. She was just a princess then. Her picture appeared on Canadian banknotes long before anything issued by the Bank of England. From a portrait taken by a Canadian photographer the year before she ascended the throne. Silver hair and shiny diamonds. From a photograph taken at Buckingham Palace. More silver hair, more shiny diamonds, and not so much smoothing of the wrinkles. Face lined, eyes sparkly. She is looking right at you, and she looks good. Back to Canada, where it all began, and where they like their Queen a bit laid back.
Germany and the Easter Rising The Munich eye. In Ireland, this Easter hundreds of thousands of people took to the streets to celebrate the centenary of a seminal event that led to Irish independence. The Easter Rebellion of dramatically altered the course of Irish history. Immediately prior to this event, Ireland was an integral part of the United Kingdom and only a small minority of its people supported full independence. The Rising and, more particularly, the heavy-handed and botched British response to the rebellion had a transformative effect.
Thousands of Irish people were interned without trial and the main leaders of the Rising were summarily executed. This provoked a rapid sea-change in Irish attitudes. A terrible beauty is born. In making their stand in Easter Week , a number of leading Irish rebels believed that if Germany won World War One then Irish freedom would be guaranteed by the post-war peace conference. Many of the guns used by Irish nationalists during Easter Week originated in Germany and had been smuggled into Howth in north Dublin and Kilcoole in County Wicklow during the summer of The guns had been purchased by Erskine Childers, the father of a future President of Ireland, from the Hamburg-based munitions firm of Moritz Magnus der Jungere.
The guns were not sophisticated in terms of the advances that had been made in modern weaponry. Many of these guns actually dated from the Franco-Prussian War in , but they were still in good working order. From the outbreak of World War One in , advanced Irish nationalists sought direct assistance for their rebellion plans from the Imperial Government in Germany.
With the tacit approval of the German Government, Sir Roger Casement had sought to persuade captured Irishmen in the British Army, who were being held in German prisoner of war camps, to join an Irish Brigade and return to Ireland to fight for Irish freedom. Casement and Plunkett met with representatives of the German General Staff. Plunkett confided in the German Government that revolutionary plans were afoot in Ireland. Bethmann Hollweg, the German Chancellor, pledged to deliver arms and ammunition for an Irish uprising against British rule.
Ultimately, the German Government declined Irish requests to land German troops in Ireland, but they sent a single shipment of arms consisting of 20, rifles, 10 machine guns and 1,, rounds of ammunition. The German arms shipment was of suspect quality and mostly comprised of weapons captured from the Russians on the Eastern Front. Nevertheless, this quantity of weaponry would have significantly boosted the chances of the poorly armed Irish rebels if this arms cargo had actually made it safely ashore.
On 9th April , Spindler set out from the Baltic port of Lubeck on board a German ship, the Libau, which was disguised as a neutral Norwegian freighter and renamed the Aud. After a difficult journey and having survived a serious storm, the Aud arrived in Tralee Bay on 20th April However, poor communications and an unexpected car accident, in which Irish Volunteers who were to meet Casement ended up being drowned, meant that no-one was present to meet the German ship.
After a long wait in Tralee Bay, Spindler reluctantly turned his ship around to sail away. Unbeknown to him, his movements were being monitored by the British Navy, who had tracked the Aud on its journey. Earlier in the war, British Navy Intelligence had cracked the German codes so the British Navy was aware of the Aud and its cargo almost from the moment it left port. Though captured, Spindler and his colleagues were not prepared to hand their arms cargo over to the British. After a number of failed manoeuvres to escape, the German sailors ultimately scuttled their own ship using pre-set charges of explosives.
When Eoin MacNeill, the head of the Irish Volunteers, learned that Casement had been captured and the German arms were lost, he issued an order countermanding the Rising, which had been planned for Easter Sunday. Ultimately, the Rising would break out the following day, Easter Monday, Meanwhile, a German zeppelin raid took place on Essex and Kent.
The purpose of these German military actions was to try to divert British attention away from Ireland in order to give the rebellion a chance to take hold. The rebellion lasted only six days. It involved not much more than 1, rebels and its leaders knew they had little chance of winning against a far superior number of British troops.
He was released as part of a prisoner exchange towards the end of World War One. He subsequently wrote a best-selling book about his Irish adventure. In , to mark the 15th anniversary of the Easter Rising, Spindler undertook a lecture tour of the United States. Spindler died in Bismark, North Dakota, in In , as part of the official state commemoration to mark the 50th anniversary of the Easter Rising, surviving members of the crew of the Aud and the U19, including Captain Raimund Weisbach, Walter Augustin, Otto Walter, Hans Dunker and Ferderic Schmidt, visited Ireland as distinguished guests of the Irish Government.
