Outside the Door - Da draußen vor der Tür (Bird Books Worpswede) (German Edition)

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Jakob Burckhardt is surely the most influential here with his book Kultur der Renaissance in Italien, which appeared in and by was already in its twelfth edition. Another influential book was his Griechische Kulturgeschichte, which appeared from to Book titles such as Culturgeschichte des deutschen Volkes, which appeared from to , or Kulturentwicklung Sueditaliens or Kulturgeschichte der Neuzeit from , indicate the triumphal march of the new concept of culture.

Such books on cultural history, however, also bring something foreign to the homes of German readers. Travel writing and reports on life in foreign parts of the world expand and complement the views that readers found in books on European cultural history. In the same way, the historically foreign is for the first time perceived as the interconnectedness of a cultural way of life.

The reading 6 public also took an interest in these excavations. Jakob Burckhardt brought new insights into foreign culture to complement this existing interest in archaeology. His Griechische Kulturgeschichte revealed a culture that could not be more alien. Hans-Georg Gadamer describes the effect of this book on the twentieth century as follows: Thanks to the efforts of Jakob Burckhardt and Friedrich Nietzsche, it is generally realized just how different the Greeks really were from those noble human beings whom Classicism offered for our emulation.

It was a new and more profound view of Greece in which the dark, brooding, subterranean presence of the Titans took their place alongside the higher forms of Olympian clarity and splendor. But it must not be forgotten that at the beginning of the nineteenth century the Historische Schule had established itself, and, supported by documentation, concentrated on political history. Power struggles, major state operations, diplomatic intrigues, and military developments were here the fields of research, against which cultural history had nothing comparable to offer. As a result, cultural history was academically marginalized.

In the nineteenth century, politics was the exclusive object of historical study, attracting teaching posts, professorial chairs, and doctoral students, whereas cultural history, with a few exceptions, remained excluded from universities Burke From here on, even at the beginning of the twentieth century, very little changed and this remains of no little importance for the relationship between politics and culture.

Civilization and Culture Of importance to the relationship between politics and culture and also to the relationship between culture and economics is the debate surrounding the difference between civilization and culture. Kant had already drawn attention to this difference: But we are still a long way from the point where we could consider ourselves morally mature. For while the idea of morality is indeed present in our culture, an application of this idea which only extends to the semblances of morality, as in love of honour and outward propriety, amounts merely to civilisation.

What Kant called social courtesy and decency was for the Sturm und Drang movement the courtly manners and etiquette of rococo society. The French nobility embodied these manners, which in Germany were dismissed as empty, superfluous, and merely superficial or, at the very least, unsatisfactory. They were considered achievements of civilization, perhaps necessary, but certainly not sufficient in themselves.

This final aspect must have played a large part in the choice of the word Kultur as, since Cicero, the word had expressed the ideas of cultivation and further education. The excesses, terror, and relentless bloodshed of the French Revolution taught the Germans how little mere manners and etiquette sufficed.

Only through culture did individuals achieve full humanity. With the rise of nationalism that changed. The civilization-culture opposition transformed itself into the opposition between France or France and Great Britain on one side and Germany on the other.

Friedrich Theodor Vischer — praised the fact that Germany achieved a victory over France in and attributed this to its high-mindedness and spirited activity derived from its connection with Bildung and culture. In , the first year of the First World War, Werner Sombart — played out a similar confrontation in his book Helden und Haendler: Germany was, in political terms, bogged down in feudal relationships until and these continued to exert considerable influence in the following decades. The idea that had been developed much earlier — of political activity and participation as part of culture — was increasingly rejected.

The political dimension, however, was excluded from this engagement. Eine Selbstkritik of already shows the new trend that would become so influential later on right up until the time of the Nazis. Baumgarten wishes to combine culture with the authority and military strength of the state. For him, 8 politics is a matter for civilization, and therefore of concern to the West.

Parliament and public set the agenda there and make decisions; the individual is tangled up not only in social roles and pressures, but also in conflicts and power struggles, which, although external to him or her, cannot be evaded. The addiction to material gain is ubiquitous. To this civilization of the West Thomas Mann opposes the culture of the community, in which role-play and struggle for status are of secondary importance. Here art and the metaphysical laws of the soul reign supreme. The former is connected to the vital forces of life and dominated by creative will.

It leads individuals to the original powers and foundations of their existence. By contrast, Western civilization, especially England and France, has only what Thomas Mann calls literature to call upon, and this is limited to social criticism.

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Incidentally, with this form of literary social criticism Thomas Mann had his own brother, Heinrich Mann, in mind. Civilization, Culture and the City It was Voltaire who first linked the importance and growth of civilization to the establishment and expansion of town and city. It may therefore not come as a surprise that the culture-versus-civilization debate gains significance at a time when Germany experienced extreme urban growth, together with a strong increase in population.

