Hermann Bote: Das Schichtbuch - Aufstände im mittelalterlichen Braunschweig (German Edition)

Schichtbok

Markdorf von bis heute. Einblicke in eine lebendige Stadt, Ostfildern: Stadtgeschichte im Kontext der bayerischen und deutschen Geschichte, Regensburg: A tale of three cities, London: Histoire du Havre, Toulouse: The capital of golden Silla, London: Geschichte im Schatten von St. Bingen in der Geschichte des Volksgemeinschaft in der Kleinstadt. Kornwestheim und der Nationalsozialismus, Stuttgart: Een middeleeuwse wordingsgeschiedenis, Kampen: Church, Cult, City, Martlesham: Dynamics of urban change, Berlin: Celle Orte der Reformation, 34 , Leipzig: Geschichte einer Stadt seit Zwickaus Weg durch die Reformation, Zwickau: Capital of Byzantium, London: Von Augusta Treverorum zu Treveris, Darmstadt: Bunker, Sirenen und gepackte Koffer.

Berlin unter Stahlbeton, Berlin: Lisbon in the Renaissance, Lisboa: Schauplatz der Reformation, Berlin: Eine regionalgeschichtliche Untersuchung Bibliotheca Academica. Monastic society and culture, Medieval church studies, 37 , Turnhout: Das synt gemeyne bergrecht Kirchenbuch Michelstadt , Otzberg: Kiel im Gedicht, Kiel: Anekdoten rund um Boizenburg.

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Das Reich zu Gast in Landshut. Thorbecke, , S. Das Wiener Handwerksordnungsbuch Untersuchungen zur Basler Geschichtsschreibung im Jahrhunderts Quellen zur Regionalgeschichte, 17 , Bielefeld: Die "Summarische Beschreibung" des Joachim Ganzhorn. Mittelalterliche Glossen und Texte aus Trier. Jahrhunderts im lateinischen Kontext Germanistische Bibliothek, 60 , Heidelberg: Stadtgeographie Grundriss allgemeine Geographie , 5. The Routledge handbook of gender and the urban experience Routledge history handbooks , London: Selected Essays Bauwelt Fundamente, , Basel: La ville et ses risques.

Habiter Dunkerque, Villeneuve d'Ascq: Capital cities and urban form in pre-modern China Asian states and empires, 13 , London: Architectures of Festival in Early Modern Europe. Imperial Urbanism in the Borderlands: Krisenproteste in Athen und Frankfurt. Pamplona en la Edad Media.

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Architettura e urbanistica nei carteggi gonzagheschi. Welche Denkmale welcher Moderne? Dit were en wol beschen, mer se esscheden dat mit wrevele unde mit groten un- gevoge, also se wol bewiseden in degedinghen, ok vor richte unde rade. Der en wolde een de raad nicht gerne geven, wente dat nyn wise was, mer se wolden ere rechticheit unde vryheit schriven laten in des stades bok.

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Grautoff and Kock This their demand for more independence at the market was well acknowl- edged, but they pursued this with wickedness and with great turmoil, which they proved in the negotiations, and in front of the court and the council. These the coun- cil did not want to issue, because it was not the custom, but they wanted to let their rights and privileges be inscribed into the town book. Violence broke out again in , and this time it could not be resolved by negotiations.

Even though the uprising had mobilized members of different craft guilds, it was mainly the butchers who were hit by the repression, even being deprived of the right to form a professional guild. He did not acknowledge the discrepancy between the negotiated resolution and what was actually written down in the town book, because this betrayal would probably have served to justify the later uprising to a certain extent.

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The very refusal to grant the guilds their own letters indicated the strong position the council found itself in and maintained as the uprising evolved, even when it became perfectly clear that the council had betrayed the guilds in the earlier negotiations by not, in fact, codifying the agreed-on provisions. In this case, it also resulted in control of history, because two of the council members who were primarily responsible for the exe- cution of the rebels were the ones who commissioned the chronicle four years http: By collaborating, members of the polit- ical elite and well-established craftspeople constituted a considerable political pressure group.

Their initial and key rebellious act was a written one. They for- mulated eleven articles and presented them to the city council. These articles, which the association asserted strove to serve dat gemene beste the common good were presented as the expression of the gemenheit an assembly of the citi- zens , which granted the selscop a certain institutional legitimacy in the town.

