Vorbildcharakter der Antike in der Französischen Revolution (German Edition)

Laws of Heaven Laws of Nature : Legal Interpretations of Cosmic Phenomena in the Ancient World

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Two concluding points of a more general nature: On this level, the contributions are frequently excellent, but it is, as it were, only half of the equation of "stability and change". There is a telling moment towards the end of Jehne's essay, where he says, after extensive analysis of group behavior: This perceived need to flag allegiance to the "theoretical constitution" of CRC betrays a somewhat clumsy handling of theory: The accounts of group formation and behavior offered by systems-theory or Bourdieu's praxeology easily subsume the theory of institutions at least as outlined in the introduction and, indeed, would have enabled one to predict , in general terms, to be sure, many of the best insights that the volume affords such as the, by and large conciliatory, internal crisis-management on the part of the senatorial elite.

Both of these theoretical paradigms would also have offered generous conceptual resources for the analysis of societal change. These criticisms notwithstanding, it should be stressed that the volume definitely succeeds in consolidating recent groundbreaking work on the political culture of Republican Rome and in opening new vistas for further research. It concludes with twenty pages of more "Sachen" or less "Moderne Autoren" useful indices.

Despite its title, Moribus antiquis res stat Romana [ sic ]. The brief four-page preface and the absence of a conclusion reinforce a pervasive sense of the arbitrary. While the editors specify an interest in the "social function" of literary texts or artifacts as the unifying and distinctive feature of the collection, individual authors differ notably in how they put the advertised switch from "semantics" to "pragmatics" cf.

Still, the editors are right to insist on this "Perspektivenwechsel": As one would expect in a situation of " quot auctores, tot doctrinae ", the quality of the contributions varies: In the opening paper, programmatically entitled "Wertbegriff und Wertbegriffe", A. Haltenhoff explores both the "nature" Wesen of value and specific Roman values 16; cf. The paper has its moments, in particular when Haltenhoff suspends his quest for the "Wesen", and turns his attention to the embeddedness of values "in eine konkrete Handlungssituation": Overall, however, the argument meanders more or less inconclusively from one definition to the next: Social theory has rendered this body of work, with its idle reifications and moralizing pathos, by and large redundant.

The second introductory paper on "literature" represents a quantum leap in sophistication, coherence, and complexity: These he embeds within broader cultural processes such as acculturation, increased professionalisation, and the emergence of a "literary"--in contrast to "oral"--culture. His notion of "spaces of literary communication" is predicated on the constructivist insight, which has yet to be fully assimilated by classical scholars, that the "meaning" of a text results from the processes of ascription that social agents perform within specific historical settings.

Likewise, his conception of societal evolution marks an explicit break with the latent teleological or monocausal schemes that are the common staple of literary histories. His heuristic axioms are worth citing in full: I limit myself to two points. Whatever criterion one might wish to apply for identifying a system--the presence of a specific code, a visible demarcation from its environment, some type of autopoietic closure--, it does not apply to the units of communication or the social practices associated with literary texts in the Roman Republic.

I suspect that he here projects the situation of modern society where it is possible to speak of a functionally differentiated "literary system" onto Republican Rome, an application of systems-analysis that systems theorists themselves would not endorse. Even if we grant the existence of an aristocratic song-culture in the regal period, it must have come to an end well before the third century.

The meager literary evidence goes back to Cato's Origines , in which Cato seems to have postulated such activities for the distant past. Wertbegriffe und Wertvorstellungen in Inschriften vorsullanischer Zeit" by P. Witzmann, who discusses how social groups and individuals at Rome from nobles to freedmen used inscriptions to communicate with as well as against each other.

The argument is cautious but well balanced and makes good use of the excellent archaeological, historical, and epigraphical work done in the area by such scholars as Eck and Coarelli. Witzmann focuses in some length on the hotly contested triumph of Fulvius Nobilior de Ambracia and traces how senate and general employed a variety of means and media in their symbolic struggle over the recognition of military achievement. His essay illustrates that nobles sponsoring inscriptions were very much aware of differences in audience Rome, Italian towns, colonies and that they used not only their content, but also their style to make political statements.