Manfred Vasold has described how until about there was little growth in most German towns, but some doubled their population between and or even, like Berlin, trebled it by Some previously small towns — such as Dortmund, Duisburg, Essen, Remscheid — within a century grew forty times larger. Here one was confronted with its achievements in all arenas, but here also, one could no longer escape from it.

How much of this new civilization was culture and how much was not? One could not resolve this question without taking the city into account, especially the so-called 9 cities of modernism such as Berlin and Vienna. Attitudes toward the city quickly split into three camps. First, there were those who responded to it positively. This group included profiteers, job seekers, entrepreneurs, and artists, writers, and musicians looking for an outlet for their talents.

Among the enthusiasts were people such as Frank Wedekind and Arno Holz, who wanted to benefit from the cultural experience the city had to offer. They sought an enrichment of their artistic sensibility. And finally, there were those who decisively rejected the city, and who, like Friedrich Nietzsche, could manage only an outpouring of contempt and ridicule on the subject. For them, the city was the epitome of alienation and decadence. Urban growth and expansion not only bring the old village extra muros into the city itself, they also change fundamentally the relationship between city and environment as village economy and labor become modernized.

Around the turn of the century there was already a reality of experience that may be interpreted as follows at the end of the twentieth century: The mode of village life, which had been formative for all cultures from the neolithic period until well into the nineteenth century, survives only in imitation form in developed countries. The decline of the peasantry has also revolutionized the traditional relationship between the urban and the rural.

The fast growth of the city and its multicolored and bewildering mixture of civilization and culture, of industry, technology, mass rallies, new art forms, and new means of communication did not allow contemporaries to comprehend their experiences according to the model of past aesthetics and philosophies. This is partly due to the fact that the form of experience changes. In the age of modernism it becomes increasingly difficult to let experience fall into a pattern by repeating it.

Such patterning had been possible for thousands of years with the experience of nature and its seasons through worship, ritual, and the celebration of festivals. Not so in the city, which constantly produces new styles and fashions, alongside new forms of entertainment and leisure. Billboards, newspapers, exhibitions, and tradeshows are characteristic of the ever-changing life in the city. Just as the means of transport are accelerated so too is the flow of new images, forms of music, tastes and smells.

The danger arises that city dwellers are unable to grasp and make their own what they have experienced. Instead they may suffer, in the popular words at the time, nervous stimulation and nervous exhaustion, eventually even nervous breakdown.

At any rate, alienation is the result. Georg Simmel — , philosopher, sociologist, and contemporary commentator on modern life and change, called this the tragedy of modern culture: There is too much that can be culturally experienced, too much of it is inferior and too much is just distracting.

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There is too little time and strength of mind to cope with it. His idea of culture as a means of affecting and profoundly shaping the inner life of the individual is unthinkable without the older concept. The beginning of the century is also the time when a new intellectual sensitivity was awakened and new concepts of culture were being formed, gained from the unsettling, often unnerving, but always stimulating experience of life in the city.

This collection, which appeared in , reveals a sharp mind and a keen observer highly sensitive to city life in all its forms. This link would prove very productive in German cultural criticism, especially in the work of Adorno, but also in the writings of Ernst Bloch; Simmel was in many ways typical of a new intellectual sensitivity to modern culture and its discontents.

A number of writers therefore called upon culture as the one authority that could represent a much needed counterweight and remedy. In fact, compensation theories have a long tradition in German twentieth-century thought and have more than once caused politicians to seek out culture as a means of ensuring stability and cohesion Habermas The situation at the beginning of the twentieth century was of course different from the one at the end.

Instead, these enclaves ensure the cultivation of traditions and the protection of forms of sense-making in both individual and social life. Culture is therefore an epiphenomenon of technological rationalization and modernization and should not be confused with cultural criticism which challenges the hegemonic demands of industrial and capitalist society. Here too culture creates a counterweight or balance, but this time compensation involves the very fabric of society.

It also extends into the domain of human anthropology and includes criticism of modern civilization. But these cultural objects, which could also be described as the result of the process of civilization and modernization, are not in themselves already culture. Culture is the process whereby individuals make the cultural objects their own and grow in perfection. As compensation for individuals who give themselves up to the world of cultural objects comes the opportunity of personal development and growth.

Culture represents both the world of man-made objects, institutions, forms of knowledge, and behavior, and the individual who seeks to appropriate all of these. As a result, culture does not have a political dimension of its own. The political is just one of the many forms that culture can take and is subsumed under the concept of culture.

However, a specific political dimension is also lacking in what Simmel calls the tragedy of modern culture, as mentioned before. Relevant here are overproduction, division of labor, the production of goods creating new needs in the individual, or the creation of cultural objects for their own sake, along with a number of other developments. What was created by the individual for the sake of its development now turns 12 against it and its development.

