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I was one of the youngest. The oldest was around We did not know what to do except shed tears. When the shooting stopped my older brother came round to pick me up.

About two blocks from the Tower a woman ran up to the car begging for help. She was covered with blood. My brother quickly helped her get into the back of the car. When I turned around he told me not to look at her. About a week later when I was back in East Biak I heard my parents tell of fishermen who were pulling up bodies in their nets…. After a month we went back to school. The headmaster forbids us to talk about what happened on that day. Two of our friends had disappeared.

Their names are Johanes Orboy and Hermanus Fakdawer. They were both twelve years at the time. They were my friends but we never knew what happened to them and I did not dare ask. We just had to keep these things inside and leave them there. McWilliams saw the bullet holes, chest high; pock marks over the water tower McWilliams, It is not known how many died that day and in the days that followed.

Some esti- mate over one hundred. Many Biak islanders who witnessed it say in excess of people were killed that day and in the days that followed. No independent investigation has ever taken place. None of the mass graves dotted around Biak have been exhumed so the missing have not been accounted for and the dead have not been given a proper burial.

Like other human rights atrocities such as the bloodletting after the coup, the Indonesian government refuses to even acknowledge what happened. The truth—just like the truth of what happened in so many other places in West Papua, such as Paniai in the mids, the Baliem Valley in , Abepura in , Wamena in and , Waisor in , Enarotali in —has been buried. Much worse—unimaginable horror—was yet to come. Tieneke Rumkabu, who was caught up in the army attack when she took coffee to the protesters under the tower, testified to a quasi-legal citizens tribunal at Sydney University in about how she was imprisoned and tortured by police Biak Tribunal, They threw me onto a truck….

We were tortured with weapons—they make a cut on my hands and burn me with cigarettes. They cut with a sharp bayonet, then they pour acid. When I scream they burn me with cigarettes on both hands…. They brought candles and they burn the candles. They put it inside, into my vagina. I saw one of my friends, Martha, who was also tortured with the candles….

They put a bayonet in her neck and then in the vagina and also cut off her breasts and beheaded her…. They also hit another woman with a bayonet and then cut off the neck and also the breasts of the woman. Eight women were killed and they let four of us stay alive…. I hide in the forest, the jungle, for two months. When Tineke Rumkabu came out of the jungle she was arrested again and thrown in jail. The massacre may have occurred many years ago but the sur- vivors are still being harassed.

When I travelled to Biak in January I met with some of the survivors of that massacre. They had formed a support group, United for Truth Bersatu untuk Kebenaran , and had begun advocating not just for themselves but for survivors of other human rights violations in West Papua as well. We had just fifteen minutes together before immigration and police intelligence raided the meeting. They did not want us to talk to the survivors. We know this from the pictures Dr Eben Kirksey, a US anthropologist, took from his hotel window at the time. Many of those still alive were then killed.

The bodies were mutilated then thrown overboard. In the days following July 6, corpses and many body parts washed up on the beaches of Biak. Irene Dimara, now a refugee living in Cairns, Australia, told me a fisherman found her brother, Dance Korwa: Instead they claimed that the corpses were from the 17 July tsunami, the epicentre of which was off Aitape on the north coast of Papua New Guinea, more than kilometres from Biak.

However, the bodies that washed ashore did not wash up elsewhere in West Papua. One wit- ness described a cadaver clothed in a Golkar shirt an Indonesian political party. Many questions remain unanswered about it. Human Rights Watch also sent an undercover reporter but still there are substantial gaps. Further evidence, compiled during The Biak Massacre Citizens Tribunal that took place in Sydney fifteen years after the massacre, includes testimony from survivors, witnesses, journalists and investigators.

It is the Biak Massacre, its horror, the colluding silence in the domestic and international press; the complicity of Western powers who continue to train and arm the Indonesian military and police; the opportunistic avarice of the foreign corporations who exploit Papuan resources, giving nothing but crumbs in return; and the determination of Papuans to resist the occupation that sharpens Papuan resistance.