The selscop did not demand a radical change to the distribution and storage of the written records, and this is likely explained by the fact that a majority of its members were privi- leged burghers, claiming more access to and representation in existing institutions rather than seeking to create new ones. In medieval towns in general, the public announce- ment of regulations was intended as an instrument for social and legal control. In the articles of Rampendals selscop, however, it was turned into a mutual contract between the elite and the rest of the population, which re- established the menheit as a serious political partner.

The demand for public reading was not revolutionary but rather conservative. Its aim was not to create new customs and laws but rather to remind everyone of the venerable old ones. The council reacted accordingly. Instead of raging against the conspiracy and its demands, they accepted the articles and copied them into the town book, a complete victory for the selscop but a pyrrhic one, because the membership of the council survived the rebellion unscathed. The same mayors were re-elected, and the same families who had been burdening the town with their private feuds continued to determine town policy.

Six months later, the council had two of the leaders of the Rampendals selscop arrested and executed. Once again control of the books seemed to translate into control of the laws. Dyt vorgescreven synd de articule, de Rampendals selschop hadde gemaket, der de raid to Osenbrugge nicht en wolde volgen, den vorgengeren by namen Sprancken wart darumme sun hovet afgehowen unde Hinrick up den Oirde yn den Schinkel gehangen.

This version of history became relevant again in , when reminding everyone of cooperative principles and of mutual http: The unrest was primarily directed against the town clergy, both mor- ally and economically. Sections of the common pasture be- longed to the church, and fences had been erected around these sections, limiting public access, something that had been fuelling public unrest for several decades. While earlier unrest had been directed solely against the clergy, the upris- ing also targeted the secular authorities. The assembly demanded that the council remove the fences on the common pasture and that the town book be read publicly and eventually turned over to the assembly.

An anonymous rhymed chronicle describes the events: In contrast to the articles from the uprising of , the sources from give no explanation for the demand for a public reading.

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Perhaps the rebels suspected, as did Clover in Animal Farm, that the rules that had been written down and read aloud had been altered over time. Or perhaps the town book was understood to be a symbol of urban privileges and contracts that needed to be made accessible again. In any case, the city council found a way to exploit the situation. The mayors and town council tried to militarily subdue the unrest, but the soldiers joined the rebels. New demands that addressed episcopal juris- diction were presented at the next assembly, and the council negotiated between the rebels and the clergy.

In spite of the momentum that the rebellion had tempo- rarily gained, no concrete changes emerged, and when Lenentuen tried to mobi- lize a crowd again two years later, he found himself isolated.

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In the end, he was wounded, captured, and beheaded. Braunschweiger Schicht In medieval Braunschweig, uprisings were also the subject of the historiographi- cal ambitions of conservative chroniclers.

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Bote named the uprising of —46 the Schicht der unhorsamen borger. This was the most hostile event that occurred. The negotiations resulted in the record, dramati- cally labelled the grote breyff, even in contemporary sources: These ranged from the aforementioned irregularities in mayoral elections to a new system of representa- tion for the different town quarters Weichbilde. Och schullen de houetlude jn jo- welkem wicbelde eynen hebben.

Also the captains in each Weichbild shall have one. Over the preceding months, however, the atmosphere of tension in the town had been exacerbated by various minor incidents, such as demonstrations in which crafts- people carried their products around and made noise, secret meetings, and plans to use traditional feasts and processions as opportunities to ridicule the political elite. Depictions of a hare, which was apparently used as a political device or sign by the rebels, played a central role in later accounts of these tense months.

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Die Stadt als Raumentwurf. Wahlen und Parteiensystem in Berlin, Berlin: Also the captains in each Weichbild shall have one. There's a problem loading this menu right now. He did not acknowledge the discrepancy between the negotiated resolution and what was actually written down in the town book, because this betrayal would probably have served to justify the later uprising to a certain extent.

Recognized by both sides as the symbol of suppressed rebel- lion, the hare functioned as a visible and tangible sign of rebellious behaviors and actions, such as rumours and gossip spreading among the guilds or secret gatherings. For example, the young sword smiths were reprimanded by the coun- cil for their plans to paint a hare on their banner for the swertdans. Ashamed and angry, the fur mongers accused the mayor of staging this stunt to mock them. In this symbol, the group identity of the rebels manifested itself before the rebellion as a fact.

In addition, their fragile political identity was sensitive to mockery, and they feared discovery at the same time. Converting Texts into Things — and Back Again Scholars of medieval history have done much work on the role of literacy and written documents in medieval societies.

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