That is the real tragedy. The critique of political economy is turned into cultural criticism Bollenbeck Alfred Weber comes to the same conclusion as Simmel but from a different perspective. For him too the progress of civilization must be complemented by culture. The rationality and intellectualism which developed in Western civilization are incapable of giving meaning and value to life: Nowhere is that clearer than in the relationship between culture and nature. In Germany, the concept of nature has often been included in the concept of culture.

Kant spoke of a natural plan, to which the development of the human species was subject. For him the development of culture should be inspired by the experience of nature. Genius was a bridge between nature and culture in that it created the latter according to the rules of the former However, this view of nature was abandoned during the course of the nineteenth century.

It resurfaced, albeit in a greatly modified form, in the evolutionary theories of Darwin and Theodor Haeckel. In his Weltgeschichtliche Betrachtungen Burckhardt talks of a break between nature and history. For him, culture is the playing field of hybrids, while nature deals with species. Under the impact of the strongly growing influence of the natural sciences, Wilhelm Dilthey — felt it necessary to clearly differentiate the methodologies of Geisteswissenschaft from natural science Thereby, from the philosophical point of view, the division between nature and culture was cemented in methodology.

Goetheanism continued as a cultural heritage, but in the natural sciences became increasingly marginalized Schad The same is true of the medicine of the Romantic period. It is only in folk medicine, homeopathy, and naturopathy that some vestiges survive see Wiesing , and Harrington The path to fascism was prepared.

Notes 1 For further examples, see Reckwitz See also Liebrucks Here, the influence of Humboldt is very obvious Mann See their contributions in Bovenschen Works Cited Arnason, Johann P. Das langsame Verschwinden der Materie um The Cultural Contradictions of Capitalism. Zivilisationskritik in Deutschland — Glanz und Elend eines Deutungsmusters. Die Listen der Mode.

Brackert, Helmut, and Fritz Wefelmeyer, eds. Zu Begriff und Geschichte der Kultur. Bradbury, Malcolm, and James McFarlane, eds. Pittock and Andrew Wear. The Relevance of the Beautiful and Other Essays. Sylvia Bovenschen, et al. Berlin and New York: Ein Grundmodell praktischer Philosophie. Goethe, Johann Wolfgang von. Critique of the Power of Judgement. Auch eine Philosophie der Geschichte zur Bildung der Menschheit. Cambridge UP, , 41— Yearbook of European Studies, 7, ed.

Joep Leerssen and Menno Spiering. Zu Begriff und Geschichte der Kultur, ed. Helmut Brackert and Fritz Wefelmeyer. Betrachtungen eines Unpolitischen Frankfurter Ausgabe. Politische Reden und Schriften. Foundations of Modern Sociological Theory. The Free Press of Glencoe, , 30— Civil Society, Cultural Power and Threefolding. Die Transformation der Kulturtheorien: Zur Entwicklung eines Theorieprogramms. Tycho de Brahe, , 23— Zur diskursiven Konstitution von Kultur um Zur Neuordnung von Kultur und Geschlecht um , ed.

Ueber das Abenteuer, die Geschlechter und die Krise der Moderne. Ein Lesebuch zur deutschen Geschichte —, ed. Konzeptionen der Medizin in der deutschen Romantik. Die Gartenlaube als Dokument ihrer Zeit. Deutscher Taschenbuch Verlag, , — In fact, to underline the point, Wickert goes on to quote the response attributed to General de Gaulle at the time of the May events when it was suggested to him that Jean-Paul Sartre should be arrested: A closer look at the text, however, raises a number of questions that should not be overlooked. Wickert then, in contrasting the two countries, is picking up on a long tradition.

However, a few lines later, Mann writes: It only needs to be pointed out that two years after these words were spoken forces came to power whose actions can hardly be described by this adjective. At the same time, National Socialist ideology, with its stress on physical strength at the expense of the intellect, does underline the possibility of the kind of dichotomy between intellect and power that Mann is referring to.

On one occasion, he finds himself at the Brandenburg Gate face to face with his ruler, who significantly towers high above him on his horse. His thoughts are expressed in the form of an interior monologue: Die wir im Blut haben, weil wir die Unterwerfung darin haben! As this title implies, Enzensberger is not championing one side, but rather suggesting that the whole conflict is not to be taken particularly seriously. Just as such marital conflicts become part of a routine between two people, who in fact over the years have come to resemble each other more and more, the intellect and power dichotomy may well hide similarities between the two camps.

Both live off the public: The only comfort would then be that, at least in the cases of the Millennium Dome and Expo , many people turned their back on the entertainment on offer.

