Das Bild Friedrichs II. aus Sicht der Zeitgenossen (German Edition)

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Finally, the most recent meaning of modernity refers to a historical period. Though the other two versions of modernity are likewise rooted in time, they lack an epochal character, i. Historians will always argue over the beginning and end of an era, and so there are a number of different notions of what constitutes the modern era.

The German term Moderne was coined in by a hitherto unknown group of writers. The aesthetic debate over antiqui vs. Apparently the term was perfectly suited to expressing the sense of having reached a cultural threshold, Brockhaus encyclopedia having absorbed it in with the result that it soon gained general currency. It was defined there as follows: Designation for the quintessence of recent social, literary and artistic trends.

Brockhaus was right in pointing out that the concept was initially used mainly by writers and artists. They vied for dibs on the label, as their aesthetic approaches varied greatly and none of them wanted to submit to the dictates of Berlin.

Dipper moderne v2 en - Moderne (english version)

The celebrated Viennese critic and writer Hermann Bahr tried to bring some clarity to the term as early as Other authors were more radical. Samuel Lublinski took stock in in his Bilanz der Moderne Balance Sheet of Modernity , suggesting it had come to an end already. The term did not go away, though, in the field of contemporary art, with ever new movements claiming it as their own. Only in Germany — which had a lot of catching up to do after the setbacks of the Nazi era — did Moderne experience a renaissance after This was not so much an attempt to keep up with Reform Catholics, who ever since the s described their own varied endeavors — their opponents even more so — as a form of Modernismus modernism.

Whatever the case, the relationship between the two was never an easy one. Georg Simmel is the only sociologist to use the German neologism Moderne after the turn of the century. Instead of sanctifying everyday life, as the Puritans had hoped, it unleashed a process resulting in the opposite: Since sociology itself is a child of modernity it was all but inevitable that competing schools of thought would address the emergence and interpretation of the modern world. Their findings were often even more culture-critical than Weber, hence they looked for ways to escape the travails of modernity.

Quite a few of its German representatives — Hans Freyer and Arnold Gehlen, to name the most prominent — got caught in the maelstrom of Nazism, which itself had a love-hate relationship with modernity and unleashed an unprecedented orgy of violence to save the parts it considered worthy. Freyer, for example, suggested that the losses of industrial modernism were offset by a previously unimaginable growth in freedom in the sense of unlimited possibilities, a view that won him many followers. German historians were slow to pick up on the term Moderne.

For one thing, they used a centuries-old and internationally accepted system of periodization, dividing Western history into three eras: Altertum antiquity , Mittelalter the Middle Ages and Neuzeit the modern era. Unlike nowadays, German history was generally viewed as a seamless development well into the twentieth century: For disciplines with a positivist orientation, however, this approach was just as abhorrent as the historical-philosophical answers proffered by Oswald Spengler [20 ] and later by Arnold Toynbee, [21 ] both of whom violated accepted standards in their fields.

And yet the winds were changing, and this in multiple respects. For one thing, Germany had undergone a successful revolution and this alone made thinking in discontinuities more plausible than ever before. Second, an alternative epistemological agenda gained traction in the humanities as a consequence, military defeat and its aftermath having given rise to new political and cultural achievements, namely the attempt, dating back to the tradition of idealism, to offer in response to an unloved present an intellectually valid understanding of reality and a corresponding normative conception of history.

From the perspective of conventional historians, developing an alternative, dichotomous concept of recent history was the mark of being an outsider, even in the interwar period. Both tendencies viewed the present as the result of a world conspiracy beginning in , a style of thinking that became exceptionally popular.

Both groups promised salvation by means of a counterrevolutionary act of violence. The similarities between their conception of history and that of their fiercest political opponent, Marxism, are therefore no coincidence, despite their opposing political agendas, for they had a common foe: They conceived of this past as being radically different from the present — as static, ordered and fundamentally good, until the revolution put an end to it.

