Jim Crow Laws - ein Vergleich zwischen den Staaten Mississippi und Louisiana (German Edition)

GIs and Fräuleins: the German-American encounter in 1950s West Germany

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I Simplified; for full definitions see statutes 1 Consumer a U. Natural person s who borrow s primarily for personal, family or household purposes 15 U.

Loan of money, credit sale distinction more important in the U. II Simplified; for full definitions see statutes b Closed-end credit Credit contract provides for payments which fully amortize the loan transaction a demand clause is sufficient.

Private Household Debt Aug. A djustable R ates M ortgage s threat of loosing critical assets and of bankruptcy e. Who is entitled to be a creditor lender of money to consumers? What information has a consumer to be furnished with, when and in which form? What terms and practices violate the law? While the American commander could not understand all the fuss about polluting local creeks, he nonetheless agreed to instruct his troops to cease this practice.

Commanders also instructed their troops not to litter when they picnicked in the local woods and not to disturb the peace by blasting their radios. The Americans understood the German love of soccer and so organized their own soccer teams. The somewhat shamefaced German observers concluded that the Americans did so well because their background in American football gave them unheard-of strength and endurance.

The skill and force of this American team was respected by everyone and even feared by some. German beer and American whiskey and cigarettes ensured that even an American victory after such a game could be celebrated and enjoyed by all. Courtesy of Heinrich Brucker, photographer, Birkenfeld they now rode amidst the cheering crowds in an American convertible driven by a dashing GI in dress uniform.

The American military hospitals, while intended only for military use, also opened their doors to German patients when an emergency arose. When accidents occurred, the American military ambulances usually arrived before those of their German colleagues. A number of individuals recalled that young American doctors who lived in town treated German children without charge because the military hospital had medical technology not yet available in German hospitals.

They also became a prominent source of philanthropy for many charitable causes. Many continued to keep their distance. Despite these clearly existing reservations toward the American presence among certain segments of society, the sheer scope of American charity surprised the German population and won many hearts. American soldiers were involved in all kinds of charity events, as were their wives through their numerous philanthropic clubs.

Even among those who were not needy, the used American clothing was much sought after. The Baumholder Girl Scouts sponsored a party for the Berlin children who were spending their summer vacations with local American families. The teachers had their hands full to contain the excitement of the children. Every year soldiers from all units donated money to sponsor Christmas parties in orphanages and retirement homes, where generous gifts were also distributed.

The contemporaneous descriptions of these Christmas parties reveal that those memories of abundance and excess were well founded. Nikolaus had been the previous year. The long wait was duly rewarded when the base siren began to wail. Nikolaus had passed the main gate to the base in a sled. After a towering Santa and his angels distributed generous gifts, the children were spoiled with hot chocolate, sweets, and fruits. The children knew that the Santa Claus of Baumholder descended not by sleigh but, just as in previous years, by helicopter.

After the successful landing, which took place amidst riotous jubilation, a tired and weary Santa, towering above the children at six feet four inches, emerged from the helicopter.

After all the German and American children arrived at the base theater, they treated their elders to German and American Christmas carols while Santa made sure not to forget any of them with generous gifts of toys and sweets. They also ravished the eye with their sheer excess of color, lights, and ornaments. The impact of the American largesse was immense. At a time when most Germans in this traditionally poor region of Germany were just beginning to imagine what prosperity the emerging economic miracle might hold for them, the American generosity of those years left an indelible mark.

After all these years, many residents still remember with great delight the new sounds, smells, and tastes, the enticing glimpses of American wealth that these events provided. But the Americans also opened a whole new world for the local children. The Rheinzeitung, for example, expressed frustration over the fact that many Germans seemed to keep their distance from their American neighbors. Military commanders also sponsored dances to which the local population was invited. A former commander of the Birkenfeld air base remembers how the young women from the outlying villages arrived in buses that the military provided to spend an evening dancing to American tunes with the GIs.

At the end of the evening, the buses collected the women and brought them back to their villages. One man recalled that he and his friends had to travel far beyond his hometown to avoid having to compete with American GIs for the favors of German women. Not surprisingly, parents were apprehensive, no matter how fond they might have been of their future sonin-law. But he also recalled that it did not take long before Bob and his friends were welcomed and respected visitors in his home.

When American families moved into German communities, they became the best ambassadors of the American military and the American way of life. Throughout the years of the American presence in Germany, but especially during the Golden Fifties, contacts were intimate. In one town, two GIs volunteered to teach English at the local school.