However, I must first point to certain difficulties. First, we should not assume that the relationship was always marked by the kind of tensions stressed by Mann. Within all the periods under discussion, it would be possible to cite instances where particular writers, artists, and other intellectuals lived in harmony with the political authorities. In turn, Kaiser Wilhelm II took a keen interest in the arts, contributing himself to the building of another national monument in the same monumental style, the Hermannsdenkmal near Detmold, which commemorates the victory of Germanic tribes under Hermann Arminius over the invading Romans.

In a recent publication, Mark Hewitson interestingly challenges the idea that leading German thinkers at the beginning of the twentieth century rejected the political structures of the Empire, suggesting rather that the French republican model no longer held any particular attraction Among the names he mentions are the sociologist Max Weber and the historian Friedrich Meinecke.

Among these were the philosopher Martin Heidegger, who accepted the post of Rector at the University of Freiburg, and the poet Gottfried Benn. The postwar GDR, which prided itself on creating a society where there was no need for conflict between intellect and power, represents a special case that will be considered later. A second problem is that of periodization. It would appear self-evident that this kind of discussion must take as its point of orientation the various political and social systems under which some or all of the German people have lived in the past or so years.

While this will largely be the case, we must remember that cultural and political history do not necessarily run in tandem. Some recent observers have suggested that, for instance, the time between to , which for all Germans encompassed three political systems, not counting the years of occupation, can be viewed as a single period in terms of cultural history, during which intellectual life 1 was marked by a dominance of conservative or traditionalist ideas. Whatever the validity of this theory, it is clear that did not mark a total caesura; previously established writers such as Benn continued to play an important role in postwar cultural life.

At the same time, writers normally associated with the postwar period, such as Alfred Andersch and Wolfgang Koeppen, had been active before and in a number of cases been 2 members of the Reichsschrifttumskammer. References to possible affinities between intellectuals and the Second Empire mentioned in the previous section should not be taken to mean that relations between the two spheres were entirely harmonious. Heinrich Mann, with his satire on the subservient attitudes of the nationalistic bourgeoisie in Der Untertan, was not alone in his criticism.

By contrast, the Austrian Grillparzer, whose fellow countrymen were excluded from the new Reich, commented that Bismarck had destroyed much that was valuable and created only insta3 bility. Even if such a viewpoint might be discounted as coming from someone on the losing side in the hegemonic struggle between Austria and Prussia, there were also critical voices from within the new Germany. Later in the poem he expresses himself very much in the spirit of Heinrich Mann avant la lettre: Although he is generally associated with both German nationalism and the cult of power, he was no friend of the Second Empire.

The position is succinctly summed up by Matthew Jefferies: The Second Empire therefore presents a very mixed picture, which makes it almost impossible to generalize about the relationship at that time between intellect and power. Prior to unification in it was common to compare the Federal Republic with its doomed predecessor, the Weimar Republic. For example, executive power was no longer shared between Chancellor and President, while it became extremely difficult for opportunistic alliances of parliamentary parties to topple the government by means of no-confidence motions and thus create a political vacuum.

When it came to the reasons for the collapse of Weimar, it was commonly claimed that the first attempt to create a democratic republic in Germany had been thwarted by extremists: They, too, it was held, had failed to support the democratic republic and thus contributed to its downfall. As for intellectual life, the democratic Republic was opposed from the outset by rightist nationalists, who either hankered back to the monarchy or sought some other nondemocratic form of government.

Franz Schauwecker, for example, shows a total disdain for the revolutionary masses of the early years of Weimar in the following passage: This quotation shows the actionism of the conservative revolutionaries — one of their leading publications carried the title Die Tat — but leaves open the question of their own beliefs. At the same time, he strove for reconciliation with France, something that was only to be achieved after following the third conflict in less than a century between the two nations.

What is held against many writers and intellectuals, who initially supported Weimar, is that, instead of defending democracy, they succumbed to disillusionment. In this same year of the leftwing writer Kurt Tucholsky expressed his personal disillusionment in the following aphoristic comment: When the Nazis did assume power, one group of intellectual opponents was immediately visible through the fact of emigration. It is well known that major figures such as the Mann brothers and Brecht went into emigration, not least because in many cases the alternative would have been persecution and imprisonment.

How far it is possible to speak of opposition at all in the case of writers associated with the conservative revolution remains a moot point. Right-wing opposition to Nazism, although certainly a fact, was tainted by its continuing failure to endorse democracy. Hence, it is small wonder that one postwar German state, the German Democratic Republic, made great play of having created a society where the old enmities did not exist. The potentially most revealing word in the above quotation is the last one.

Officially, the existence of censorship was denied and some things inevitably slipped through the net; nevertheless the system whereby everything that was printed, down to labels on consumer products, had to be licensed amounted in reality to the same thing. Even if something critical was published, there were other steps that could be taken that functioned as forms of censorship.