Papuan Spring The fact that the post-Suharto state responded so decisively with the Biak Mas- sacre was a rude awakening to those moderate West Papuan leaders who hoped that human rights violations and repression in West Papua would end with the demise of Suharto and his New Order. After a series of discussions with high-ranking Indonesian politicians and bureaucrats, known as the Jakarta Informal Meetings, a team of people called Team were invited to Jakarta for a special meeting with the then Indonesian President B J Habibie in February The purpose of the meeting was to discuss West Papuan grievances and a process of resolution.

Prior to the meeting with Habibie, the West Papuan activists decided to limit discussion to problems related to development. When Team met with Habibie, a number of West Papuans launched into an impassioned plea for independence. Stunned and clearly misinformed about the depth and extent of discontent in West Papua, Habibie put aside his prepared response and in an emotional appeal urged the West Papuan delegation to reconsider their desire to separate from Indonesia. After returning from the meeting with Habibie a number of prominent West Papuan political leaders immediately began preparations for a national consultation called Musyuwarah Besar, often shortened to Mubes, on the causes of conflict in West Papua and strategies to achieve merdeka freedom and in- dependence.

Mubes, which was held in February , attracted thousands of West Papuans from all around the country. It was a bold act of political defiance. The long-banned Morning Star flag flew free and the desire for independence was expressed openly. Delegates held elections to form the PDP, the Presidium Dewan Papua or Papuan Presidium Council, a kind of parallel government made up of a member executive the Presidium and a member panel of local representatives from every region of West Papua the Council.

The PDP then agreed to hold a congress six months later—the Second Papuan Congress, tak- ing its name from the national congress that formed the West New Guinea Raad, the parliament established by the Dutch. Outside the meeting tens of thousands of West Papuans who could not fit into the overflowing auditorium danced and held vigil, applying moral pressure on even the most moderate West Papuan leader to support independence.

Based on photographs from the time and interviews with participants and witnesses, including the handful of foreigners, I estimate around 50, West Papuans were in attendance. They rejected both the New York Agreement and the sham UN-sponsored Act of Free Choice and declared that West Papua was already independent and was currently be- ing illegally occupied by the Indonesian state. The transfer is deemed illegal as we, the very people directly affected by the decision, have never been consulted nor given any opportunity to have any say what- soever through our national legislature, The Papuan National Council, the mandated body in existence at the time that should have ultimately been responsible for determining the political destiny of the Papuan people.

Unfortunately for the PDP, the space for dialogue with Jakarta had clearly closed after the meeting with Habibie. There was no longer a credi- ble nonviolent movement in West Papua that could compel Jakarta to sit at the table. The chance of dialogue with Jakarta, when the opening bid was independence, was clearly non-existent.

The letter outlined a carrot-and-stick approach that included decapitating the West Papuan leader- ship, military operations to eradicate separatism, establishing pro-Indonesian militias, and improving social welfare. However, its promise has not been realised. Despite a substantial redirection of revenue from mining, oil and gas, proceeds that formerly went to Jakarta and are now returned back to the provincial government in West Papua, health and income levels have actually deteriorated under Special Autonomy.

As the pro-democracy activists in other parts of Indone- sia worked to institutionalise the reform agenda, in West Papua human rights violations, including torture, increased Hernawan Efforts to keep the Morning Star flag flying in Wamena were brutally repressed in October The military also renewed military operations, particularly in the Highland areas. One such operation in left over internally displaced people barely eking out an existence in the mountains and jungles and hundreds of homes, schools, churches, and health clinics burned to the ground Wing and King, Another military operation in December resulted in similar numbers of internally displaced people being too scared to return to their homes.

In addition, a network of militias was established. By , reports started cir- culating that Laskar Jihad, a Muslim militia group, had established itself in West Papua and begun a programme of training and recruitment. In Timika, Eurico Gutteres—the notorious East Timorese militia leader out on bail for his part in the post-referendum violence that was organised and perpetrated by the TNI and their militia proxies in East Timor—formed the Red and White Defenders Front. It was clear that by the brief Papuan Spring that burst into flower so dramatically in had come to an end. The movement for dialogue and Papua as a land of peace Despite localised movement successes, including two dramatic strikes at the giant US-Anglo Freeport gold and copper mine and the important learning about organisation and resistance that came with them, the larger picture re- mained grim.