The paper ends with some remarks on the epigraphic habits of those who belonged to the lower end of the social spectrum, esp. Mutschler's lengthy "Norm und Erinnerung: Anmerkungen zur sozialen Funktion von historischem Epos und Geschichtsschreibung im 2. As such, it can make little claim on the attention of scholars. Mutschler here assures his readers that "we may confidently assume" this text to endorse Roman values, and that Cato was most likely the first Roman historian who thematized a Roman decline in morality. These are not exactly earth-shattering insights; moreover, he seems to take Cato's laments about the deplorable state of "Roman morality" entirely at face-value.

But he makes no sustained effort to reconstruct this complex web. Instead, he contents himself with some vague remarks about the feeling of "pride" and the sense of "obligation" that the perusal of archaic epics and historiographical narratives must have engendered in the Roman readership. Thome " o tempora, o mores! Wertvorstellungen bei den Rednern der republikanischen Zeit" lists passages which show that for the Roman orator of the Middle and Late Republic--regardless of our view of historical reality--the evils of the present in particular avaritia , luxuria , and crudelitas stand in contrast to the world of the maiores.

Begriffe, Motive, Gestalten Stuttgart The piece has all the feel of a listlessly executed "Auftragsarbeit", as Thome herself calls it cf. Strikingly, the conclusion of his first section, on the fabulae praetextae , i.

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Flower as the obvious point of departure in her groundbreaking article on the genre. Pursuit of this insight would have been of great interest for the express concerns of this volume and of CRC in general. Witzmann's discussion of the squabbles surrounding Fulvius Nobilior's trimph over Ambrakia could have set the stage for an analysis of the fragments surviving from Ennius' eponymous praetexta. The section on "mythological tragedies" is equally disappointing. Peglau feels justified to extrapolate the "message" of tragedies performed in the second century BCE from the spin that authors of philosophical treatises and politicians of the Late Republic put on select fragments of these plays.

He combines this highly questionable procedure with some rather simplistic preconceptions about the efficacy of tragic performances. Thus he suggests that Pacuvius altered Sophocles' Odysseus into a steadfast Roman vir in his Niptra because he did not wish to undermine the military virtues of the Roman people Peglau stamps Ulixes as representative of "Greek" eloquentia in Accius' Armorum Iudicium , a quality, which "was, at the time, not yet valued in Rome" This is manifestly not the case.

Einleitung

Three contributions on Roman comedy follow. Mutschler's co-authored piece " Plautus ludens: The play, so they argue, generates humor by suspending social norms and creating incongruities the iuvenis Calidorus is willing to violate pietas towards his parents amoris causa ; Ballio, the pimp, comports himself in the manner of a Roman magistrate ; but no, showing such reprehensible truancy on stage most likely did not outrage the audience or endanger Roman "public morality".

Rather, the probable reaction to plot and characters was laughter and the momentary relief from the cares and anxieties of everyday life. The argument will sound familiar: Braun in " moribus vivito antiquis! Bemerkungen zur Moral in Plautus' Trinummus " then takes on a recent interpretation of this play by E. Ludwig as a more plausible interpretation of the play.

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Finally, Braun follows this up with a short piece on " mos maiorum und humanitas bei Terenz". He casts the playwright as a subtly ironic critic of traditional Roman severity in education and such attending notions as the auctoritas of the pater familias. There is nothing necessarily wrong with the overall picture of Roman new comedy that emerges in these pieces--apart from the fact that it is well known, the standard stuff of undergraduate lectures. In effect, Braun and Mutschler rehearse the orthodoxies of decades one more time. Already in , Konrad Gaiser had enshrined essentially the same interpretation of Plautus and Terence, including incisive comments on the "social function" of their plays, in one of the first ANRW -volumes.

Categories such as "Roman morality", even "the Roman audience" are reified constructs that possess little heuristic value: While a bit too radical in its discounting of the events on stage, this insight can serve as point of departure for a fresh look at the social function of the Roman theater. Harrassowitz, Assmann, Hymnen s. Lexa, Papyrus Insinger, Paris: It is a persistent, if no longer intentional, bias of Western thought that serious philosophy began with the Greeks.

In the sense of philosophy as a science a system of intellectual principles developed according to fixed rules of investigation this is true. But in the broader sense of philosophy as a system of human thought it is, of course, erroneous. Um dieses Beispiel weiter zu verfolgen: Evangelische Verlagsanstalt, , J. Allen, Genesis in Egypt. Yale Egyptological Seminar, , ; s. Yale Egyptological Seminar, Allen, Genesis s. Stockhusen zieht es daher vor, neutraler von Astraltexten sprechen.