The young people of the towns were especially quick to befriend their new neighbors. And many of the older citizens who rented to Americans accepted their new tenants without much ado, especially when there were small children in the house. In such an intimate setting, it was unavoidable that people learned about each other and from each other.

They were assigned an apartment, but they had no furniture. The local furniture dealer advised them to rent their living room to an American family and to use the rent money to buy furniture from him on the installment plan. Americans invited their landlords not just for holiday meals, but they also introduced their German hosts to the American ritual of the outdoor barbecue. They also took their tenants along to the yearly village fair and taught them to waltz and to sway together arm in arm while singing their bestbeloved drinking songs.

They often learned English before they went to school. Today, Coca-Cola is a company, in those days it was a Weltanschauung. In this manner, the newest musical trends at times appeared in the provinces before they made it to the big cities via the regular channels of the international mass media.

The young men of these communities also often made friends with the GIs. A man recalled how the simple fact that the Americans had fast cars made them appealing to younger Germans. Wearing the American jeans was by no means even primarily a matter of practicality for these young people: American tenants also supplied young farm wives with stylish petticoats and the most up-to-date accoutrements, including bobby socks and saddle shoes. Even the GI of lowest rank had plenty of money in his pocket, and we all felt, yes, this is the true freedom.

Without doubt, there is plenty of hard discipline here as well, but one gains the impression that it is only demanded when necessary. One young woman recalled: Attention and heel clicking in the back of my head. I was incredibly impressed by that. The area had traditionally experienced large-scale emigration of its impoverished and land-hungry population to the United States. People thus felt a certain kinship with the American soldiers that they did not necessarily share with the French. Americans stationed in the American zone in such urban centers as Berlin, Frankfurt, or Munich lived very secluded lives, sheltered from the rest of German society.

Clearly, those Germans and Americans who sought out each other largely drove the narrative of those encounters. It is much harder to get a sense of the experience and attitudes of Germans who remained ambivalent, if not hostile, to the American presence. Oral histories are a wonderfully rich source for detailing the everyday encounters between Germans and Americans and for recapturing the wonder that many young Germans experienced in their interactions with the Americans.

However, they are less helpful in revealing what anxieties Germans must have experienced over this dominant foreign presence and its social impact. The fact that both Germans and Americans were undergoing dramatic social change during that period only further complicates such an endeavor.

At the same time, the American military faced its own dilemmas. Deploying any such large contingent of single young men into a foreign country was a tremendous undertaking. That experience was probably no less dramatic for many of the American soldiers than were the profound changes Germans experienced in their way of life. As will be seen, not all was well in the provinces. The record also indicates that for many Germans, black American soldiers were the most visible and disturbing sign of just how unsettled their lives had become.

By exploring in particular the face-to-face interaction of Germans and black GIs, I will show that German attitudes toward the black soldiers were multifaceted. While Germans expressed little open hostility toward black soldiers, the presence of single black men nonetheless evoked considerable anxiety. Thus, even as Germans grudgingly accepted the black families who moved into their towns, ate in their restaurants, or shopped in their stores, most Germans condemned as unacceptable the relationships between German women and black American soldiers.

Rejecting the language of Nazi racism, Germans drew instead on the example of American racial segregation to justify their own opposition to interracial relationships. For these Social Democrats, the American presence was proof that Germany had learned little from its militarist and murderous past. All communities with American GIs saw increased levels of crime and violence. Especially around payday, GIs often approached women alone at night on the streets. Such incidents, rare though they were, raised the ire of local people.

The Birkenfeld police chief reported that his own wife had been accosted in this manner, and the mayor of Kaiserslautern had no better news to report. Thus, even when the soldiers were on their best behavior, many Germans judged the American military an alien presence that threatened their way of life and undermined German identity. Courtesy of Karl Edinger, photographer objecting to how the physical landscape of their Heimat had changed due to the military construction program.

The authors admonished the population that something needed to be done: Indeed, when the Americans arrived with allblack units, it must have seemed like a replay for many older Germans. Observers at the time reported little antagonism against these troops among the population; unlike the French, the soldiers from Morocco and Senegal did not view the Germans as their archenemy and thus tended to treat them more kindly. On the contrary, on the Western front, people refused last-minute evacuation plans during the waning months of the Nazi regime. While Germans along the Western frontier were grateful to be conquered by American instead of Soviet troops, most probably harbored some anxiety over the prospect of black troops.