The Indonesian military was quickly reasserting its control over the territory. In this context the idea of Papua as a Land of Peace with its goal of peaceful dialogue began to take shape. The Papua Land of Peace campaign creat- ed a dilemma for the military. Would the military speak out against the campaign and risk signalling their resistance to peace in Papua as well as alienating one of the most respected constituencies in Papuan society, religious leaders; or would they support the concept of Papua being a Land of Peace and thereby undermine their ability to ferment militia activities? Although TNI military commanders in Papua emphasised that there was no need for the campaign because there was al- ready peace in Papua, the campaign most likely played an important role in con- straining more covert militia operations.

By mid to late , reports of militia activity virtually ceased and by late Laskar Jihad was officially disbanded.

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While rumours of other Muslim and nationalist militias continued, their activities were low level, confined to training and meetings, and never reached the peak of the early s. On the side of the pro-independence movement there were changes as well. Papuan guerrillas stood down and for several years publicly committed to giving space for peaceful dialogue to work. However, the opportunity for peace talks was squandered. Papuan activists across the political spectrum from religious to resistance leaders still talked about the desire for political dialogue with Jakarta.

But they were no longer talking about Papua as a Land of Peace. Non-cooperation spreads to state institutions Special Autonomy was also losing the little lustre it had. The international community was a key focus. Mass demonstrations against Special Autonomy resumed again in That time expired with no indication from the DPRP that they would even publicly discuss the issue. Accounts of exact numbers vary. The International Crisis Group and police reported to demonstrators but several photos and eyewitness accounts obtained by me indicate that the number was in excess of 10,, and possibly as high as 25, Mass based organisations like DAP, the West Papua National Committee and the West Papua National Authority helped mobilise their members and reported to West Papua Media, an external based independent media outlet, in real time to coordinate international media.

When members of the DPRP failed to receive them—the Speaker of the House, John Ibo, was away in Jakarta— demonstrators decided to occupy the parlia- ment overnight. Simultaneous demonstrations were organised in Timika, Manok- wari, Merauke and Wamena. By 5pm on Friday July 9, nearly 36 hours after the Papuans occupied parliament, police were getting ready to forcibly remove the demonstrators.

The decision by protesters to peacefully disperse was made a few hours later. When it was given, everybody—a few thousand people representing a range of different groups and with different ethnic affiliations—all left the parliament grounds. This nonviolent discipline in itself was remarkable. Contrast this to when protesters threw stones in , ultimately killing five members of the Indonesian security apparatus. Back then the police reacted with deadly violence. As a result of the killing of the Indonesian officers, any moral high ground the protesters might have had evaporated.

This time—in July —there was a clear organising structure and discipline was maintained, which kept the em- phasis on the message, the failure of Otsus, rather than on protester behaviour. And although the action was high risk, no one was killed. The protesters did not succeed in achieving their most immediate objective— a special session of parliament to debate the failure of Otsus—but they did learn a lot about organising and the power of unity. Nor did it precipitate discussion about Special Autonomy.

The response from the security forces was swift and brutal. About an hour after the congress concluded, the Indonesian security forces opened fire. Three Papuans were shot dead. Two were fatally stabbed. Three hundred people were arrested and beaten. Six of the leaders were jailed, charged with treason. The police—who shot, stabbed, beat and tortured people—received warning letters. The killing of protesters at the congress—relayed by mobile phone, Face- book, YouTube and mailing lists—outraged Papuans and their supporters outside the country.

The arrest, beating and killing of protesters even divided political elites inside Indonesia. It attracted more third-party support for the West Papuan cause and revealed the extent to which the Indonesian state would go to deny Papuan aspirations for freedom. In July , when the Indonesian military opened fire on activists under the water tower in Biak, it took weeks and months for the news to get out. Even now we still do not have a comprehensive forensic account of what happened. By October the news was instantaneous, even though no international journalists were present.

