Die Geistlichenkritik in Reinhart Fuchs (German Edition)

The Shifts in our Conceptions of Time

Behind recent stress on this feature lie feminist dissatisfaction with a paternal image of God and the assumption that seeing Christ in feminine terms must have appealed to women and been developed by or for them. These works are by men, all of them Cistercian monks of the twelfth century, apart from the Benedictine Anselm of Canterbury, from whom the Cistercians may have derived the idea. Thirdly, a mother feeds her child with the milk of her body, as Christ feeds the believer with his body and blood in the eucharist.

From the second half of the eleventh century, but increasingly throughout the following centuries there dates an upsurge of interest in Mary that has too readily been related to what has been seen as a reverence for women in secular love poetry. It may well be that Mary can be put forward as a model for female behaviour. This is because of the asymmetry between Eve and Mary, for whereas all women are daughters of Eve and take after her in nature, Mary is unique and without parallel amongst women.

He concludes by stating that for Mary alone any eulogy falls short which exceeds the merits of all ladies As an example I take Hildegard von Bingen, for whom a parallel with Mary could be drawn in the claim that in both women God formed his 37 39 40 43 Kesting, Maria-Frouwe, pp. Feminisation in the twelfth century 39 word in order to convey it to mankind Christ as Logos, or word, in the incarnation and the words passed to Hildegard by divine inspiration. The image of Hildegard giving birth to the word of God can be taken a stage further in the mystical concept of the individual soul giving birth spiritually to God.

That Mary conceived both physically and spiritually is said at 82, 3—7. See Thali, Beten, p. This is taken further in what follows, for Christ says that just as he has fed Friedrich with the eucharist , so must Friedrich give Christ his breast and feed him spiritually. Eckhart, Die deutschen Werke I , 10f. Feminisation in the twelfth century 41 most important part of the audience he addressed as preacher.

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Seuse and Francis do not draw back from feminising themselves. Its importance for us is that it grants a special place to women. Hildegard von Bingen states this expressly: To stress the physical nature of women now brought them closer 52 54 55 56 57 Seuse, Exemplar 23, 21 and 24, 3f.

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See also Bynum, Fast, p. Hildegard, Liber divinorum operum, p. The second strand draws on physiological theory deriving from antiquity, according to which the father provided the spirit or form of the foetus, while the woman was associated with the unformed physical material. These theories all associate woman with the body of Christ. Watson, Exemplaria 8 , 6f. It was applied to martyrs, saints and abbesses, but was used to praise outstanding laywomen. Examples already mentioned, such as Friedrich Sunder at Engelthal or Francis of Assisi, can be supplemented by others.

Schnell, ZfdPh , 17f. We start our discussion of feminisation in literature with a temporary jump in time and space from our present concern to two romances from the Ricardian literature of England in the second half of the fourteenth century. Instead it is merely reported to us concisely by the narrator, saying that his deeds were such that it was a marvel to think of them I f. Trojanischer Krieg —65; Reuvekamp-Felber, Volkssprache, pp. Above all, as a result of our not witnessing him in battle, the impression he conveys is of extreme passivity. See Windeatt, Chaucer, p.

So described by Putter, Gawain, p. Neither clerics nor women bear arms, so that both have an interest in taming or domesticating the warrior by teaching him self-restraint and a re-direction of his violence. On the brink of that century Eadmer complains that all the young men at court have their hair long in the manner of young women and walk with a mincing gait.

Radulfus, Historiae III 9, 40 p. William of Malmesbury, Historiae, PL , f. John of Salisbury, Policraticus V 10 p. Feminisation in the twelfth century 49 The examples so far considered come from clerics writing in Latin, but court authors using the vernacular a little later also voice similar criticism of what they regard as womanish ways in men.

In fact, this Hun takes part as a lover , 3: The deserters are explicitly called dandies , In the version of Herbort refers to Paris expressly as beautiful BMZ II 2, He is also courteous and proud, a good conversationalist, full of pleasantries, gallant with the ladies, but he is not to be praised when it comes to bearing arms — Accordingly she recommends him to remember his manly disposition and abandon womanish ways Feminisation in the twelfth century 51 one simple observation on the negative cases so far discussed.

In the eyes of these critics such features were negative, as we have seen, but their objections testify a widespread fashion which must have been regarded positively, worthy of cultivating by those who followed it. Putter sums up these two sides of the debate: The task on which Karnahkarnanz is engaged, the rescue of an abducted woman, is meant equally positively.

It need not surprise us that Wolfram should often say of his women characters that they are beautiful e. He may not describe their beauty in detail Jeschute is an exception for which there is a special explanation , but at least he refers to the fact of their beauty. Examples of masculine beauty are Gahmuret especially his splendid appearance on riding into Kanvoleis and Vergulaht so strikingly beautiful that he could possibly be taken for Parzival , but they also include male members of the Grail community.

I follow here the wording of Edwards, Wolfram, p. This inclusion of a quality becoming a knight occurs elsewhere. These prophecies are borne out in the narrative action. Feminisation in the twelfth century 55 himself on arrival at court , 21—8 , for the removal of rust reveals his beauty. Later on, Sigune is able to recognise Parzival by his beauty despite the rust from his helmet , Elsewhere, the same two aspects can be conjoined without recourse to the knightly attribute of a helmet.