Um es mit Allen zu sagen: Far from being competing systems of thought , the Egyptian creation accounts are facets of a persistently uniform understanding of what the universe is and how it came to be. Das Beispiel Medinet Madi, in: Welt des Orients 42 , ; Ders. Mohr Siebeck, , M. University Microfilms International, , Allen, Genesis, s.

Taylor and Francis, , Dazu s. Quack, Ein Fragment einer Liste mit Naturerscheinungen. Papyrus Berlin , in: This was possible by virtue of a mythological worldview, where the natural world was believed to have been created by the gods, and whatever system of law or ethics prevailed, be this a general sense of justice or specific laws set down in writing, was championed and inspired, if not authored, by the gods. The natural and legal worlds were interlaced, and the latter was the inexorable outcome of the former, ordained by the gods. Thus it is not a coincidence to find expressions where the promulgation of law is tied in some way to the divine establishment of the cosmos.

An example of this connection is found in the prologue and epilogue of the Laws of Hammurabi. The prologue starts with a short history of kingship among the gods and the call of Hammurabi as king: The epilogue augments this description and is more specific about Hammurabi s promulgation of law: So that the strong not wrong the weak and to secure justice for the destitute girl and widow, in Babylon, the city whose heights Anu and Enlil elevated, specifically in the Esagil, the temple whose foundations are firm like the heaven and earth, for the purpose of setting down the law of the land, to render the verdicts 1 On the prologue and epilogue, see V.

University Museum, ; D. Wright, Inventing God s Law: Oxford University Press, ,. WRIGHT of the land and to secure justice for the wronged, I have written my treasured words on my stele and set it up before the image of me, the king of justice col. Then, subsequently in history, the gods named Hammurabi king in that city so that, among other royal activities, he could set down and publish laws that would be just.

Hammurabi s rule and laws were a result of the goals, indeed fate, inaugurated at creation. A Near Eastern text in which the correlation between creation and law is extensively developed is the Priestly-Holiness corpus PH of the Pentateuch what is referred to classically as the Priestly corpus or P.

The conceptual center of this broad and complex work is a divine revelation of prescriptions about the building and operation of the wilderness tabernacle. The other parts of the PH narrative orbit this sun. The chapters that follow this revelation deal with events in the wilderness and flesh out the consequences of this revelation, both the positive aspects of cultic inauguration as well as the negative aspects of rebellion, often associated with cultic matters. The preceding chapters provide a prelude to the tabernacle revelation, from the creation of the world, through the epoch of the patriarchs, to the call of Moses as the prophet who founds the cult.

The first part of the story has been carefully crafted to prepare for the tabernacle revelation and its cultic regulations. The priestly creation story does not simply end with the seventh day when the deity rested from his creative work. The culmination of this process is in the revelation of the tabernacle, the basic regulations associated with it, and its dedication. Thus the revelation of law, cultic regulation in particular, is the fulfillment of creation. I bring these together with new insights within the context of my understanding of the composition of the PH work.

I must, however, outline my working 2 I acknowledge the valuable stimulus of my student S. Tanchel in discussions we had as I advised her on a chapter in her dissertation, which argued that Gen 1: The first part or panel of this narrative included much of the material that various analyses have assigned to the P corpus from Genesis 1 to Leviticus The so-called Holiness Code Leviticus 17 26 was added to this to expand the scope of legislation beyond cultic matters.

The writers of this collection also augmented some of the cultic regulations in the first panel. The second narrative panel, in the book of Numbers, about rebellions in the wilderness and the appointment of the Levites along with various legal supplements, was then added. The work probably also ended with description of entry into the land. The first panel of law and narrative can be provisionally and broadly labeled P in distinction to the Holiness Code and a second panel of narrative 3 4 This summary advances preliminary considerations about PH in D.

Essays in Retrospect and Prospect ed. SBL, , especially pp. Here I differ from other approaches that argue that the Priestly Grundschrift Pg consists of a limited narrative from creation to the revelation or building of the tabernacle with little cultic legislation. See the summary of views in C. Nihan, From Priestly Torah to Pentateuch: Mohr Siebeck, , 1 68; and the convenient tabulation of earlier scholarship in P. Sheffield Academic Press, , For helpful descriptions of and arguments for a limited Pg, see also A. SBL, , 51 72; M.