Black soldiers distinguished themselves through their generosity and friendliness toward the Germans. Germans were stunned at how well the black soldiers treated them, but black soldiers were equally amazed that most Germans approached them with much more tolerance than did white American soldiers. Black GIs also did not approach the defeated Germans with the sort of arrogance that many of the white soldiers displayed.

Because of the humiliation of their defeat, Germans also experienced a certain kinship with the black GIs, convinced that black GIs, just like themselves, were treated as second-class citizens by the white Americans.

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One of the protagonists, speaking for many black GIs at the time, declared: If their ability to do so provoked sullen service in pubs and stores or rude stares from Germans, it did not expose the soldiers to arrest or physical violence. You know what the hell I learned? I had to come over here to learn that. I hadda come over here and let the Nazis teach me that.

Army in Europe suggested that this positive experience convinced many black soldiers to extend their tour of duty in Germany. The black GI responded: Germany opened my eyes to the variety of reactions a black could expect when dealing with whites. I was surprised at how friendly some white people were over there, especially older people. After the horrors that Germans had committed in their quest for racial purity, many Germans seemed to have been willing to question a Weltanschauung based on rigid racial hierarchies and exclusion.

Once prodded on the topic, however, Germans recalled their anxiety over the encounter with black GIs vividly. The reporting in local and national news papers reveals that most Germans assumed that black soldiers caused the major share of problems associated with the American military. Even when there were no witnesses or evidence, it was all too common for the local news report to assert that the perpetrators were black soldiers.

Who is the next victim of such willful disregard—Every colored American soldier carries a knife! German anxiety over the presence of black men is expressed most clearly in press coverage of the sexual threat that the soldiers allegedly posed to local women and youngsters. The GIs were supposedly paying the children to bring them their older sisters or perhaps a female neighbor.

A police report on this alleged phenomenon closed by admitting that so far none of these matters had been proven but that it was highly likely that these things were going on. The commanders in Heidelberg opposed integration, warning that the positive experience with integration in Korea could not be transposed to Europe. Despite these objections from the military leadership, Washington insisted that General John W.

For the most part, integration on the military base was a rather peaceful process. To avoid or limit social contact with blacks, white soldiers employed a number of strategies. On base, white soldiers succeeded in keeping black soldiers out of their clubs by playing only country and western music instead of jazz and boogie-woogie. By using economic pressure, however, soldiers convinced pub or bar owners that catered exclusively to GIs not to open their establishments to black GIs. In response to this, black soldiers also sought out their own places. In this manner, all establishments in close proximity to American military bases that catered exclusively to American GIs were segregated by race.

That same article also hailed Germany as a test case for a future racial integration of the communities surrounding military bases in the United States. Black soldiers, not surprisingly, also carried many of their frustrations over the slow pace of integration and the emerging civil rights struggle in the United States into these German communities.

Germans observed as the black and white soldiers went out of their way to avoid physical proximity to each other. White soldiers often crossed the street so they would not have to pass black GIs on the sidewalk. Sneers and derogatory comments aimed at the black soldiers who refused to budge were also part of this ritual of intimidation.

Germans recall their surprise as they encountered the deeply troubled racial relations of the soldiers being played out in the streets of their towns and villages. Physical violence between the soldiers was not the exception but the rule, especially on the American payday. Brutalized by the war and its deprivations, the soldiers were ready to have a good time.

The soldiers were removed from the usual routine of their home base, encountering units with whom they shared long histories of competition or antagonism. During one such confrontation in Butzbach, a small village in neighboring Saarland, a great number of soldiers were hurt and much property damaged in town. Because the soldiers were not willing to take no for an answer, the owner called the American military police.

The local paper condemned the owner for putting up the sign but was even more upset when it learned that the captain of the military police had brutalized the arrested soldiers in the Baumholder military jail with his truncheon and a water hose. Germans and white Americans assumed that black-only bars were places of sexual excess and violence. When breaking up confrontations between the soldiers, white military police asked few questions, often using their nightsticks to beat black soldiers into submission.

Germans stood back with amazement but also a good deal of Schadenfreude as they surveyed the widespread racism of their American mentors. The fact that the German Basic Law did not allow for racial discrimination proved to many liberal Germans that they had overcome their own racism. The labels that Germans used when talking about American GIs reveal this pattern of racial exclusion.

The discrimination that black GIs experienced in German communities related mostly to being denied housing or access to bars and pubs. Civil rights investigations by U. Soldiers who left the Americandominated environment encountered no problems when entering pubs or restaurants. However, he also made very clear that the racial discrimination black GIs encountered in Germany was largely imported from the United States. Unwilling to become involved in matters of race, the military command generally interpreted the discrimination that black GIs experienced in German communities as antiAmericanism rather than racism.