I do not think I will ever for- get the frightened voices of Papuan friends who called me from the grounds of the Catholic Seminary where the Third Congress was held. In the background I could hear the sound of gunshots. By social media was influencing the opinion of heads of state. I think as a country the time has come for us to speak about the oppres- sion of our people. We have a moral obligation to speak for those who are not allowed to talk. We must be the eyes for those who are blindfolded.

Again, Papua New Guinea, as a regional leader, must lead these discussions with our friends in a mature and engaging manner. This can take months for many journal- ists and often ends in rejection. Papuan police also announced that foreign journalists would still be required to report to them and that their activities would be monitored. As long as the Indonesian government values propaganda over a free press, the battle for open access to West Papua will be ongoing. The Surat Jalan system, the architecture through which the police and intelligence services try to moni- tor foreign visitors, remains in place.

Besides, social media is making it impossible to enforce. The challenge for the movement is to use citizen media activism more effectively, to extensively cover the geo- graphic expanse of Papua, to record and disseminate accurate data, and to upskill the movement more systematically, in order to promote and direct moral outrage. Resurgence of the diplomatic struggle On the diplomatic level Papuans also continue to organise employing both hu- man rights mechanisms through the UN Human Rights Council and political mechanisms through international forums.

There is also ongoing exploration of the possibilities of legal challenges to Indonesian sovereignty. In addition, Pap- uan churches are renewing their links with the Pacific Conference of Churches. The ULMWP also or- ganised their own press secretary, the eminently capable Joey Tau, who helped place separate stories in the Solomon Star and the Island Sun plus addition- al stories in other media outlets across the Pacific.

In private and public, MSG leaders were clear: Conclusion Since , nonviolent means for addressing Papuan grievances and pursuing Papuan aspirations have been used more regularly and more extensively than violence or conventional political activity. In July Papuans kept the flag flying, hoping it would herald independence.

Local media were too scared to report the story and foreign media were completely unaware it was happening. Seventeen years later, in , the movement has matured into a co-ordinated international force, committed to a strategy of nonviolent resistance and diplo- macy with citizen media at its heart. The struggle has gone from international obscurity to an important agenda item at sub-regional and regional forums. Although at the time of writing, the formation of the ULMWP is still recent, it remains, in my view, the most significant event in the history of Papuan resistance. Eschewing brittle hierarchical forms of organisation, the ULMWP has established a decentralised network structure with visible leadership based out- side the country and a hidden collective leadership structure inside the country.

As a result of this visible unity and coordination provided by the five-member executive, the ULMWP is attracting broad-based support from allies across the Pacific. Interview with the author, July 5. ABC News, retrieved from www. Graves without names; names without graves. Human Rights Watch Indonesia human rights and pro-independence actions in Irian Jaya. Seakan kitorang setengah binatang: Rasialisme Indonesia di Tanah Papua, Jayapuira: Freedom in entangled worlds: West Papua and the architecture of global power.

Merdeka and the Morning Star: Civil resistance in West Papua. University of Queensland Press. Waging Nonviolence Retrieved from http: Recalling the massacre in Biak. Church team to investigate Biak killings. Genocide in West Papua? The role of the Indonesian state apparatus and a current needs assessment of the Papuan people.

He is the author of Merdeka and the Morning Star: This article is an edited extract by the author. Distant, disconnected and in danger Are educators doing enough to prepare students for frontline freelance risks? Using Bourdieuan considerations, this article concentrates on the young, mostly freelance, journalists who have absorbed Western news values—including the myth of the heroic war reporter and truth-seeker—and suggests greater understanding of the cultural and politi- cal nuances of countries from which they intend to report.

Using journalism as a methodology, this article looks at several cases in which reporters have found themselves in difficulties, and suggests that educators consider sharing three lessons: Risk-assessment skills include stressing the need for sufficient pre-deployment training in first aid, personal safety, security and other protocols and, most importantly, managing exposure to traumatic situations. We are the front lines. For the past few years, as this author has opened her Facebook news feed, Instagram or Twitter apps, she has had a mounting fear that a former student—encouraged to freelance because of the changing models of journal- ism—would appear one day in an orange jumpsuit, or worse.