Schmid, The Old Testament: Fortress Press, , Nihan argues that some cultic legislation and detail must have belonged in the basic P text. The first panel anticipates the ideas and language of H in many respects or has been updated with H material, especially to tie individual pericopae of P together or fill in gaps.

In some cases it looks like H completes an unfinished or inchoate P narrative. Some materials in the second panel, especially basic narratives, may have been drafted early on, to be included in the larger work as it developed. In addition, textual production at each major stage of development reflects what I call inner-compositional development, i.

For example, the narrative from the beginning of Genesis to mid-exodus presupposes the essential content of the revelation of the tabernacle and its basic cultic laws, as this essay will point out later. Externally, my study increasingly indicates that the PH work knew and recast some of the materials found for the most part in the non-ph portions of Genesis through Numbers. Knohl The Sanctuary of Silence: Fortress, ] and J. Doubleday, ], have been influential on my distinguishing of P and H.

I agree that H includes more than just the Holiness Code and that H is chronologically later than and supplementary to P. I do not agree, however, with their early dating of P and much of H see below. For more recent considerations, see the analyses and bibliographies in Nihan, Priestly Torah; J.

Stackert, Rewriting the Torah: Mohr Siebeck, ; D. Carr, The Formation of the Hebrew Bible: A New Reconstruction Oxford: Oxford University Press, , For the notion of an unfinished P from a different point of view, see E. While additions to a base text might be recognized or hypothesized, I am not sanguine about being able to definitively determine intermediate stages of a text and ultimately an original text by a process of peeling off perceived additions, though such analyses must be ventured. Multiple factors, including the reworking and combination of source texts as well as traditions , are responsible for introducing complexity and inconsistency into even an original or unitary composition see Wright, Inventing, and passim; idem, The Origin, Development, and Context of the Covenant Code [Exod Composition, Reception, and Interpretation [ed.

Thus I share for different reasons Carr s realization that determining an original text may elude our methods and abilities Formation, 4, , , ,. For P s ideological revision of the non-p i. Wright, Profane Versus Sacrificial Slaughter: The Legacy of Jacob Milgrom and Beyond ed. This essay will make reference to where such dependence and recasting seems possible, but, because of space and the goals, the present paper cannot enter into a full treatment of the issues and secondary literature. That various places across the whole PH work reflect the reworking of non-ph, even though executed over time by different hands, indicates that these scribes followed and fulfilled a compositional plan conceived at the beginning of P s composition largely dictated by non-ph.

This textual dependence also indicates to me that the non-ph materials already existed in one or more narratives that recounted the early history and the origins of Israel. In very rough outlines, the last quarter of the twentieth century witnessed a move by various scholars from a documentary to a supplementary model. This viewed P and H texts as redactional additions to a non-ph base text. Harvard University Press, , , ; R.

Eisenbrauns, , For this thesis in studies relevant to the general theme of this essay, see R. Westminster John Knox Press, , 1: Fortress Press, , 2, 4, Around the beginning of the twenty-first century, the perceived relationship between PH and non-ph began to be inverted: P was seen as the base text to which non-p or post-p materials were added. See, for example and with different points of emphasis, K.

Achenbach, Die Vollendung der Torah: Harrassowitz, ; and the summaries in Schmid, Old Testament, ; Gertz et al. For arguments that P is the base text in the creation or flood stories, see J. Blenkinsopp, P and J in Genesis 1: Essays in Honor of David Noel Freedman ed. Eerdmans, , 1 15; R.

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UTB, , 77 98; J. Mohr Siebeck, ], 1 22 this essay originally appeared in My analysis of the dependence of PH on non-ph has been enriched by discussions with my student M. This claim differs from recent scholarship that views P as the first text to join together stories and traditions about the pre-mosaic and Mosaic ages into a long narrative see Schmid, Genesis; similarly Achenbach, Vollendung, argues that pre-priestly traditions in Numbers were unified only through post-priestly redactional activity.