Single black soldiers were able to date white German women without having to fear the sort of violence they would have encountered in their own country, especially in the South. When black families moved into German villages, friendships often developed with landlords and neighbors, especially when there were children in the home. The fact that many black soldiers experienced their time in Germany as a moment of liberation probably says more about the level of discrimination that blacks faced in the United States than about German racial tolerance during this period.

The great majority of Germans did not approve of the relationships between white German women and black soldiers. Of course, young people were told that blacks were other human beings, that they were wild beasts from Africa [sic]. All of a sudden, there was a beautiful blond woman walking with a colored and she married him. In the beginning that was just awful. Letters to the editors of local newspapers or editorials made that point when they condemned interracial relationships by evoking divine law. While the American military no longer frowned upon German-American marriages, they did not encourage them either.

The application process for a wedding permit was not an easy one, even if both partners were white, but thousands of couples saw it through. Unless the woman came from a respectable local family, military commanders suspected that many of the women willing to marry GIs were opportunists at best, prostitutes at worst. Permits could also be held up for health reasons or because the woman had been a member of a Nazi organization. Chaplains counseled these young couples with special care, warning the soldier that such a marriage could have a detrimental impact on his career.

However, for a black GI this policy could also spell doom, especially if his commander hailed from the South. Yet, out of all these couples, only four had been granted wedding permits. A soldier could appeal his transfer, but that usually involved another lengthy delay. Young black soldiers were confronted with the harsh reality that they could not return to their homes and families in the South after their military service if they married a German woman. Soldiers also could not be deployed to a military installation in the South with their new wives because of the existing miscegenation laws.

Only after the military promised to send the soldier to a base in the North was this ordeal resolved for the young couple. Although that rule applied equally to white and black soldiers, it left plenty of room for discriminatory practices. In light of the expense of transatlantic travel at that time, that provision proved an almost impossible barrier to surmount.

My parents lived together in Germany where they wished; they traveled together where they wished; they ate together where they wished; and they had many German friends. While these commentators rejected the genocide of European Jews by the Nazi regime, their line of argumentation suggests, nonetheless, that not all aspects of Nazism were tainted. He also suggested that nobody could fault the Germans for wanting to copy the American model of racial segregation.

In their day-to-day encounters with the American military, Germans were able to examine and renegotiate their racial attitudes.

The record indicates that Germans left this encounter with a variety of lessons. Observing the widespread racial discrimination within the U. Above all, clergymen pointed to the dark side of the new prosperity when they indicted as unacceptable the explosion of the entertainment industry that catered to the troops. Clergymen were outraged that Displaced Persons DPs , most of them Holocaust survivors from Eastern Europe, followed the troops from the American zone to open dimly lit jazz clubs and striptease bars. The clergy reserved their biggest outrage, however, for their own charges.

In their anxious accounts to their church hierarchies, but also to state and federal legislators, the clergy described a society that had not yet overcome the disorder of the war and postwar years and had then lost all moral bearing when the dollar came calling. Clergy also drew on a long tradition of European antisemitism when they indicted the Jewish owners of the entertainment industry for bringing the sexual excesses of the city to a formerly virtuous countryside.

While conservatives blamed Jews for facilitating interracial relationships, they were most anxious to reiterate that the real villains were the German women who aggressively sought out the black GIs. Baumholder received this sort of attention because the boom that accompanied the American military had given villages and towns in Rhineland-Palatinate a touch of the city and, with it, all the social problems associated with urban life. The presence of tens of thousands of young soldiers had led to an explosion of the entertainment industry and what was perceived to be a general loosening of morals.

Because of what conservative German observers considered an overly lax military discipline, soldiers were out and about town, ready to spend money and have fun. During the building boom, buses were converted into mobile bars in which waitresses tended to every need of the soldiers and the German workers. Dollarwielding GIs wandered into this tent at night to drink, play cards, dance, and be entertained by the young women who had arrived from all over Germany and other parts of Europe.

The young women, dressed in shorts and tight sweaters, bicycled on stationary bikes, while the platform on which they pedaled rotated like a merry-go-round. The bicycle races were one of the favorite attractions among the workers and GIs. Another new kind of enterprise that suddenly appeared in the villages of both Kaiserslautern and Birkenfeld counties was the nightclub. However, when the thousands of GIs arrived, the local farmers did not act like country bumpkins. Many of these clubs sported not only fancy names but also luxurious interiors and variety shows that could compete with any big city establishment.