The retired German sailors travelled to Kerry to witness the laying of the foundation stone of the Casement Memorial at Banna Strand. In , little mention has been made of the role that German naval officers played in the Easter Rising, but their bravery deserves to be remembered. Historical reality of leaders Martin Mansergh. The reality is that the leaders of were neither neutral nor anti-imperialist. They were anti-British imperialism.
Undoubtedly, German support for Irish revolution turned out to be a mirage, apart from the guns landed at Howth and Kilcoole in the summer of , which were a fraction of those landed at Larne for the unionists, but it was enough to facilitate the rising.
Certainly, one can be sceptical about the notion that the First World War was started for the sake of small nations, such as Serbia and Belgium, but the fate of Catholic Belgium was the issue that had greatest impact on recruitment in Ireland in the early months of the war. In terms of war outcomes, four defeated empires collapsed, others were weakened, and about a third of the countries that now make up the European Union directly or indirectly gained their freedom, including Ireland. France, which would have lost the war but for the British Expeditionary Force which included thousands of Irishmen, regained Alsace-Lorraine, taken from them in The principle of national self-determination enunciated in by President Woodrow Wilson, however imperfect and difficult to apply, has led in the longer run to close to members of the United Nations.
Most people, and all main political parties, now accept that it is right to commemorate Irishmen who gave their lives in World War I, but perhaps we could accept that their sacrifice also contributed to the freedom we enjoy today, acknowledging that people can serve their country honourably in different ways. It was a quite deliberate decision, presumably in order to prevent the volunteering of Irish cannon-fodder, procured through the British propaganda used by the Redmondite recruiting sergeants. During and Lord Bryce, the Belfast born Liberal, made highly-reported speeches in Parliament and helped document and publicise official reports about German and Ottoman atrocities.
Casement condemned Bryce for selling himself as a hireling propagandist. Casement continued with a point that is very relevant to any estimation of the validity of the Blue Book:. But unlike Lord Bryce, I investigated them on the spot, from the lips of those who had suffered, in the very places where the very crimes were perpetuated, where the evidence could be sifted and the accusation brought by the victim could be rebutted by the accused; and in each case my finding was confirmed by the Courts of Justice of the very States whose citizens I had indicted.
Sir Roger was incapable of commenting directly on the Blue Book since he had been hanged by the British in as a traitor, for doing in Ireland what Bryce and other British Liberals had supported the Armenian revolutionaries in doing within the Ottoman Empire. Casement had followed through on the principles of small nations on which the war was supposedly being fought by Britain and advertised by Lord Bryce.
But Casement was found to be a traitor whilst the Armenians and others who went into insurrection were lauded as patriots in Liberal England. The present writer made it his business to read a lot of Irish newspapers produced between and in order to understand the development of Redmondism and the Republican counter-attack against it. What was found was much anti-Turkish propaganda produced by Redmondism and much pro-Turkish sentiment generated in opposition by Irish Republicans.
In the Redmondite hold-out of West Belfast there was continued credence given to British war-propaganda about the massacres of Armenians and Greeks. The Irish News and other Devlinite publications continued to keep the Imperial faith to get Irishmen into British uniform as the rest of Ireland sloughed it off and broke free of the British sphere of influence. It was immediately attacked by Sinn Fein. The context of the Sinn Fein counter-attack reproduced below on behalf of the Turks was the Greek evacuation of Anatolia after the defeat of their invading army, which had been encouraged by Lloyd George to enforce the Treaty of Sevres on the Turks.
Smyrna was burnt and many died. The reply to the British allegations comes from O. He was re-elected at the and elections. In the statement he dismisses allegations that the Turks had massacred Greeks and Armenians as British propaganda and puts the Irish Republican forces and Mustafa Kemal Ataturk forces together as brothers in arms, fighting British Imperialism:.
I notice to-day that the Armenian Archbishop, who was massacred last week, has turned up safely in Greece. It is more than probable that at least three zeros have been added inadvertently to the correct number of the victims… The new Turkish army and the Turkish National leaders are clean fighters, and the same type of men as those who have carried through the evolution in this country.