Beauty and manliness in the person of Parzival form no contradiction in the eyes of the queen of Janfuse , 9: Once more, the conventionally feminine attribute kiusche, when applied to men, can likewise be seen as reconcilable with the manly qualities of daring and bravery. It is above all in the person of Parzival that this reconciliation is incorporated: Like Chaucer, Wolfram depicts a feminised hero whose manly qualities remain unimpaired. So far from losing them, they are enriched by the addition of a wider range of attributes.

The debate over whether arms or culture make the man can also take personal shape in medieval literature. On tactical grounds he recommends a retreat because conditions are not favourable — For this he is immediately taken to task by his elder brother Alius, accusing him of cowardice and attributing this not to his womanish, but to his clerical ways — Feminisation in the twelfth century 57 other occasions —6, —3. By acting in accordance with this insight and throwing his cloak over the drops of blood in the snow, thus jerking Parzival out of his reverie, Gawan is more actively in control of a peaceful solution than in the French romance, where the drops of blood simply melt in the sunlight , 26— Veldeke, Eneasroman —9, — For example, he rejects for himself the role of Wolfhart , 22 , a counsellor whose advice and thirst for combat had catastrophic results in the Nibelungenlied, but on the other hand he is prepared to act as did Rumolt, whose advice would have proved its value, if only it had been followed , 26—8.

For others it amounted to an enrichment of traditional warrior virtues by the addition of qualities such as courtesy, breeding and sensitivity, in short the view that the knight was also to act as a courtier. The contrast between these attitudes is particularly marked from the rise of courtliness in the twelfth century, in society as well as literature.

We may now understand that these authors, in presenting such an idea, were best advised to proceed indirectly and by implication, for to have done otherwise could have accentuated the opposition which their views already faced. In her discussion of Chaucer, Mann pays particular attention to what the author presents as the womanly ethos of pity, applied to Troilus, for example, so as to make of him a feminised hero, as can also be said of some male characters in earlier romances. Nibelungenlied , ; Draesner, Wege, pp.

It obviously cannot be used literally of women readers, but only in the applied sense of addressing their concerns or interests, so that what is feminised in their case is the literature composed with them in mind and with the intention of appealing to them. See Mann, Apologies, p. Marriage was a way of life theoretically for laypeople alone, so that in the following chapters we shall be concerned with literature in the vernacular in the form of the romance intended for the laity. Before this, however, we must recall that love and marriage were also a concern of the Church, either devotionally love between man and God or regarding the institution of marriage, where throughout the twelfth century the Church sought to impose its views on laypeople.

But this observation loses none of its validity if, like Brooke, we turn it round, for if we never read the theologians or the canonists we would not be fully able to understand the imaginative literature of their 63 64 Women and Marriage in German Medieval Romance day. With this Introduction to Part II we therefore approach more closely the problems that are treated in our chosen romances. Although Gislebert of Mons mentions the fervent love of Baldwin of Hainaut for his wife alone and for no other woman , he adds that this was very rare amongst men.

The views they put forward struggle to assert themselves in the twelfth century, with some, but only partial success.

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However, in also insisting on exogamy as opposed to endogamy which allowed feudal families to concentrate their possessions the Church unwittingly provided feudal families with a weapon which they did not fail to use, for the law of 1 2 Brooke, Idea, pp. Gislebert, Chronicon Hanoniense, pp.

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He quotes Robespierre who demanded:. It need not surprise us that Wolfram should often say of his women characters that they are beautiful e. That may indeed have been a move towards equality between the sexes by Gratian, but in other respects 3 5 7 Brundage, Law, pp. To conclude this introduction some words are called for on the way in which the argument of the following chapters is conducted. Hildegard, Liber divinorum operum, p. See Thali, Beten, p.

In theory, this requirement meant that the use of force or pressure to win assent might invalidate a marriage and, if carried out thoroughly, consensus would have limited the degree of patriarchy exercised by a family. In the face of this threat feudal families devised indirect ways of compulsion to bring about an arranged marriage, such as the prospect of disinheritance of a daughter who refused to fall into line.

An example of this is found with Christina of Markyate for, although her parents admit that they have forced her into marriage against her will, the prior Fredebertus nonetheless urges her to accept the situation. That may indeed have been a move towards equality between the sexes by Gratian, but in other respects 3 5 7 Brundage, Law, pp. See the similar criticism of Ketsch, Frauen, by Schnell, Frauendiskurs, pp.

We move from reciprocity in amor to another feature of the bridal relationship in what Rupert von Deutz has to say of Mary as the bride not merely of Christ, but also of God the Father. In the former function she is sponsa et mater wife and mother , but in the latter she is described as vera sponsa principaliter amici aeterni above all, true wife of the eternal lover.