It used to be enough for some journalism programmes to prepare students to not lose their minds Barnes, to the trauma of reporting. Now we are worried about them losing their lives. As Fairfax photographer Kate Geraghty recalls, how people react to armed conflict is not something that is generally taught: It becomes even more important to have Australian reporters on the ground if there are Australian forces involved in the conflict—which, in the last decade or so, has been the case in every US-led misadventure. The Guardian newspaper noted in November that in the previous 10 months at least 17 Iraqi journalists had been executed by Islamic State IS Henley, Many others were kidnapped, their fate un- known.

An investigation of teamwork in international television newsgathering. This article uses all of these techniques. Freelancers pay the ultimate price There has been growing disquiet about inexperienced freelance reporters and photojournalists turning up with a determination to work in trouble-spots, including war zones. Even before the latest round of high-profile journalist deaths, new minimum standards for journalists working in conflict zones were suggested Farrell, , p.

When imprisoned in Egypt, Australian journalist Peter Greste—who had been on assignment for Al Jazeera English when he was arrested—raised the issue of freelance work when honouring colleagues Foley and Sotloff, who were both killed by IS in Syria. From prison, Greste wrote: War zones are increasingly dangerous places for journalists of any age. British researcher Cristina Archetti found that 40 years ago the average age of a correspondent was 41 and 85 percent were men Archetti, , p. In the Great War of , two journalists died. In World War II, a total of 69 died. In the Korean War, 17 died.

In the invasion of Iraq, 16 Western journalists died in the first two weeks, and, ultimately, more than journalists were killed in that conflict Feinstein, In Syria, 94 journalists have been killed since the beginning of the latest conflict Committee to Protect Journalists, They are not recruits, in the true sense of the word: Few have the endorsement of established media outlets. Even fewer have been sent to the region with budgets, backing, or even basic training. Colvin was targeted by the Syrian army in the city of Homs in , dying along with experienced French photographer Remi Ochlik Borri, Their deaths sparked a with- drawal of most Western media staff, but not all freelance reporters: A lightly resourced, laughably paid, almost wholly uninsured cadre of freelancers, often armed with little more than a notebook and a mobile phone, infiltrated Syria anyway.

A few were crazy narcissists or war-zone tourists, but most were serious reporters. Four-fifths of all journalists working in Syria, according to one estimate, are freelance and answering to no one but themselves. Associated Press executive editor Kathleen Carroll puts it in simple terms: Their work in dangerous places has helped cover and uncover atrocities, spurred governments into action, and given answers to citizens. It has long been seen as difficult work, as veteran Australian reporter Philip Wil- liams wrote after meeting the families from the crash of MH17 in the Ukraine: It was simply horrific and the act of bearing witness was distressing … I could give them something they craved—information and a sense of that sad place.

I had forgotten the importance of bearing witness. As we left, there were tears and hugs. The world was reminded again, after 11 Septem- ber , about the dangers of journalism when American Daniel Pearl was murdered, prompting the United States to enact the Daniel Pearl Freedom of the Press Act Journalists have become the target Journalists are no longer considered observers of the story. In some cases, they have become the story.

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The change was first noted after the Bosnian war di Giovanni, , but really came into focus after 11 September , according to Canadian psychiatry professor Anthony Feinstein: It took the kidnapping of the Wall Street Journal reporter Daniel Pearl and his subsequent beheading to put journalists on notice that they, too, were now firmly in the cross-hairs of insurgents, militants, terrorists, thugs, call them what you will according to your level of political sensitivity.

Feinstein, While in jail in Egypt, Greste noted that recent conflicts in the Middle East— particularly those since the Arab Spring—have put journalists squarely in the sights of combatants in a way he had not seen before: If you want to get to some of these stories, then you have to take the risks that are being faced by the people living through these things. Sometimes that means risking torture, risking kidnapping, risking death.

Western journalists who seek out jihadists are courting death. Fourteen years ago, while I was staying at the Taliban madrasa, its administrators were launching a web site. I remem- ber being amused by this. There is no need for a middleman now. Journalists have been replaced by YouTube and Twitter. And when there is no need for us, we become targets. As former ABC foreign correspondent Sally Sara wrote of her own experience of post- traumatic stress disorder: One of the big misconceptions is that PTSD is all about the blood and bullets and the bombs and the fear.