The political and military assault launched by Britain on neutral Greece and the devastating effect this ultimately had on the Greek people across the Balkans and Asia Minor is almost completely forgotten about these days. The Greek King Constantine and his government tried to remain neutral in the World War but Britain was determined to enlist as many neutrals as possible in their Great War. The Greek King, however, under the constitution had the final say on matters of war and he attempted to defend his neutrality policy against the British. Constantine was then deposed by the actions of the British Army at Salonika, through a starvation blockade by the Royal Navy and a seizure of the harvest by Allied troops.
This was because Lloyd George had demobilised his army before he could impose the punitive Treaty of Sevres on the Turks. Britain was also highly in debt to the U. The Greeks were presented with the town of Smyrna first and then, encouraged by Lloyd George, advanced across Anatolia toward where the Turkish democracy had re-established itself, at Ankara, after it had been suppressed in Constantinople.
Ataturk had seen that Constantinople was open to the guns of the Royal Navy, as Athens was and he established a new capital inland in a small town. But the Greek Army perished on the burning sands of Anatolia after being skillfully maneuvered into a position by Ataturk in which their lines were stretched. And the two or three thousand year old Greek population of Asia Minor fled on boats from Smyrna, with the remnants of their Army after Britain had withdrawn its support, because the Greek democracy had reasserted its will to have back its King.
Timothy Corcoran, drew attention to the many parallels between the experience of Ireland and Turkey between and Turkey had agreed to an armistice ceasefire at Mudros in October But that armistice was turned into a surrender when British and French Imperial forces entered Constantinople and occupied it soon after. Then a punitive treaty The Treaty of Sevres, August was imposed on the Turks at the point of a gun, sharing out the Ottoman possessions amongst the Entente Powers. Along with that, Turkey itself was partitioned into spheres of influence, with the Greek Army being used to enforce the settlement in Anatolia, in exchange for its irredentist claims in Asia Minor.
The Turks, under the skillful leadership of Mustapha Kemal Ataturk , decided not to lie down and resisted the imposed Treaty of Sevres. The Greek catspaw was pushed out of Turkey and their Imperialist sponsors forced back to the conference table at Lausanne, after the British humiliation at Chanak. Terms much more advantageous to the Turks were signed by Sir Horace Rumbold six months later, and the Turkish Republic came into being — a free and independent state.
They had no care for the destruction of the centuries old Christian communities that their War on the Ottoman Empire had produced. They saw that Turkey had emerged under a strong leader and they were prepared to do business, as England always was. It was particularly impressed with the Turkish negotiating skill at Lausanne and contrasted it to the Irish failure in negotiating with the British in the Anglo-Irish treaty of that had left the country part of the British Empire. But new Sinn Fein seems to have departed the traditional Republican position.
That really must be a first for Sinn Fein — not blaming Britain! It is merely an emotional assertion. No International Court has ever found for such a thing and historians are extremely divided over the issue.
Buy Ivanhoe (4/4) Le retour du croise [French] by Walter Scott (Paperback) Copyright: Standard Copyright License; Edition: First Edition. The Project Gutenberg EBook of Ivanhoe (4/4), by Walter Scott This eBook is images generously made available by the Bibliothèque nationale de France (BnF /Gallica). IVANHOE. OU. LE RETOUR DU CROISÉ. Par Walter Scott. TRADUCTION front paraît chargé de noirs soucis,» dans la version de M. Defauconpret.
But when has this assertion ever been quantified? And if such an exercise is ever completed how meaningless it will be. It is an attempt to muster legislators together to pronounce on a historical and legal issue when they have no competence to do so. A new Sinn Fein spokesman says: What manipulation of history, one might ask? Sinn Fein in knew that the Turks were no dupes of Imperialism.
The Turks know the danger of pleading guilty to such a charge with regard to their self-respect and standing in the world. They are battle-hardened, having engaged in a monumental fight for survival between and that not only created their nation, but also ensured its very existence. They were invaded by all the Imperialist powers, with only the Bolsheviks as allies, and with Greek and Armenian armies massacring within their territory. The present writer will always recognise the achievement of that transformation, having lived through it.
And it was saturated with British War propaganda. Sinn Fein participation in Great War Remembrance can be justified as part of the necessary reconciliation of the Unionist community that the Peace strategy involves. The new Sinn Fein has been a product, to a very great extent, of the unusual events of half a century ago in the Six Counties. That, and the subsequent war and its transition to a peace settlement against substantial and multi-layered opposition, has given it a tremendous ability within the confines of the political situation it operates.