The views of a third theologian, Hugh of Saint-Victor, on love and marriage have come to the fore over the past decades on a number of occasions as presenting a parallel to what is illustrated in court literature, the possibility of diverging from contemporary practice by showing marriage to be an emotional bond of reciprocity and equal companionship. Mariae virginitate he encountered the same problem and found the same answer as the canonists when dealing with the marriage of Mary and Joseph. De sacramentis, PL , , The fact that Hugh has also been adduced in connection with the marriage problem discussed in Erec19 suggests further that this thinker sketched a view of marriage which, no doubt incompletely because of his theological approach, nonetheless was of interest to authors of secular literature engaged in the problem of reconciling love and marriage.

It is no argument against the attractions of a spiritual 18 PL , It argues likewise from the contrast between the freedom of spiritual marriage the woman has chosen Christ as a lover of her own accord and servitude to a man in earthly marriage 4, 11— In Germany the Speculum virginum works with a similar opposition between the slavery servitus of earthly marriage and the freedom libertas of a virginal life and draws the same conclusion Melior est plane libertas expedita quam servitus in coniugio velis nolis necessaria Clearly, unhampered freedom is preferable to imposed slavery in marriage.

In all this the importance of the Song of Songs is unmistakable bridal symbolism applicable in the twelfth century to the individual soul as well as to Mary. It provides a model for an intense love relationship within the terms of marriage, and the active role of the bride in the Song grants the woman far more room for action than was possible in contemporary society. Christ therefore possesses all the qualities of a potential husband which in secular imaginative literature are attractive to a woman. In these works spiritual marriage is compared favourably with the entirely negative picture of earthly marriage, but in the sermons marriage to Christ 24 25 Keller devotes her last chapter, pp.

This devotional literature works with two models of marriage and husband, one spiritual and the other secular, set side-by-side and contrasted with each other. Of course, all the dice are loaded in favour of the spiritual model, but in doing this the authors, like the canonists and theologians, had no choice but to outline a picture of marriage incorporating qualities lacking in contemporary practice. Feminists may well stress negative aspects of this religious counter-model the abandonment of the world it preached, the escapist nature of its solution , but for us it is more important to stress the positive features it incorporated: Implicit in these questions, of course, is the view of women they suggest, the extent to which the antifeminism latent in secular and ecclesiastical society was continued, called into question or occasionally overcome.

See Braun, Studien, pp. Although a gap of two lines in the manuscript fragment now follows, enough remains to show that the bride responds positively and humorously to the question whether she gives her consensus Both parties are therefore shown to be in love, both wish to continue this love within marriage, and both express their willingness to conclude the marriage. The idea of the woman making a stipulation volo it is my wish and the demand that he, contrary to patriarchal practice, serve her are what is outrageous about her answer, but she tones this down by implying that it is meant humorously.

She smiles a little when saying this She shows herself fully aware of the fact that the nephew has been sowing his wild oats his kinsmen rejoice that marriage will rescue him from the clutches of a prostitute, 28f. She asks rhetorically why 31 Cartlidge, Marriage, p. The infectious laughter that pervades this scene is meant to sugar the pill of what is being proposed here: Fiction this may be, but the counter-model with which it confronts feudal marriage as did the arguments of canonists and theologians is a disturbing one for a patriarchal society, even more so when it is treated at greater length in the vernacular romances for lay consumption.

To conclude this introduction some words are called for on the way in which the argument of the following chapters is conducted. To consider love and marriage in selected works of court literature involves looking at how women are regarded in them. Are they granted freedom of choice of their marriagepartner, as the canonists and the authors of devotional virginity literature recommend?

Even to pose such questions means confronting head on the antifeminine prejudices of feudal marriage policy and much clerical tradition, so that these questions cannot be separated from the wider problem of medieval misogyny. It goes too far by sweeping into its net statements of both kinds, negative and positive. We shall see that Hartmann and Gottfried, for example, employ positive generalisations, such as Bloch 32 Bloch, Misogyny, p.

Introduction 75 has in mind, about men without any suggestion that they imply misandry, so that we are given no reason why, when applied to women, they should now acquire a negative, misogynous function. Next, we turn to negative generalisations about women in speech and observe how in many cases their validity can be called into question by the author. Lastly, we consider indications, in speech acts or not, that are explicitly directed against misogyny and thereby amount to a defence of women against this prejudice. Since negative generalisations about women portraying one particular situation not as an individual case, but universalising it and seeing it as typical of the whole sex play a central, but not exclusive, part in what follows, we must ask what constitutes them and how we are to recognise them.

Muckle, MSt 12 , This generalising of the particular, always in what is presented as a blameworthy situation, can also take the form of saying that this the particular case is what all women do or, conversely, what no women do, what women always do or never do. The second function is to pass beyond this and generalise, going as far as any woman or every woman. Introduction 77 part in the romances we have to consider.

Despite his notorious antifeminism the Latin poet mounts at the start of Book III what is in reality a mock defence of women, opening 41 44 Aeneid IV f. He recommends us not to pin the bad reputation of one or two on all women, but to judge each one by her own proper merits III 9: English Language and Literature Studies - Literature. GRIN Publishing, located in Munich, Germany, has specialized since its foundation in in the publication of academic ebooks and books. The publishing website GRIN. Free Publication of your term paper, essay, interpretation, bachelor's thesis, master's thesis, dissertation or textbook - upload now!

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