These included limiting print runs, prevention of reviews, and the refusal to reprint once a first edition had run out. What was offered writers was a kind of compact, whereby they would be rewarded in terms of status and, in GDR terms, a relatively high standard of living, provided that they conformed. Under these circumstances, it is small wonder that there were many instances of conflict between the realms of intellect and power, too numerous to be detailed here. I will mention only three key events. As stated above, these terms did change; however, periods of relative liberality were followed by clampdowns, as the next two examples show.

The result was a period of greater intellectual freedom, which, however, was brought to an abrupt end in A major victim of the new hard line was the film industry, with several critical films being banned. The expulsion of the songwriter Wolf Biermann in provoked protests from leading writers in the country and led others to take the path of emigration.

In some ways, this could be said to be the most significant example of conflict in that it provoked such widespread disillusionment, as the subsequent wave of emigration showed, that the bulk of writers and intellectuals no longer retained any hope of the GDR becoming the kind of society where they might work together with politicians to achieve socialist ideals. One might even claim that GDR literature, that is to say writing that, however critical, in some way identified with the state, largely came to an end in Indeed, particular opprobrium was heaped in the early s on those writers who had appeared to criticize aspects of the GDR, yet remained loyal to the state and to the ideal of socialism.

As is well known, the main target was Christa Wolf, not least because, as a young woman, she had cooperated with the Stasi for a brief period. Since it is a matter of record that her objections to the events of led to her being removed from her status as candidate for the Central Com- 54 E STUART PARKES mittee of the SED and that she came under prolonged Stasi surveillance, all that needs to be said in this context is that her fate illustrates the existence of the intellect and power dichotomy in the GDR in a particu5 larly virulent form.

The state that proclaimed harmony imprisoned, expelled, and spied on its writers and intellectuals. To their credit, many refused to be cowed and arguably helped to create the conditions for the peaceful revolution of Here, too, the story is of conflict, at least for a time. The first cause of tension between the post west German state and writers and intellectuals was the fact of its existence. The division of Germany, which came about formally through steps undertaken in the western part of the country the currency reform and the creation of the Federal Republic , did not meet with widespread intellectual approval.

The danger of division and later the danger of its persistence exercised many writers from both East and West. Accordingly writers from all zones took part in a congress held in , organized by the Soviet Zone Kulturbund, which expressed its disquiet about already apparent signs of division. For western writers and intellectuals it was not just the fact of the existence of a separate state that caused concern, but also the kind of policies that it pursued. The issue that provoked most anger was undoubtedly rearmament.

This policy was decided on less than ten years after the total defeat of , which seemed to have discredited the military ethos for ever. Ich bin schuld, ich bin schuld, warum habe ich nichts getan. Nevertheless, calls to action like the one from Richter were generally answered more favorably by the s. He ends his essay with the provocative exclamation: Many writers now set about creating such a state through advocating a change of government. Volumes of essays appeared in the first half of the s advocating, not always particularly enthusiastically, a vote for the Social Democratic Party Walser ; Richter , thus provoking the kind of comments from CDU politicians referred to at the beginning of this essay.

The goal of an SPD-led government was not of course achieved until , by which time the Gruppe 47 had ceased to exist and some writers, in the wake of the student movement, appeared to be advocating the abandonment of traditional intellectual pursuits, specifically literature, in favor of revolutionary politics. At this time, Grass expressed, through his metaphor of the snail, 6 his belief in slow, evolutionary progress rather than revolution. In the late s some writers felt challenged by the phenomenon of terrorism and the countermeasures taken by the SPD-led government of Helmut Schmidt, which were widely felt to endanger democratic freedoms.

Once terrorism had died down and the advent to power of Helmut Kohl in did not appear to threaten civil liberties, the previous conflicts between the worlds of intellect and power largely died down. The question that presents itself in this concluding section is whether the conflicts described above represent a noble struggle of positive against evil forces, which is roughly the position of Heinrich Mann, or are merely manifestations of a childish pastime, as suggested by Enzensberger.

The obvious answer is that the issue is to be considered historically. It goes without saying that almost any form of opposition to National Socialism, whether practiced by intellectuals, accountants, or any other group, has to be praised. Something similar might well be said of the GDR, although, measured by the scale of human misery created, it cannot be compared with what preceded it. More problematical is the case of the Federal Republic, the one example of a largely successful democratic state on German soil.

In this case, what has to be considered is almost exclusively criticism from the left. Although the extreme Right did not disappear in , it did not attract the kind of intellectual support it had enjoyed in the Weimar years. Before any specific issues are discussed in detail, it is necessary to return to Enzensberger, who also adopts an historical approach. Now, however, the situation has changed: In other words, there are no longer any forces which seek to guide and control its direction or, as he puts it: Despite the tone, one can take this as an endorsement of the critical role of GDR intellectuals.