It achieved out of brilliant improvisation, drawing from its experience of life in the Six Counties as its stock of knowledge. And in such a situation too much thinking about its past may have actually proved detrimental to the carving out of a different future. Sinn Fein has now made itself a competitor for state power in the 26 Counties. That brings upon it different responsibilities. If it attains that power will it be able to exercise it with reference to the traditional Republican position? Will it be able to exercise the responsibility that this entails, which goes far beyond sloganeering and politicking?
That would be logical. But it would be very problematic for next years centenary commemoration. A century ago, Irish rebels set out on the long road to independence with a fumbled armed insurrection against the occupying British. It took a poet to explain it all. The Easter Rising, the armed insurrection that hindsight tells us was the opening act in the successful Irish fight for independence from Great Britain, was by almost any measure a catastrophe.
It did not, at the time, look like the beginning of anything. The conspirators who planned it did not plan well, nor did what plans they laid turn out the way they hoped. Hundreds of people died needlessly. Historians and partisans still argue over the efficacy of the revolt and its execution. When the six-day revolt was over, smothered by fierce British retaliation that left more than people dead—most of them civilians—as well as thousands wounded and the city of Dublin shelled and burned, every aspect of the revolt bore the stench of failure.
A lot of that failure was the fault of the conspirators. They failed to capture key positions in the city of Dublin, including city hall and the docks and railway stations. So when the British sent troops to quell the revolt, they had little trouble entering Dublin, where most of the fighting took place. For that matter, confusion was general all over Ireland. Worse, the conspirators failed to warn their countrymen about what was happening, so that once the fighting started, some of the fiercest opposition came from the Irish themselves, and not only from the six, largely Protestant counties in the North that would eventually make up what is now Northern Ireland.
Many Dubliners, for instance, were confused and baffled by the revolt in their streets, and either actively opposed the insurrectionists or simply refused to help them. Things might have turned out very differently in the long run had the British settled for merely restoring peace and exploiting that lack of consensus on the part of the Irish.
Instead, they savagely put down the revolt and then sent some 90 conspirators to face the firing squad in a matter of days. The reprisals, coupled with the hard line the British took going forward, fueled the opposition and, more important, solidified it. Factions coalesced behind Sinn Fein, the militant group that would spearhead the fight for independence, and the table was set for the civil war that eight years later resulted in the Irish Free State and ultimately in the republic of Ireland in The Irish lost in the Easter rebellion, but the English lost Ireland.
Yeats was 50 years old at the time, a prominent poet still known mostly as one of the leaders of the Irish renaissance, a movement that extolled the native traditions and folklore of the country. Like his collaborators, the playwright John Millington Synge and Lady Augusta Gregory, Yeats was a cultural revolutionary, but he was not particularly political and disparaged violence as a means of creating an Irish republic. But at the time of the Easter rebellion, he was in the process of changing as a poet, influenced both by literary modernism and the events in his own country.
Going forward, he was guided as much by what he saw in the street outside his door as he was by the past, and what he wrote from then on would secure his reputation as arguably the finest poet of the 20th century. The amazing thing about this transformation is that it did not make the poet more didactic. Yeats was never a preacher. Rather, it made him more subtle, more open to ambiguity. He might be oblique, but he was never opaque. Something has happened, something both terrible and beautiful, and there is no going back.
Even a man he despised he now sees in a different light, less than a hero perhaps but more than a cad. But on one point he does not dither: The men and women he writes about changed history, and in turn they too were changed, as Yeats was, by what happened in that bloody week a century ago. The easy explanation for all this is to say that the Easter Rising politicized Yeats, and to the extent that it drew him into more complete engagement with his time and his country, that is true.
But to stop there does a disservice to the confusion and mystery he has witnessed and set down with such clarity in his poem. Events, especially cataclysmic events, he tells us, are not easily parsed, and we do them and ourselves an injustice to pretend otherwise. All we can do, the poem reminds us, is to confront conflicting realities and reconcile them as best we can. LONDON, March 25— As a second boy died today from wounds from a bombing in Warrington on Saturday, there were signs of a growing public backlash against the Irish Republican Army, which seems to attack more and more ordinary civilians.
For some time now bombs or bomb scares have become a feature of life in England, and people appear to accept them with resigned fatalism. But widespread anger and revulsion have been touched off by the two bombs that went off in metal trash baskets in a crowded shopping area Saturday afternoon in Warrington, a town on the Mersey River 16 miles east of Liverpool.