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They thus made an indirect contribution to the theory of modernity, their alternative to the then historiographic mainstream pointing the way to future developments. Purged of its political content, this concept of history proved quite adaptable after It was only then that the two big antagonistic historical periods were given workable names.

There are two further foundations, however. First there was Hans Rosenberg, the representative of an earlier phase who had fled to the United States, but returned to Germany as a visiting professor beginning in Rosenberg acquainted his students with modern social history in the spirit of Max Weber, and a decade later with a revitalized sociology, the new leading discipline in the s which popularized modernization theory as practiced in the United States.

The latter offered a new reading of Max Weber, stripped of his skeptical resignation about the price paid for progress. To be sure, a conception of history based on discontinuity and a method offering macrohistorical models of progress raised questions that could not be answered with the tools of conventional historians. The explanations they offered, however, yielded a sometimes quite formulaic picture of historical progress, as a number of no less methodological critics bemoaned.

It was right about this time that the Germans — and of course not just the Germans — began to recognize that yet another era was coming to a close: The end of the postwar economic boom [32 ] and the subsequent implosion of the communist system caused Western society to enter a deep and lasting crisis of orientation, marked by ongoing attempts to repair the industrialized world, salvage the welfare state and other familiar institutions, as well as to reach a new understanding of the present and its ailments and put an end to profound cultural uncertainties.

The term Postmoderne , common until then only in literary criticism, suddenly spread like wildfire, expressing as it did this sense of discontent, and thus opening at least a back door for the reception of the Moderne by historians. Moderne modernity , as used below, is not just another word for Neuzeit the modern era , but is linked with attempts to understand and diagnose the times. We have long been accustomed to assigning the grand historical epochs to different centuries, but this mechanical method, initially a didactic artifice, neither overlaps with any meaningful measure of experience nor does it determine our sense of time.

The Moderne is an epoch that differs from all previous ones in its being acknowledged and named as such by those living in it. This is something new. Its earliest known usage is dated to ; it was first used by historians in , [34 ] and it entered common usage around the year , [35 ] making it about as old as Moderne. Moderne , it is evident here, cannot be equated with progress; rather, it is what it is: The actual processes underlying the forward march of history are controversial. But a so-called project of modernity, much talked about now in sociology and philosophy, can hardly satisfy the demand of historians for causal complexes as an explanation for historical change, even after the linguistic turn.

Reconstructing a historical trajectory into the present day requires two hypotheses to identify and sort through the numerous driving forces of history and assign them their specific roles. First, we have to assume that society has undergone a fundamental transformation due to the rise of modernity.

This involves long-term evolutionary processes and trends, each of which evinces specific trajectories but which essentially apply to all societies. These will be referred to in the following as basic processes, understood as affecting different levels: In this regard there are essential points of intersection with conventional modernization theory.

The cultural-studies-influenced theory of modernity offers the alternative view that the self-perception and -description of societies changes over time, and that this process in particular is a reliable indicator of when a society has become modern. Patterns of perception, experiences, discourses and language are hence by no means subordinate phenomena of structural transformation but are interdependent with the basic processes. Referred to collectively as patterns of order, societies use them to observe themselves and guide their development.

The search for better patterns then gives rise to a cultural threshold leading to a new era. This controllability increased dramatically in the Moderne , which means that the variety of modern manifestations increased along with it. There are therefore just as many variations of modernity as there are societies.

When examining the process of history, it is helpful to begin with the self-understanding of a society or significant parts of it , which is why this article began with a brief look at the career of the catchword Moderne. This is why the transitions, the cultural thresholds are so interesting; by taking a closer look at them we gain a deeper insight into the history of modernity.

The Enlightenment marked the beginning of modernity.

It led to a fundamental shift in language and discourse, ending a mode of self-observation dating back to antiquity. The cultural threshold known as the saddle period led to a new era, though opinions were divided about what it should be called. In the long run this contradicted the prevailing zeitgeist and therefore proved ephemeral. A consensus over what to call the new era was only reached in the new century, when the revolution that Napoleon declared dead in periodically reappeared. Every era has its patterns of order.