I should briefly note, however, that in my view the answer is chiefly determined by the relationship of PH to other biblical literature principally non-ph narrative and law in Genesis to Numbers and the books of Deuteronomy and Ezekiel rather than the sociological portrait of PH or possible correlations with historical events. Social and historical data have been skewed to fit the pseudoarchaeographic contextualization of the story in the time of Moses.

In the following, I will sometimes refer to the material in PH from Genesis through Leviticus 16 simply as P, material after that as H, and the whole work as PH, adding precision or qualification when necessary. My summary in this part of this essay indicates to me that there existed at least an independent PH text and a pre-ph independent non-ph and non-d text.

Moreover, as I argued in Inventing, , the Covenant Code was created in a narrative context, and this was not J. Therefore a hypothesis of a J and non-j narratives i. For a recent restatement of the documentary hypothesis, see J. Yale University Press, For critique of Baden and discussion of current approaches, see T. Mohr Siebeck, , See B. To be sure, humans are given dominion over animals and the earth vv. Legal carnivorism begins only after the flood 9: Another problem with identifying human dominion over animals as the reason for human creation is that this is not characterized as something done for the benefit of the deity.

The grant of dominion also begs the question of why the animals and the rest of the world were created in the first place. The absence of a clear purpose for creating humans in P s story contrasts with J s creation and garden story that immediately follows Gen 2: The man there is created to provide labor for the deity.

The story opens by saying there are no plants, in part because there is no man to work the earth. As soon as the man is created, he is placed in the garden of Eden to work and guard it 2: This garden is the deity s reserve or estate. When the humans are expelled from the garden, they continue to teuch, The Pentateuch ed. One of his points, observed by others before, is that the passage on the seventh day in 2: For me, these verses are integral to a Near Eastern ritual or mythic pattern that expects culmination on the seventh day.

Further, as we will see, they tie the passage to the larger tabernacle narrative. To remove them eviscerates a basic P narrative. Nevertheless, it is possible that these verses are part of a planned inner-compositional expansion that tied the text to the larger narrative. The verses on vegetarianism 1: I have argued Profane versus Sacrificial Slaughter that vegetarianism in Genesis 1 is a foil for the grant of profane slaughter in Genesis 9.

It is possible even probable in view of PH s use of non-p pentateuchal narrative and law that the PH creation story used an unknown source. But here is the rub: Just as we cannot recover the J flood story by working backward from the P flood story, so we cannot expect to recover the creation text that may have inspired P. We can only speculate about motifs that it contained and its possible outline. For a recent study, see J.

This includes manual labor such as digging canals, but also providing them with food i. In Atrahasis, for example, when humans are made, they take up tools and work on canals for the hunger of the people i. Let me create a first-man. However, the way that P treats the motif of sacrifice and related matters makes it clear that it does share a similar, though ideologically distinctive and more complex, perspective. As already noted briefly, the non-ph narratives of Genesis into Exodus portray sacrifice as a custom operative from the earliest times. In later non-ph narrative in Genesis, the patriarchs build altars, and Abraham and Jacob are described as offering sacrifice A number of other cult related activities are recounted tithe payment to a priest, pillar erection, anointing, and libation; For an insightful analysis of the purpose of creation in J, set against data from the ancient Near East, see E.

Greenstein, God s Golem: Sheffield Academic Press, , See the discussion and references in D. New Insights and Scholarship ed. Shectman and Baden , 57 72; W. Brill, , ; Wright, Inventing, That Gen This is part of its ideological rewriting of history, noted earlier. PH reacted to and recast non-ph narrative to create its own, more acceptable, portrayal of the cult over the course of history. The case of the flood narrative illustrates this in a nutshell. It removed the distinction between pure and impure animals.

It also eliminated Noah s sacrifice and replaced it with profane slaughter, the non-cultic companion to sacrifice and a practice that a mind thinking cultically would consider alongside sacrifice. Holiness and Deuteronomic laws on sacrifice in Leviticus 17 and Deuteronomy 12, for example, include discussion of profane slaughter. P also purged the record of sacrifice in the patriarchal and early Mosaic ages. Abraham demonstrates his piety through circumcision Genesis This becomes the basis for promises made to him. This contrasts with non- P stories where promises are attached to sacrificial or quasi-sacrificial performances in Genesis 22 the near sacrifice of Isaac and Genesis 15 the rite involving dividing animals.

