My Three Lives : In Argentina, USA and France
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DINA civil agent Enrique Arancibia Clavel, who was prosecuted in Argentina for crimes against humanity in , was sentenced to life imprisonment for his part in the murder of General Prats. Chilean appeals court judge Nibaldo Segura refused extradition in July on the grounds that they had already been prosecuted in Chile. On 5 March , twenty-five former high-ranking military officers from Argentina and Uruguay went on trial in Buenos Aires, charged with conspiracy to "kidnap, disappear, torture and kill" political opponents during the s and s.
Prosecutors are basing their case in part on U.
In other projects Wikimedia Commons. Companhia das Letras, , pp. Two were found not guilty. It became an international scandal. Retrieved 26 March It will be up to us to be efficient and take advantage. They were seeking to learn the location and fates of their children.
On 27 May , fifteen ex-military officials were found guilty. Reynaldo Bignone was sentenced to 20 years in jail. Fourteen of the remaining 16 defendants got eight to 25 years. Two were found not guilty. It is also the first time that former members of Condor have been sentenced for forming part of this criminal organisation. President Fernando Henrique Cardoso ordered the release of some military files concerning Operation Condor in According to the official statement, the Italian government "could not confirm nor deny that Argentine, Brazilian, Paraguayan and Chilean militaries [military officers] will be submitted to a trial.
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The Condor Operation expanded its clandestine repression from Uruguay to Brazil in November , in an event later known as "o Sequestro dos Uruguaios", or "the Kidnapping of the Uruguayans. There they kidnapped Universindo Rodriguez and Lilian Celiberti, an activist Uruguayan couple of the political opposition, along with her two children, Camilo and Francesca, five and three years old.
Universindo Rodriguez and the children had already been clandestinely taken to Uruguay. When their identities were made clear, the journalists had exposed the secret operation by their presence. The exposure of the operation is believed to have prevented the murder of the couple and their two young children, as the news of the political kidnapping of Uruguayan nationals in Brazil made headlines in the Brazilian press.
It became an international scandal. The military governments of both Brazil and Uruguay were embarrassed. A few days later, officials arranged for the Celiberti's children to be taken to their maternal grandparents in Montevideo. After Rodriguez and Celiberti were imprisoned and tortured in Brazil, they were taken to military prisons in Uruguay, and detained for the next five years.
When democracy was restored in Uruguay in , the couple were released. They confirmed all the published details of their kidnapping. In , Brazilian courts convicted two inspectors of DOPS Department of Political and Social Order, an official police branch in charge of the political repression during the military regime for having arrested the journalists in Lilian's apartment in Porto Alegre. The reporters and the Uruguayans had identified them as taking part in the kidnapping.
This event confirmed the direct involvement of the Brazilian government in the Condor Operation. The democratic government of President Luis Alberto Lacalle in Uruguay was inspired to do the same a year later. Police officer Pedro Seelig, the head of the DOPS at the time of the kidnapping, was identified by the Uruguayan couple as the man in charge of the operation in Porto Alegre. The Brazilian policeman was acquitted for lack of evidence. The Law of Impunity , passed in , provided amnesty to Uruguayan citizens who had committed acts of political repression and human rights abuses under the dictatorship.
Cunha and Scalco were awarded the Esso Prize, the most important prize of the Brazilian press, for their investigative journalism of the case. In , he said to the Brazilian press:.
All the Uruguayans kidnapped abroad, around people, are missing to this day. The only ones who managed to survive are Lilian, her children, and Universindo.
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He died of an alleged heart attack in his sleep in Mercedes , Argentina, on 6 December Since his body was never submitted to an autopsy , the true cause of his death remains unknown. He asked for investigations to be opened into their deaths. On 27 January , the newspaper Folha de S. Paulo printed a story with a statement from Mario Neira Barreiro, a former intelligence service member under Uruguay's dictatorship.
Barreiro said that Goulart was poisoned, confirming Brizola's allegations. In March , the magazine CartaCapital published previously unreleased documents of the National Intelligence Service created by an undercover agent who was present at Jango's properties in Uruguay. This revelation reinforces the theory that the former president was poisoned.
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The Goulart family has not yet identified who could be the "B Agent," as he is referred in the documents. The agent acted as a close friend to Jango, and described in detail an argument during the former president's 56th birthday party with his son because of a fight between two employees. Later, CartaCapital published an interview with Jango's widow, Maria Teresa Fontela Goulart , who revealed documents from the Uruguayan government that documented her complaints that her family was being monitored. The Uruguayan government was monitoring Jango's travel, his business, and his political activities.
These files were from , a year after the coup in Brazil, and suggest that he could have been deliberately attacked. One of the lawyers seeking his extradition said there had been an attempt to assassinate Carlos Altamirano , leader of the Chilean Socialist Party. He said that Pinochet met Italian neofascist terrorist Stefano Delle Chiaie during Franco 's funeral in Madrid in and arranged to have Altamirano murdered. In November the Chilean government acknowledged that Pablo Neruda might have been murdered by Pinochet regime. Bernardo Leighton and his wife were severely injured by gunshots on 5 October , while in exile in Rome.
Davies , declared that the declassified documents established the responsibility of Pinochet government in carrying out the assassination of Bernardo Leighton, as well as Orlando Letelier and General Carlos Prats. Another target was Orlando Letelier , a former minister of the Chilean Allende government. Letelier was appointed the ambassador from Chile to the United States while Salvador Allende was in power.