Since these are communicated by way of language, the era of revolutions subjected these patterns to its own novel dynamics. The Great Schism of premodernity, for all its conflict, left political-social semantics untouched; it was only the Revolution that destroyed this unity. This watershed event made discursive peace unthinkable in the future, forcing people to choose between being for or against it; there was no longer any other alternative.

Hence, people in the nineteenth century had two opposing patterns of order at their disposal: It was a child of the revolution itself and its concepts were therefore structurally modern. No less convincing were the promises of various strains of socialism which, lacking any real opportunity, were spared the trouble of putting their ideas into practice.

Thus, the first characteristic was the juridification of promises rooted in natural law. The terms, boundaries, and contents had to be negotiated in each individual case, so that specific freedoms not only varied from case to case but were fundamentally different from the abstract, more general concept of freedom. The debate about freedom is therefore an intrinsic part of the freedom agenda. Things were no different with equality. This second characteristic was just as paradoxical. The state could no longer content itself with controlling strategic centers but had to become territorial, organizing itself more extensively and permanently.

The rule of law and liberty therefore took the form of an administrative state with a monopoly on legitimate violence and a trained, often privileged and hierarchically organized bureaucracy that conducted its work in writing according to uniform criteria, dispensed justice, and extended to the remotest village. The greater protection and provision for the welfare of citizens went hand in hand with their loss of autonomy, a growing tax burden and compulsory military service, with the state increasing its control as well as its means of repression.

The third revolutionary promise, fraternity, was even more paradoxical. The brotherhood of nations was never a guiding principle of action; rather, it was precisely the assertion of revolutionary aims that gave rise to the nation-state — first in France, then in response to this or at least to the idea of it , wherever there happened to be revolutionaries.

It took decades, however, to establish this new type of state. The nation as a new model of order was ultimately successful on account of its dual appeal, the opportunities it afforded for participation and concerted aggression, and because it could easily be combined with older identities, denominational religion and monarchy, as well as with the new achievements of the constitutional state. Even the old empires could not avoid making concessions to nationalization military conscription, official languages, public displays of power.

The integration of nation-states into the concert of powers set up in may have been unexpected, but the subsequent creation of the Kingdom of Italy and the German Empire had downright revolutionary features. Nascent industrial modernity can be understood as the era in which the dissolution of boundaries, made possible and conceivable as a result of revolution, was radically expanded and became a viable option. Quite the opposite, in fact, and Burckhardt himself offered a multitude of proofs for the exponential advancement of what had been set in motion.

Indeed, by the s technical-scientific innovation and the dynamics of industrial production had already become a force of transformation. This was followed by the process of subjugating the rest of the world which would catapult Europe in its forward march and whose costs were not immediately evident, as well as by structural transformation in the political sphere due to the rise of the media, to the masses entering politics, and the emergence of the first career politicians.

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Finally, the tangible effects of social differentiation, palpable in everyday life — not least of all the arts, which broke free from its aesthetic canon — led to a new understanding and a new experience of time. These new actors were ready at hand in the form of social experts. All of these processes led once again around to a widespread sense of an acceleration of time, which attentive observers interpreted as the sign of a transition period, [49 ] a cultural threshold not only in retrospect, [50 ] perceived by some as a crisis, [51 ] by others as a sign of hope.

First, the history of intellectuals and of cultures of expertise in Europe evinces specific features found throughout Europe. The most significant is their proximity to the state — a not entirely coincidental reciprocity is evident here, for the European state is unique in the world — but their close ties to the economy and society are also rather conspicuous.

The attempt to implement expert-guided concepts of order is therefore much more widespread in Europe than it is in other modern societies. The net of legal regulations, social security and market regulation, but also the selection of socially desirable persons and the weeding out of undesirable ones are much more pronounced and finely knit here than elsewhere. Only after did liberalism concede to some extent to the trend of state interventionism, securing its modest recovery. Die Gegenwart der imperialen Vergangenheit Metropol.