P may in part be responding to these portrayals and, as in the flood story, replaces sacrifice with a non-cultic ritual. J s motif has a climax in the revelation of the kavod to Moses Exod For P and J in the plague stories, see n. In Gen 6 9, P consists of 6: Each reads as a complete story.

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Preliminary study suggests to me that Genesis 17 is a recasting of J promises to Abraham and Sarah in Genesis 18 compare especially Biblical Institute Press, , ; D. Carr, Reading the Fractures of Genesis: Indeed, negotiations with Pharaoh about sacrifice take up a large part of J s narrative. With this sacrificial component removed, there is nothing to talk about, and P can present its sign-plagues in a rapid series with no speech to Pharaoh and portray them as performed in one day up to the darkness plague.

The only other place where PH has animal killing prior to the tabernacle is in the first Passover in Exod Although this text has some elements that relate to sacrifice-like elements, 23 and though later instances of the Passover would be sacrificial cf.

It was a home rite, with no altar and manipulation of blood on it, no requirement of purity contrast the second Passover in Num 9: It is only with the revelation of the tabernacle and its laws that the purpose for the creation of humans and all of creation becomes clear. The world and humans were created so that eventually Israel could serve the deity in the cult. This culmination, however, had to wait until the time of Moses because of a reality that could not be denied in view of the Near Eastern cultural and historiographical reality that Israel was a late-comer to the scene.

PH could not realistically describe the birth of Israel and the command to build the tabernacle in the early years of human history. P had to provide a preliminary history of humanity in Genesis. Its emphasis on family lines is partly to describe the process by which Israel s DNA was differentiated from the rest of humanity.

Only then could cultic performances begin. P thus actually agrees with J and Near Eastern texts that creation has the goal of providing workers for the deity. In this respect, P also concurs with other texts and Mesopotamian cult practice more generally in viewing sacrifice as a meal for the deity, in analogy to feasting human kings and elites necessarily temper redactional analyses of this chapter e. Mohr Siebeck, ], ; J.

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Harrassowitz, ], 71 This type of analysis also affects the understanding of promise passages in non-p Genesis as late additions for a recent history of scholarship and reassessment, see J. Baden, The Promise to the Patriarchs Oxford: Oxford University Press, For the H character of this passage, see the section on the calendar below. Sacrificial motifs include requirement of a blemish free animal v.

One of these is the disclosure of the proper name of the deity. The call of Moses in Exod 6: This appears to build on and interpret the notice of the revelation of the divine name in non-p s Exod 3: P s revelation of the proper divine name in the age of Moses is an enlargement of theological knowledge and is necessary for the functioning of the cult, as several passages show, some of which augment a basic P text.

The ornament is not mere decoration, but has the cultic function of bearing sin. A similar concrete use of the divine name in the cult may be in the Day of Atonement ritual. The divine name is used in various types of ritual speech. When the tabernacle is consecrated, Aaron and Moses bless the people Lev 9: This presumably involves the use of the divine name.

The supplementary priestly blessing in Num 6: The writing of Exod 6: For the integrity of 6: Moses objection, the appointment of Aaron, and initial charge to go to Pharaoh in PH 6: P also appears to revise J s plagues in Exod 7 10, including conversion of J s faith signs Exod 4 into signs before Pharaoh. For the dependence of PH s A notable difference in the case of Exod 6: Source analysis in Exod 3 7a for me is, provisionally: Mohr Siebeck, ], , , , , , , , , , For PH s dependence on both J and E elsewhere, see n.

The curses for the suspected adulteress use the divine name in speech and as a ritual object. The priest speaks the curses to the woman, which include the phrase: These are written out, dissolved in water, and given to the woman to drink Num 5: The rejoicing of the people before Yahweh on the festival of Sukkot in Lev In addition to these cultic examples of the legitimate use of the name, the story about blasphemy in Leviticus 24, which in part builds on prescriptions about the divine name in the Covenant Code cf.

Knowing the divine name allows the people to fully engage the deity and his presence. While blessings and promises can be communicated to individuals under a different divine appellation in the pre-cultic age, the revelation of deity s proper name in the age of the tabernacle marks and directs the renewal of those promises to the entire nation. If the PH manna story in Exodus 16, which involves Sabbath, originally appeared later in the Neighboring Numbers 7 puts 6: For a recent study of the Ketef Hinnom amulets with phrases paralleling this blessing, A.