Mental health experts use a term called moral injury. That means that what you saw was not just physically confronting, but it was wrong, morally wrong. How many courses actually prepare students to take care of them- selves physically? Do educators give them the skills to make a proper risk as- sessment? Do they make sure they understand the differing rules of engage- ment from place to place? News organisations, including the Australian Broadcasting Corporation, use hostile environments training organisation such as Dynamiq or the AKE Group, but these are rarely accessible to, or affordable by, young freelance jour- nalists.

Sometimes this goes beyond encouragement to do dangerous stories, as Italian journalist Francesca Io explained: Editors back in Italy only ask us for the blood, the bang-bang. I write about the Islamists and their network of social services, the roots of their power—a piece that is definitely more complex to build than a frontline piece. I strive to explain, not just to move, to touch, and I am answered with: Six thousand words and nobody died? But it does not matter how many times you tell a young journalist that you cannot file if you are dead, there will always be other players urging them on: Editors, in turn, were aiming, perhaps not quite consciously, to satisfy audience desires both for information and for schadenfreude.

You are paid the same: Even in places like Syria, where prices triple because of rampant speculation. So you end up maximizing, rather than minimizing, the risks.

You find yourself alone in the unknown. They know, too, that if you happen to be seriously wounded, there is a temptation to hope not to survive, because you cannot afford to be wounded. But they buy your article anyway, even if they would never buy the Nike soccer ball handmade by a Pakistani child. The call was ignored, and the journalists killed. It is footage played to students in their broadcast journalism classes, and this author always asks: As the Balibo Five families know, this is not necessarily the case. There still has been no one held to account for those deaths and the Australian Federal Police investigation of the matter was aban- doned in MEAA, The difference between the Balibo Five and many young journalists who head out to gather global news today is that most of the Balibo Five were employees.

To some extent, they also had others—albeit in another country—looking over their shoulders and trying to keep them safe. However, freelance journalists, particularly young ones without an extensive network of contacts, are unlikely to have a foreign editor yelling at them to get themselves out of there, now. With the courage and idealism of youth, instead they book a flight to somewhere dan- gerous, take out their iPhones, and start filing for anyone who will pay Hyland, It proves an addictive adrenaline rush. Educators need to make sure students are prepared physically as well as mentally.

For that, students can get training from the International Federation of Journalists or tap into the online safety resources of the Committee to Protect Journalists and the International News Safety Initiative. There are no guarantees, though, as a convoy of journalists discovered in the Philippines in Hodal, Even though they were traveling in a large group, it did not stop 32 jour- nalists from being executed in a pre-meditated political massacre Pollard, Educators also need to warn female journalists that they face added danger when travelling and reporting in some countries.

The International News Safety Institute is among those bodies that have created a special safety advisory for female journalists International News Safety Institute, Figures on sexual violence against women in Egypt, for example, are particularly frightening. On 25 January, at least 25 women were sexually assaulted and in some cases raped with sharp objects by mobs of men. Embed yourself Educators could encourage students to consider embedding themselves with a defence force or perhaps even a non-government organisation NGO.

Acknowledging, of course, that being embedded will impact on their percep- tion of the stories they produce. I am a prisoner. That I cannot deny.

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Burchett and The Age photographer Hugh Bull were the first journalists to enter Hiroshima after the atomic bomb was dropped. Burchett later attracted controversy for reporting behind enemy lines during the Korean and Vietnam Wars. Robie had been editor of the Melbourne Sunday Observer whose chief correspondent was Burchett and which hired an aircraft in to fly him back to Australia from Noumea to regain his Australian passport. The reality in Syria in was also difficult, as Borri noted: We are squeezed between a regime that grants you a visa only if you are against the rebels, and rebels who, if you are with them, allow you to see only what they want you to see.