Schreiben gegen Rassismus und Ressentiment: Selbstbehauptungsstrategien in neuerer Literatur von afrikanischen Migranten und Schwarzen Deutschen Der neue Weltengarten: Current Research My research focuses on German literature and culture from the 18th century to the present day, including relevant literary and cultural theory; genre theory and narratology; concepts of history, time, temporality, and memory in German literature. My principal research areas are: Modern German short prose Kleine Prosa from the Goethezeit to the present day. Future Research My research in the next few years will continue to develop all strands of my current research interests and expertise, and across the full range of my expertise in German and comparative literary and cultural studies, from the 18th century to the present day: Post-Imperialism, Postcolonialism and beyond: Zu einem globalisierungskritischen Topos im Afrika-Diskurs der deutschsprachigen Gegenwartsliteratur.

Handbuch Postkolonialismus und Literatur Metzler. Koloniale Kartographie in der Literatur des Realismus: Gutzkow - Raabe - Jensen. Between Acceleration and Slowness Plagrave Macmillan. Zeitpoetik in Kleiner Prosa der Gegenwart. Leben - Werk - Wirkung Metzler. Texte des "Todesarten"-Projekts 4th edition. Afrika-Diskurs und Geschichtspolitik in neueren deutschen Namibia-Romanen. Post- Koloniale Afrikaimaginationen im russischen, polnischen und deutschen Kontext Winter.

Self-Assertion, Intervention, and Achievement. Developments in Contemporary Black German Writing. Der Aphorismus und seine Nachbarn: Text und Kommentar 2. Zu einem globalisierungskritischen Topos im Afrika-Diskurs der deutschsprachigen Gegenwartsliteratur Recherches Germaniques.

Post- Colonialism across Europe: Transcultural History and National Memory Aisthesis. Deutsche Kolonialgeschichte als Faszinosum und Problem in neuen historischen Afrika-Romanen und historischen Biographen zur afrikanischen Diaspora. Jahrbuch der Raabe-Gesellschaft de Gruyter. Erinnerungsarbeit und Geschichtspolitik, part II: Norms, Normality and Normalization: Le postcolonialisme dans le context allemand: Gutzkow in postkolonialer Sicht: Metropole, Provinz und Welt: Realism and Romanticism in German Literature Aisthesis.

Leben - Werk - Wirkung Sonderausgabe. Literarischer Dialog mit Albert Camus: Rekonstruktion und Remythisierung der kolonialen Welt: Literatur- und kulturwissenschaftliche Perspektiven Rodopi. Hans Christoph Buch's "Sansibar Blues" and the fascination of cross-cultural experience in contemporary German historical novels about colonialism German Life and Letters. Self-assertion, intervention and achievement: Black German writing in postcolonial perspective Orbis Litterarum. Deutsche Literatur afrikanischer Diaspora und die Frage postkolonialer Kanonrevision.

Vereinnahmung oder postkoloniale Bewusstseinsbildung? September in Exeter Aisthesis. Kolonialzeit und Afrika-Diskurs im Gegenwartsroman. Research on Ingeborg Bachmann: Cross-cultural self-assertion and cultural politics: African migrants' writing in German since the late s German Life and Letters. Colonialism and National Socialism: A German Studies Yearbook. Figural, Prosa, Stil und Vers als Bestimmungskriterien. Global Themes - International Perspectives Legenda. Jahrbuch der Raabe-Gesellschaft Niemeyer. Modernization and Colonialism in Raabe's 'Prinzessin Fisch'.

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Colonial Legacies and Cross-Cultural Experience: Schreiben gegen Krieg und Gewalt: Der koloniale "Zusammenhang der Dinge" in der deutschen Provinz: Impulse der angloamerikanischen Literatur- und Kulturtheorie Bielefeld: Entwicklungen der Kurzprosa zwischen und German literature and arts beyond political chronologies: Postkolonialismus als Herausforderung und Chance germanistischer Literaturwissenschaft. Existentialismus und Literatur St.

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