Nihan, Murder, Blasphemy and Sacral Law: Sources and Redaction in Lev As we will see it is first revealed in connection with the building of the tabernacle: H in particular enhanced the status of the Sabbath and brought it into the list of festivals and other occasions that are cultic Lev Knohl, Sanctuary, 8 This passage directly prohibits work on the seventh day.

Verse 2 drops a pin on the temporal map for the people: It is not entirely clear how this passage fits in the composition of PH. As a whole it has a number of H features. Yet omitting the entirety of this passage would deprive a basic P narrative of an account of the first Passover and reference to killing the firstborn of Egypt. Stackert, Compositional Strata in the Priestly Sabbath: Gane and Taggar-Cohen , For him, basic P consists of the introduction, main prohibition, and the following third person plural formulation in It should be noted, however, that See the discussion by S.

For the similar narrative problem of seeing Exod 6: For a significant differing assessment, see C. Nihan, Israel s Fes-. In this analysis the notice This month for you is the beginning of months would be an H supplement. Unless both P and H contributors went back to the same J text to formulate Uitgeverij Peeters, , J. Source Ascription and Literary Motif in Exodus Because of this coherence and distinctive character, they appear to belong to a source different from PH. Other considerations bear this out. The passage Exod The instructions of Moreover, J s basic Passover instructions in Like the rite in Notably J s little circumcision story immediately follows J s announcement of the future firstborn plague 4: The circumcision event thus narratively anticipates J s culminating firstborn plague with its blood rite.

The injunction of the Passover on future generations in J may not have originally included lawgiving, but was updated to parallel the Covenant Code narrative E. The so-called ritual or cultic decalogue in Exod The firstborn command in That PH is secondary to and dependent on J s For the argument that Gesundheit, Three Times a Year: Additionally, the change of number to second plural is not a definitive sign of textual strata. Its composition may have been delayed in order to coordinate it with the development of the H version of festival legislation in Leviticus Even though announced only in these Exodus passages, the world s calendar, according to the broad view of PH, did not begin ticking with these revelations to the Israelites.

The clock was wound and started at the beginning of creation. The Israelites were only made privy to this cosmological secret and reality at the time of Moses. On the fourth day of creation the deity creates the sun, moon, and stars. The term often translated set times, includes the festivals cf. Their observance by humans, as with sacrifice, remains dormant until that age. In contrast to this, the marking of days and years by the sun and moon begins at the creation. Days actually begin on the first day of creation when light is created 1: This allows the counting of days across the week of creation leading up to divine rest on the seventh day.

The mention of pure and impure animals in the flood story Gen 7: J requires bringing a surplus seven pairs of pure animals so that some of them may be used as food on the ark implied in Gen 7: P s Noah brings only one pair of each For example, phrases with second person plural forms in passages such as Gen It is possible to argue that the detail about the heavenly lights, whose form and content seems belabored, is an addition, attributable to H.

The verse Exod This is presumably not observable at the inaugural event. H is responsible for adding this somewhat out of place datum. But though PH avoids matters of purity and holiness prior to the time of Moses, its early narrative nonetheless anticipates later pollution concerns, much as the grant of profane slaughter to Noah in Gen 9: In fact, sacrifice and purity concerns are integrally related in P.

The grant of animal flesh in the human diet after the flood is the foundation of a pyramid of dietary rules matching social gradations, which are fully unveiled at the time of Moses, as summarized in Figure The deity s diet in sacrifice e. God has the most limited diet, whereas lowly animals have the broadest. The rules to Noah anticipate this full system, but they deal with the bottom two registers, which are not yet concerned with matters of purity.

This sacrificial-dietary schema drove P s rewriting of J s flood story, noted above. Because of its different view of the cult, P could not simply revise J s story but had to radically retool it to serve the ideology of its broad narrative. The conceptual relationship of the flood story to the basic legislation on sacrifice and purity is one of the pieces of evidence that See Wright, Profane versus Sacrificial Slaughter. See the considerations about composition and the motif of impurity in the story in E.

Harvard University, , , who views it as an essential unity belonging to E p. Baden, Composition, see also 72, 73 74, , , n. For Exod 3, see n. Doubleday, , In H legislation, which broadens the scope of P legislation beyond the context of the sanctuary, sin pollutes the land and this becomes the mechanism for exile from the land Lev Several considerations, however, point to the originality of the verses: The poetic form in v.