Most of these bars catered solely to GIs, however, and once owners realized that young soldiers were not such demanding customers, they cut back on their expensive interiors and entertainment programs. The fact that many of these bars were leased and run by outsiders did little to lessen concerns over the impact of such establishments in the provinces. The presence of these DPs, most of them Holocaust survivors from Eastern Europe, was a rather new phenomenon for these counties. Among those were a number who had prospered by running pubs and bars for the American soldiers in the American zone.

Just a few years after the violent deportation and murder of many of the Jews who had previously lived in these communities, the presence of these Jews caused a good deal of controversy. Even more importantly, the presence of these Jews revived long-standing antiSemitic stereotypes that blamed Jews for undermining German national integrity by promoting sexual deviance. While these sorts of allegations had been employed most viciously in Nazi propaganda, they were hardly unique to German anti-Semitism.

In fact, they were part of a larger tradition of conservative nationalism in Europe that associated Jews, modernity, and national decline. The proliferation of bars that were leased and managed mostly by Jewish survivors caused an outrage among the clergy and conservative segments of society. In light of the housing shortage, some of the women even set up shop in buses, while others camped in the woods surrounding the military installations. Not surprisingly, municipal authorities in Rhineland-Palatinate were hardly thrilled with these developments, but they were also realistic.

The bars also did much to increase the tax base of the town. The bars also ensured that GIs were concentrated in known locations, which allowed the local German police and the American military police to keep an eye on them and the women who congregated there.

For these conservatives, the explosion of the entertainment industry was the very antithesis of the Christian Germany to which they aspired. They were even more distraught that most Germans tolerated the many new bars about town and at times even frequented them. The churches in Germany have traditionally seen themselves at the forefront of protecting public morality and the sanctity of the family. Their overly enthusiastic embrace of National Socialism had compromised many Protestant clergy.

Nowhere had the assault on the Catholic churches been more severe than in the Palatinate under the ruthless regional Nazi leader Gauleiter Josef Burkel. While Catholics had for the most part remained steadfast under this assault, the Catholic milieu was nonetheless severely disrupted. Catholic villages in the Palatinate had been forcefully evacuated during the war, and their priests had been arrested. The clergy had expressed concerns over these developments already during the Weimar years.

Catholics were more leery of National Socialism, but they also rejoiced at the prospect of a regime promising to restore traditional family values and sexual decency. To the great horror of the churches, once the war began the regime even encouraged illegitimate motherhood, to ensure a steady supply of soldiers. People who cared only about making money and buying a new TV had few scruples over the source of their new wealth.

The story took place in the hypothetical Dossenthal, a small village that stood for Baumholder and all the other small communities experiencing large concentrations of American troops. By opening a huge amusement tent for the GIs, Helmer manages to bring all the excitement of the city to his little Dossenthal, including hot jazz and beautiful women. He also convinces many others in the village to follow his lead. One local farmer, egged on by his wife, prospers by turning his former barn into a fancy bar sporting a Hawaiian-theme interior.

Others in the community participate in the boom by renting any spare room available for outrageous rates by the hour, asking few questions and closing their eyes to the obvious goings-on. In Die Goldene Pest, the locals lose all sense of right and wrong when they default on their loans. Hounded by their creditor and desperate to get out of debt, Karl Helmers and other villagers get ensnarled in all sorts of shady deals.

The culprit was not so much the individual American GI as the age of materialism and the loosening of traditions and morals that accompanied him to the countryside. The author of these lines was a committed anti-Nazi who, during the Third Reich, had belonged to the Confessing Church—members of the Protestant church who, unlike members of the Deutsche Christen, viewed Nazi racial ideology as a violation of Christian teachings. The complaints raised in the Denkschrift reveal that conservative commentaries on the American-induced changes drew on a long tradition of German conservative thought that associated modernity with cultural and racial decline.

In this widely published Denkschrift, the clergyman expressed his disgust with the new materialism he observed in his town. He then attacked the secular powers of the town and demanded, in an attempt to halt the immorality that had engulfed them all, that tax-hungry and business-crazy city councils no longer grant licenses to bar owners.

He diagnosed the alleged sexual disorder of these communities by singling out the black soldiers and the German women who actively and eagerly sought out the GIs in one of the many new bars about town. We have already seen that opposition to these interracial relationships was widespread. The author of the Denkschrift was, thus, hardly a lone voice; he was merely articulating publicly what many others also viewed as the most scandalous and threatening aspect of the American presence.