The truth is, we are failure. Borri Lesson one—know your employer The changing media landscape has made a huge difference to the employment prospects of young journalists Rottwilm, Not only is there a greater demand for instantaneous news, there are also fewer newspapers, fewer foreign bureaux and greater editorial control. There is also a greater reliance on syndi- cated news and work from freelance journalists. Even the Australian Broadcast- ing Corporation, once considered a leading example for international reporting, has had to cut its number of overseas offices and staff Meade, a.

Those who are employed by large media outlets such as the Australian Broadcasting Corporation or Fairfax will find that the duty of care extended to employees will keep them a little safer—news managers are unlikely to approve seriously dangerous work and, if they believe their staff are in danger, they will recall them. The former editor-in-chief of The Age, Andrew Holden, was quoted, saying: There is a growing appreciation of the dangers faced by freelance journalists among the major news outlets.

But news outlets are not all equally supportive of freelance personnel. While few major news outlets are prepared to let staff members work inside dangerous countries, some are prepared to commission freelance journalists to do the work, even though it is inherently dangerous.

Of 72 journalists killed in Syria since the outbreak of the latest conflict in Committee to Protect Journalists, , 27 were freelance reporters and photographers, but only three were employed by news organisations based outside the Middle East. In a report for the Samir Kassir Foundation, security risk analyst and freelance journalist Shane Farrell reported a massive increase in the number of freelance journalists killed since the Committee to Protect Journalists began collecting data in It is important to note that journalists killed in Syria had also undergone other abuses.

Not all organisations are refusing to accept freelance work from Syria. What motivated them to join ISIS? What are they hoping to achieve? What is their background? Both video and print submissions will be accepted. Newsmodo, The UK-based Rory Peck Trust—which was set up to honour the freelance cameraman killed in Russia in —urges freelance journalists to attend a five-day hostile environment course, and to learn not to accept assignments without checking where they stand with those commissioning their work. Would I be covered by insurance?

Do you have a communications plan? Will you help organise my travel, fixers, drivers, etc.? Lesson two — learn the local code understand difference Journalists from advanced liberal democracies such as Australia are enculturat- ed to believe everyone everywhere should expect to enjoy the same foundations of individual liberty that Australians have: This article argues that it is important that journalists working outside their own lands acknowledge, before they start work, that they will hold normative Western journalistic views.

According to Schultz , culturally specific journalistic habitus: But the game can be played from different positions, and different dispositions point to different forms of mastering the game. Veteran Australian current affairs journalist and foreign corre- spondent Peter Lloyd articulated this deep-held belief: The common denominator is a weak media sector.

All of us keep the bastards honest, and beware the politician. Every one of them benefits when we lose a second on air, or a soldier in the trench. As Chulov noted of his experience in Libya: Greste addressed this issue in a speech, saying Western ideals of neutral and independent reporting were gone: Baker The Triggering Town: Hofstadter The Pragmatic Programmer: Sapolsky The First Three Minutes: Tufte Don't Make Me Think: Norman The Third Chimpanzee: Probing the Mysteries of the Human Mind by V.

Ramachandran The Discoverers by Daniel J. Boorstin Death by Black Hole: Prothero Endless Forms Most Beautiful: Carroll The Meaning of Everything: The Way Things Are: Drucker The Beak of the Finch: Martin Near to the Wild Heart: Feynman Helix Books by Richard P. Feynman The Extended Phenotype: A Guide for the Perplexed by Dr. Sayers The Unfolding of Language: A Novel by Carlos Fuentes Peopleware: Schwartz MD Five Plays: Feynman Democracy Despite Itself: Ramachandran Jason and the Golden Fleece: Gombrich The Strangest Man: In Search of Lost Time, Vol.

Dennett Dealers of Lightning: Masterworks by Larry Niven Hopscotch: Ratey The Guns of August: Filling in the Blanks by Luke Wroblewski Spillover: From Effectiveness to Greatness by Stephen R. Covey Tender Is the Night by F. Patel The Variety of Life: Paradise Penguin Classics v. The Oxford Shakespeare by William Shakespeare show all Home Groups Talk Zeitgeist. The 12 Days of LT scavenger hunt is going on. Can you solve the clues?

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