The verses make clear that the reason for the flood was the shedding of blood by and finally explain why in P all flesh, including animals, is guilty see n. Further, P, dependent on J and interested in responding to J s portrayal of animal killing in sacrifice, would be expected to make some concrete reference to animal killing. It attributes sin to all flesh, including animals, as opposed to just humans in J cf. The flood implicitly removes the earth s corruption and restores it to a pristine state. Other pairs are prominent in the creation story though the verb evening, is not used to describe them.

The passage Lev The deity separated Israel off from the other nations vv. Israel should similarly distinguish between pure and impure animals.

Thus they become holy, as the deity is holy. Thus the act of separation begun at creation continues up to the constitution of Israel as a nation at the time when the people are freed from Egypt and the tabernacle is established. Every object, place, person, or event is ritually definable by the presence of one quality from two sets of pairs: A impure versus pure, and B holy versus profane see the Hebrew terminology in Lev These qualities are graphed in Figure 2, as a doughnut displaying four possible combinations the barbells point to the nexuses of categories.

The guilt of animals is characterized indirectly in 9: This bends the diagram in Milgrom, Leviticus 1 16, into a circle to add the holyimpure combination. Paired Combinations of Cultic Statuses pure and holy e. Paired criteria or binary oppositions are found in other parts of the PH cultic system. Pure land animals have split hooves and chew the cud, and pure water animals that have fins and scales are pure Leviticus The male gonorrheic is one whose flesh runs or whose flesh is stopped up Lev In the sacrificial laws, options between cattle and flock animals are counterpoised e.

In matters of ritual space, P and PH broadly are concerned about inside versus outside the camp, and inside versus outside the tabernacle. In various ways, then, P s portrayal of division at creation structurally anticipates the intellectual shape of its legal system. This portrayal of binary conceptualization at creation, however, is likely not representative of its actual generative history.

It would seem that binary patterning had its home in the cultic and legal system and that this was applied secondarily to the mythological description of creation. The reversal of the relationship in the PH narrative made the world the sounding board on which the strings of the cultic and legal system resonated.

Smith, To Take Place: Toward Theory in Ritual Chicago: University of Chicago Press, , 47 73; D.

This echoes the call of Moses in Exod 6: This is an adoption formula which, as a speech act and comparable to the speech acts in the creation story, officially creates the divine-human relationship. As a command and blessing this is directed to the fish and birds and then to humans at creation 1: It is renewed after the flood and is directed to all life 8: Along the way, the deity uses this language saying that he will make Ishmael fruitful Isaac blesses Jacob to multiply God tells Jacob to multiply Finally when Israel is in Egypt, the idiom is used again.

But it is no longer a matter of blessing or command, but a matter of fact. At the beginning of the sojourn in Egypt P observes: Israel dwelt in the land of Egypt, 50 and they took possession of it. They were fruitful and multiplied greatly Then at the dawn of the age of Moses, P s Exodus tells us, with a climactic piling up of terminology: The intent to get to an account of the establishment of Israel also partly helps explain why P does not write a detailed In a paper delivered at the annual meeting for the Society of Biblical Literature, B.

Schwartz has suggested reading in this ellipsis in the land of Ramses for in the land of Goshen. On this as fulfillment see Schmid, Genesis, 62 64, ; Bauks, Signification, One might even make the mistake of thinking that P had a universalistic orientation, according to which its deity looked equally on all nations of the earth. The creation story refers to a divine 1: Der Vollkommene Capellmeister, Hamburg , Reprint hg. Reihe I, 5 , online: Harmonie Universelle, Paris , Reprint hg. Die Geschicke des "Hofmann": Bemerkungen zur Querelle der Gluckisten und Piccinisten, in: Konzepte der Musikwissenschaft, Kassel , S.

Genre and Form in French Opera, in: La musique et le pouvoir, Paris , S. Piccini e la Francia: Duindam, Jeroen Franz Jozef: The Courts of Europe's Dynastic Rivals: La Musique Italienne en France: Studi musicali 25 , S. Fabiano, Andrea et al. The Journal of Musicology 20 , S. The French Noble Style —, Princeton Aspekte einer Inszenierung, in: Die Sinfonie im Die Oper im

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