Of those photos, eight showed German women in the arms of black soldiers. Because most of the Ami-Bars, but especially the socalled Neger-Bars, were leased and managed by Jews, the outrage over developments in the American garrison towns became even shriller. This language of moral and racial threat reverberated widely among very diverse strata of the population. Indicting the sexual excesses of the black GIs allowed Germans on the left, for example, to express opposition to the American-sponsored rearmament of Germany or to the stationing of Nike missiles.

Attacking their senior ally for immorality allowed Germans to repress the guilt for their own murderous past. Their Americanized appearance and demeanor evoked almost as much consternation as did their willingness to live in common-law marriages with their American partners. For local guardians of morality, little distinction existed between the women who were in committed relationships with American GIs and those who arrived on the American payday to sell their bodies.

Consequently, they were not so concerned with the threat these women and their lifestyle posed to the Christian Abendland, but they were most anxious to avoid an increase in the prevalence of venereal disease VD. The Verein believed that the roots of the morality crisis were to be found in the Weimar years, when traditional gender roles started to break down. The dominant Catholic and Protestant welfare agencies in the Verein used developments in Rhineland-Palatinate to halt a loosening of morals that, while long underway, had accelerated dramatically in the postwar years.

Not surprisingly, the American troop deployment brought a whole variety of other women to the provinces as well. Because American soldiers could marry their German partners only four months before the GI was to return to the United States, many of these young couples were engaged and cohabiting without the legal sanction of marriage. Another group of women following the troops created even more of a stir than the women in committed relationships. In all garrison towns GIs arrived from the American zone with their German mistresses to set up house. While many of the women in these relationships may have secretly hoped for marriage, plenty of the GIs had no plans to marry, often because they already had a wife in the United States.

The arrangement between the woman and the soldier was one of short-term convenience, which often ended when the GI left for the United States. These sorts of arrangements were similar to those that can be found to this day around American military bases in Korea or the Philippines. Such women kept house for the soldier and were able to live rather indulged lives in exchange for sex and companionship.

Young women hoped for employment as a maid with an American family or as a waitress or dancer at one of the many establishments that catered to the GIs. Among these individuals were women who had lost homes and parents in the war. Others were expellees from territories in the East or recent refugees from East Germany. None of them had yet found a niche in the new Republic, and they came with hopes for a better life.

Military commanders were quick to act in response to this health crisis and put up posters on the military base showing photographs, names, and addresses of infected women. While this author did not explain that a German woman could marry an American soldier only four months before his return to the United States, he did point out the recent and numerous marriages that had taken place between German women and American GIs. While the writer of these lines expressed the prevailing view of the Landrat as well as that of the police, others in these counties were appalled by what they saw.

At the core of this class-based bourgeois society was to be a patriarchal, nuclear family based on traditional gender roles. German women, in this Weltanschauung, were not to transgress gender and class boundaries, let alone those of race. The women who appeared in the garrison communities of Rhineland-Palatinate failed on all these counts. Many of the women had arrived via the American zone from places such as Munich or Frankfurt and thus brought the tastes of the city with them.

The women wore American-style clothing and makeup, and this caused many a stare. Not only did they leave parents and loved ones behind to follow their GI boyfriends to an uncertain future; they seemed to revel in the independence that their relationships with the GIs allowed them. Armin von Bogdandy et al. Advancing International Institutional Law. Springer-Verlag, , The Production of Representative Lives. American Passions of the Real. Orientierung in der Wissenschaft, Peter Meusburger Department of Geography with D.

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Translation of «Louisiana» into 25 languages

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Synonyms and antonyms of Louisiana in the German dictionary of synonyms

Past, Present, and Future Amsterdam , Kurt Georg Kiesinger in der deutschen Geschichte des Ein Handbuch zur Kultur- und Mediengeschichte Stuttgart: Metzler, , Gardner and Marilyn B. The New Press, , September 11, New York: Francke Verlag, , Francke, , Ralph Waldo Emerson, Drei Ansprachen: Heiko Fischer Freiburg im Breisgau: William Carlos Williams, Ezra Pound et al. Helmuth Kiesel zum Stauffenburg, , Ein neues Beziehungsgeflecht zwischen Politik und Politikberatung?

University Press of Florida, Tucker and Andrew McCormick, eds. Constitution — Immigration — Internationalization Berlin: Cultures in Translation Heidelberg , Greenwood Publishing Group, Hamburger Edition, , Bd.

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