This can be illustrated by recent criticisms of the Gruppe 47, the association of writers that undoubtedly became most celebrated for its social and political criticism in the first two postwar decades. How far the metaphor of the slaughterhouse was ever applicable to the Federal Republic is of course very much open to question. How then is one to view the political role of authors associated with the Gruppe 47?

These two views may not be mutually exclusive, but they do underline the difficulty of reaching easy conclusions. However, there were at least two occasions where the Group took part in successful campaigns against potentially undemocratic developments during the Adenauer era. When in the government attempted to introduce a centralized television channel — although responsibility for broadcasting lay with the Federal states — members of the Group joined in the chorus of protest.

Again writers from the Group protested against what appeared to be an unjustifiable attack on press freedom. Even if the authors were acting in their own direct interests in fighting government control over the media, freedom of expression remains an essential part of a democratic society. Finally, it is necessary to consider the postunification position. Accordingly it is not surprising that many writers have turned away from direct involvement in politics. There is in fact a wide consensus that art and politics are no longer closely entwined. In an essay published in about oppositional art, whose conclusions could equally be applied to literature, the political scientist Klaus von Beyme puts forward the following reasons for this development: Given that this state of affairs is a result of the democratic stability of the Federal Republic, it can only be welcomed.

Nevertheless, this does not mean that the worlds of writing and politics remain entirely distinct. Intellectual engagement with political questions is clearly not at an end, but taking new forms and considering other issues. Political institutions or the stances of specific politicians are no longer at the center of attention. Without this development the public sphere in Germany would be much poorer. See, for example, Anz , and Vinke Works Cited Abusch, Alexander. Boa, Elizabeth and Rachel Palfreyman.

Politics and Culture in Modern Germany. Aus dem Tagebuch einer Schnecke.

Die Gruppe 47 als deutsches Problem. Stuart Parkes and John J. National Identity and Political Thought in Germany: Wilhelmine Depictions of the French Third Republic — Kultur und Politik in der DDR — Edition Deutschland Archiv, Schwierigkeiten mit der Wahrheit. Cultural and Intellectual Trends. Scherz und Goverts, Die Schriftsteller und die Weimarer Republik. Richter, Hans Werner, ed. Schwarz, Georg and Carl August Weber, eds. Verlag Willi Weissmann, Politik und Gruppenethos im historischen Zusammenhang. Deutsche Schriftsteller und ihr Staat. Die Alternative oder Brauchen wir eine neue Regierung?

Hoffmann und Campe, The Conservative Revolution in the Weimar Republic.

Comparatively little is known, however, about the efforts of the women to recreate forms of social, political, and cultural organization in captivity as they too found themselves caught up in 3 circumstances beyond their control. It was not the initial intention of the British authorities in to introduce a policy of mass alien internment as they had in , not least because this time around tens of thousands of the German-speaking population in Britain were racial or political refugees.

In fact, only as the military situation deteriorated with the collapse of Denmark, Norway, Holland, Belgium, and France, and the invasion of Britain appeared imminent, was the Home Office pressured into ordering a large-scale internment of aliens in May and June The confusion that permeated the entire British effort to categorize the alien population is illustrated, this early on, by the fact that even the first group of MI5 suspects included possibly as many anti-Nazis and Jews as it did genuine Nazis.

As for the Alien Tribunals, though these were generally well intentioned, there were countless instances of inconsistencies and injustices in the decisions reached, often caused by ignorance or prejudice on the part of the tribunal chairmen. It is probable that Janstein and Nelki both figured on the MI5 Security List as the result of 6 a denunciation from within the exile community and, in any case, both were released from prison within a matter of months, Nelki at the intervention of the British Independent Labour Party or ILP Nevertheless, it was a disturbing experience which Janstein, in particular, chronicles in painstaking detail: On the other hand, both Janstein and Nelki emphasize the support gained from the presence of other women in the same situation a reflection that would later be repeated, many times over, in the accounts of mass alien internment on the Isle of Man.

As late as 17 May, Sir John Anderson, the Home Secretary, had still declared himself reluctant to consider the mass internment of women: If thousands of women, including pregnant women and women with small children, were subjected to the conditions of barrack-room life in some sort of internment camp, there would soon be a public outcry against this treatment of persons of whom the great majority are refugees and most are individually known to British subjects who are con7 vinced of their friendliness.

Thus on 27 May, at 7: The practical problems involved here — in the feeding and sleeping arrangements, for instance — are overwhelming, as is the bureaucracy Thilo encounters, yet she does 12 experience some kindness at the hands of her British captors. Meanwhile the later author and educator Marie Neurath, who had managed to escape — at the eleventh hour — from Holland, her first country of refuge, and was then taken via the Fulham Institute to Holloway, determined to adopt a positive attitude in captivity: Some started Spanish lessons [.