He was one of the first members of Allende's former government to be arrested by the Pinochet regime. However, he was released twelve months later due to pressure from Venezuela and the United States. He was ordered to leave Chile, upon which he moved to Washington D. He then spend his time lobbying to Congress and other European governments against Pinochet's regime. For this reason he became the voice of Chile's resistance movement. Ronni Moffitt was Letelier's assistant at the Institute. She was 26 and recently married when she died. On 21 September , as Letelier and Moffitt traveled to work with Moffitt's husband Michael, the car they were driving suddenly exploded.
Letelier and Moffitt both later died at the hospital, while Ronni's husband Michael survived the blast. Although it was not initially clear who had been responsible for the bombing, Letelier had showed up on DINA's radar since his move to the United States. It is also known that the Chilean government had revoked Letelier's citizenship in only several days before the explosion that killed him.
In , Chile agreed to transfer Townley to the U. Townley was freed and taken into the US witness protection program. In December , Francisco Letelier, the son of Orlando Letelier, wrote in an OpEd column in the Los Angeles Times that his father's assassination was part of Operation Condor, which he described as "an intelligence-sharing network used by six South American dictators of that era to eliminate dissidents. Michael Townley has accused Pinochet of being responsible for Letelier's death.
Townley confessed that he had hired five anti-Castro Cuban exiles to booby-trap Letelier's car. It started about a year before the "terror archives" were found in Paraguay. According to the Rettig Report , Jecar Neghme's death had been carried out by Chilean intelligence agents. He used Argentinian, Uruguayan, Paraguayan and Brazilian passports, raising concerns that Operation Condor was not dead. His body had been so mutilated to make identification by appearance impossible. In January , Michael Townley, who now lives in the U.
The toxin that allegedly killed Christian-Democrat Eduardo Frei Montalva may have been made in this new lab in Colonia Dignidad, according to the judge investigating the case. He revealed that Uruguayan military officials threatened to assassinate U. Based on learning that the men were drinking at the time, he recommended that the Agency take no action. Interviewed in the early 21st century by Dinges, Koch said that George H.
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Bush , then CIA director, informed him in October that "his sponsorship of legislation to cut off U. The State Department forced the Uruguayan government to withdraw their appointments, with the public explanation that "Fons and Gavazzo could be the objects of unpleasant publicity. The United States backed Alfredo Stroessner's anti-communist military dictatorship [3] and played a "critical supporting role" in the domestic affairs of Stoessner's Paraguay [85] in many ways, like with the U.
Army officer, Lieutenant Colonel Robert Thierry, who was sent to help the local workmen to build a detention and interrogation center named "La Technica. In a report to Kissinger, Harry Shlaudeman stated that Paraguay was in a militaristic state that was described as a "nineteenth-century military regime that looks good on the carton page," meaning that their style of rule was old and was not up to modern standards. Shlaudeman claims that they had some good reasons and had no reason to change their ways.
The reasons were backed by their history of the Triple Aliance War, where they were attacked on all sides by three of their neighbors who were all technologically advanced. Their fear of being overpowered again kept them grounded in the past, unwilling to change in their fight against the leftists. Cases of repression in the country against German, Spanish, Peruvian, and Jewish people were also reported. According to reports in , resulting from trials of top officials in Argentina, Operation Condor was at its peak in when Chilean exiles in Argentina were threatened; many went underground or into exile again in other countries.
Cuban diplomats were assassinated in Buenos Aires in the Automotores Orletti torture center, one of the clandestine prisons of the dictatorship. Automotores Orletti was the main base of foreign intelligence services involved in Operation Condor. The year-old daughter-in-law of poet Juan Gelman was tortured here along with her husband, before being transported to a Montevideo prison. There she delivered a baby which was immediately stolen by Uruguayan military officers and placed for illegal adoption with friends of the regime.
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They were interrogated by a man who had travelled from Miami to interrogate them. These were the car models used by the security forces during the dictatorship. They had travelled from Chile to Argentina on 11 August and "cooperated in the torture and assassination of the two Cuban diplomats.
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Operation Condor also had the covert support of the US government. Washington provided Condor with military intelligence and training, financial assistance, advanced computers, sophisticated tracking technology, and access to the continental telecommunications system housed in the Panama Canal Zone. The United States documentation shows that the United States provided key organizational, financial and technical assistance to the operation into the s.
In a CIA monthly report dated July entitled the "Third World War and South America," the long-term dangers of a right-wing bloc and their initial policy recommendations were considered. It was the assumption of the CIA's report that the countries in the Southern Cone felt "embattled" by the creeping influence of communism, trapped on either side by "international Marxism and its terrorist exponents," and on the other by "the hostility of uncomprehending industrial democracies misled by the Marxist propaganda. Based on CIA documents from , from to early s plans were developed among international security officials at the US Army School of the Americas and the Conference of American Armies to deal with political dissidents in South America.
Additionally, as of a September , the Defense Intelligence Agency reported that US intelligence services were quite aware of the infrastructure and goals of Operation Condor. They realized that "Operation Condor" was the code name given for intelligence collection on "leftists," Communists, and Marxists in the Southern Cone Area. The intelligence services were aware that it was security cooperation among several South American countries' intelligence services such as Argentina, Paraguay, Uruguay, and Bolivia with Chile as the epicenter of the operation. The DIA noted that Argentina, Uruguay, and Chile were already fervently conducting operations, mainly in Argentina, against leftist "terrorist" targets.
The report also noted that a large volume of U. Perhaps the most intriguing aspect is the third point of the report, which demonstrates the United States' understanding of Operation Condor's more nefarious operations. The report notes, "the formation of special teams from member countries who are to carry out operations to include assassinations against terrorist or supporters of terrorist organizations. Roger started out his pro soccer writing career with Goal. France final score, recap: Mbappe scores twice as Messi and company crash out of World Cup.
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