We had to knit stockings for soldiers: Neurath also records some rudimentary attempts at collective cultural activity of the sort that would later flourish on the Isle of Man: Then Rosy Hahn also had her birthday and I made up a little poem. I got some toilet paper and made copies and distributed them, so that we had a small choir. Rosy sang Schubert to us and tears ran down our cheeks.

Rushen Camp, for women internees and their accompanying children under sixteen, was formed from the southern peninsula of the island and bounded by a barbed-wire fence. The women were billeted in the hotels and boarding houses of two small seaside resorts, Port Erin and Port St.

Outside the Door - Da Drau en VOR Der T r (German, Paperback)

Mary, which held around three 13 thousand and one thousand internees respectively. The accommodation ranged from the largest hotel there, the Ballaqueeney, which could take several hundred internees, to boarding houses that took perhaps six. A group of nurses, deaconesses from the German Hospital in London, had been rounded up. There were also the non-Jewish girls from Germany and Austria, some of them with pronounced Nazi sympathies, who had come to Britain as maids during the s. Other women of National Socialist views included the fanatical Wanda Wehr15 han, the wife of the former pastor to the German Embassy.

And there were also groups of internees who can best be described as anomalous: The summer of was favored with exceptionally good weather and the internees were able to benefit from the beaches and the sporting facilities, including swimming pools, tennis courts, and golf links, that Port Erin and Port St. Mary had to offer a fact that gave rise to some 16 hostile comment in the British press and parliament.

Yet despite the undoubtedly pleasant location, the internees experienced numerous problems and difficulties, especially in the early days of the camp. Incidents were reported in which, at least initially, sick and healthy women and even Nazis and Jews were compelled to share a 17 bed. Other causes for complaint included the slowness of the postal service and the general lack of communication with the outside world, difficulties with the Manx householders, inadequate food and medical and dental facilities, problems with the camp organization including a lack of internee involvement , and intimidation of the Jewish majority by the National Socialist minority.

Nevertheless, as well as the house representatives, district representatives and a Camp Leader were elected from among the women internees and met Dame Joanna on a regular basis in order to discuss problems as they arose. Not that the authorities were always receptive to internee concerns: I drew up a long list and took them to the camp authorities. And I was apparently unlucky because the lady to whom I started to read my queries became very irate and banged the table and said: Anna Spiro, in a privately published memoir, reflects on the necessity for such diversions as well as on their inevitable limitations: Most of us realized how important it was to be occupied and to keep ourselves busy.

We therefore did a great deal to organize talks on subjects of general interest, language courses and the like. All that seemed fine and made life tolerable. However things were very different in the evenings when there was plenty of time to think and to consider our position. Here we were a sitting target if ever the Germans were to come. Encouraged by the Religious Society of Friends, who were active in the camp, and then by the Commandant, it proposed the introduction of a mini-economy consisting of an exchange of services between internees to be paid for by a currency of service tokens.

A notice was posted in the camp on 19 September asking for experts in sewing, laundry work, field and garden work, and so on; within the first two weeks, women had come forward. The range of services soon expanded to include such offerings as private tuition and legal advice while, with the increasing sophistication of the scheme, the tokens could be used to purchase food in the canteen or access to communal services to the lending library, for instance, or to camp entertainments.

Ingenious projects that came under the Service Exchange umbrella included the collection of 21 plants, shells, and leftovers from the hotels for the making of chicken feed and the large-scale production of netted shopping bags, some of which were sold to organizations on the mainland Borchard As part of the Service Exchange, women could also be trained in a variety of skills: The Service Exchange Scheme was finally liquidated in November by which time the growing number of releases had made it unviable.

The Communist politician Emmy Koenen recalls how Dame Joanna forbade any women to lecture who were not academically qualified, thereby preventing both Koenen and Anna Hornik from speaking on Germany and Austria respectively, as they had intended Koenen Mary where, as it happened, a larger proportion of the intellectual women were billeted, provided tuition in thirty different subjects over forty classes in total , including Greek, Reading of Shakespeare, German Literature, History of England, Problems of Life, and Mathematical Training, as well as practical skills like shorthand and glove-making.

The equivalent center at Port Erin offered seventeen subjects twenty-seven classes in all that tended to be of a more practical nature spinning, weaving, and three separate dressmaking classes, for example but also included musical appreciation and a small string orchestra. At a third center Dandy Hill , where thirteen subjects twentynine classes altogether were on offer, the list ran: Brigitte Jacobs who had been studying zoology before her internment found the work there a comfort at a time of deep depression. She was put in charge of around six internee women who collected seaweed for 27 the preparation of agar plates for biological research.

Suitably qualified women — this privilege was not extended to the men whose camps were not located sufficiently near the Station — were allowed to carry out research work there and to attend the lectures on scientific subjects given by one of the forty women internees registered at the Station. They were also permitted to study in the Quiet Room and to use the excellent science library. If reading proved a popular diversion, so too, on a more collective basis, did the organization of camp entertainments, namely dramatic and musical performances of all kinds.

Another theatrical production to mark Christmas , clearly a most memorable one since it is recalled in virtually all internee memoirs, was a play, instigated by Minna Specht in a plea for mutual tolerance, that attempted to unite the Jewish and Christian traditions. Mary internees and playing to full houses for an entire week. The journalist Margot Strauss later Pottlitzer , at one point head of the entertainment committee, who had a promising young dancer and some singers at her disposal, managed to put on a Viennese evening. This proved such a success that she ventured to book a hall for a repeat performance, while forgetting to ask Dame Joanna Cruickshank for her consent she was soundly rebuked for this 32 omission.

Indeed, Johanna Metzger later Lichtenstern , a professional singer, remembers being involved in a very rich and varied musical life in Rushen and participating in frequent rehearsals and recitals of all kinds, as her Internment Diary entry for 27 October records: A number of the concerts she gave were directed by Dora Lask better known as Dora Diamant, the friend of Franz Kafka , who, as a 37 trained actress, also contributed recitations.

Benson Harrison, as part of the pastoral care he extended to the internee population. The Golf Links Choir later joined forces with a general camp choir, led by Johanna Metzger, who managed to obtain music from London. At Christmas , as a special concession, Metzger was permitted to take her choir carol singing although, since this involved being out after curfew, a police presence was of course still required ; they ended the evening with a performance for Dame Joanna and were 42 presented with red apples — a rare treat — by way of a reward. Of the Golf Links Choir, happily, a bold pen and ink drawing has survived, cartoon style, depicting Ira Rischowski wielding her baton; at her feet are her knitting needles she was by all accounts a keen knitter , and 43 a folder crammed with lists as befitting a district representative.

Sussmann — was charged with painting the marine animals held in tanks there and how friezes of her paintings were displayed around the entrance 45 hall. Through the Freier Deutscher Kulturbund, in 47 fact, Klopfleisch even managed to exhibit some of her work in Rushen.

In general, those internees who appear to have adjusted most easily to life in internment tended, as already intimated in this essay, to be the political exiles although Klopfleisch herself was a committed Communist Party member. Although not permitted to establish any sort of overt political life in the camp, socialist internees could still offer each other solidarity as Nelki recalls: In keeping with the generally poor relations prevailing between their parties, there was little political contact between the socialist and com50 munist women in internment, however.

In addition, the KPD women circulated political reading matter, some of which Koenen had herself managed to bring into the camp on the strength of a letter 51 from the influential Labour MP Ellen Wilkinson Koenen Again, the Communists were particularly active here. There were, in addition, two kindergartens established in the camp as well as a special class for older children run by a British teacher from Douglas who prepared them for matriculation.

Some of the children in the camp were severely disturbed as a result of their past experiences, others were running wild, and thus there was a great need for structured educational provision. The outlook of the majority of the refugees on the Isle of Man was anti-German. The children often refused to speak German. Most of them wanted an English school, with an English curriculum and English ideals. We tried to give them that. But for those who were willing to play their part in building up a new free Germany, we tried to give the knowledge which will help 58 them in that task.

Dame Joanna Cruickshank was reportedly helpful in the matter of the 59 camp schools and indeed in all issues involving children. When Minna Specht had opened the Port St. It would aim to report on all internment issues as well as on matters of special interest within the camp and would, among other things, also welcome literary contributions and letters to the editor 2. Abgeschieden von dem aktiven Geschehen, sollen wir doch leidenschaftlich an ihm teilnehmen.

Wie wollen nicht mit verbitterten Gesichtern herumlaufen. Jede wird dann den besonderen Platz, an dem sie etwas leisten kann, finden. This second issue failed to appear, however, because of the problems the editors encountered with the opening number, as Strauss recalls: A few of us who had worked on newspapers before got together, got up a very nice paper, what we thought was very nice, and sent it to the commandant for censorship.

And she kept it for so long that by the time she gave her sort of reluctant consent it was too late to publish it because it was out of date. And did you try again? You know, you had to come together during the little free time you had be61 cause you always had to be in at special times and if it took that long. Emmy Koenen reports on a particularly dispiriting attempt to publish yet another camp journal, Der Frauenruf, by herself, a communist, and three other noncommunists two of the latter being professional journalists.

In so doing, they were keen to emulate the example of the male internees as well as to ensure that the women should be better informed. The inappropriateness of such efforts to display evenhandedness towards all internee groups was highlighted in a report compiled by Margery Corbett Ashby after a visit to Rushen in late on behalf of the Friendly Aliens Protection Committee: Well, the way you stay young is to visit our website and click download and save it on your computer, or tablet you mobi formats are also shaped PDF, Kindle, ePub with an interesting structure.

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