Violence against Women (Understanding Social Problems: An SSSP Presidential Series)

Understanding Diversity

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She is the author or editor of sixteen books and is active in several national and regional professional associations, including the Society for the Study of Social Problems, where she has held the offices of vice president and president. Raquel Kennedy Bergen is associate professor and chair of sociology at St. She is also a crisis counselor for battered and sexually abused women.

Her current research examines husband-rapists' motivations for rape, the role of pornography in sexual violence against women, and sexual violence against pregnant women. Violence against Women Claire M. Violence Against Women Claire M. Violence against Women Understanding Social Problems: Dawn Beichner , Spencer E.

The "Discovery" of a Deficiency Disease Chapter 16 Accounting for Cosmetic Surgery: The Accomplishment of Gender Chapter 17 His major research interests are in health and illness, social problems, and deviance. He served as president of the SSSP during He is currently completing a book on "the medicalization of society.

Her work focuses on disability, sociology of childhood, and family sociology. Currently, her research examines children's access to health care, and formal and familial systems of care for children with disabilities. Book ratings by Goodreads. Goodreads is the world's largest site for readers with over 50 million reviews.

We're featuring millions of their reader ratings on our book pages to help you find your new favourite book. As youth enter the juvenile justice system, they encounter facilities that have appropriated the prison's sorting practices by categorizing youth and policing the boundaries between them. Carceral group identities become instrumental in young people's daily lives in this context, mirroring what they have heard from the experiences of incarcerated loved ones and confirming where they would fit in the prison's social order. This process not only labels youth as gang members but instills in them identities and worldviews that rationalize their own incarceration, extending the prison's ability to categorize people as car-ceral subjects far beyond the penitentiary gates.

Prisoner Reentry and the Reproduction of Legal Cynicism more. More than , prisoners are released from incarceration each year in the United States, and most end up returning to metropolitan areas, concentrated in resource-deprived neighborhoods. To the extent that convicted criminals are To the extent that convicted criminals are distrustful of the criminal justice system, the funneling of massive numbers of former prisoners back into select neighborhoods likely facilitates the reproduction of legal cynicism in those areas.

Accordingly, this study tests the effect of prisoner reentry on the culture of neighborhoods, particularly with regard to legal cynicism. Using two waves of data on the geographic distribution of returning prisoners in Chicago from the Illinois Department of Corrections combined with data on neighborhood characteristics from the U.

Census, the Chicago Police Department, the Project on Human Development in Chicago Neighborhoods, and the Chicago Community Adult Health Study, I conduct a cross-lagged analysis of the effect of the concentration of returning prisoners on legal cynicism as well as the effect of legal cynicism on the geographic distribution of returning prisoners. Findings reveal that a dense concentration of returning prisoners in a neighborhood facilitates the reproduction of cynical views of the law in the neighborhood. The substantial growth in the number of releases from prison and the stark concentration of the formerly incarcerated in select neighborhoods has detrimental consequences for the culture of receiving neighborhoods.

Sociology , Neighborhood Effects , and Prisoner reentry. Existing research on beliefs about government efforts to lessen poverty is limited in two important ways. First, explanations of beliefs about antipoverty efforts largely focus on current contexts. By emphasizing contemporary contexts, By emphasizing contemporary contexts, existing research overlooks the potentially profound effect of past experiences.

Second, most existing research relies on cross-sectional data, which limits understandings of within person change. In the research presented here, I use both cross-sectional and panel data from the General Social Survey to 1 examine how past experiences shape an individual's belief about what the government should do about poverty, and 2 examine whether beliefs about the government's role in helping the poor are sensitive to changes in micro and macroeconomic hardship. Drawing on theories related to the formative years and event-driven changes, I find that experiences during late adolescence, increases in macro-level economic hardship, and increases in individual hardship all influence support for government efforts to lessen poverty; however, current objective and subjective economic position is particularly important.

Moreover, I find variation in support across different types of government responses to poverty. In particular , " welfare " is uniquely unpopular, and support for welfare is less responsive to gener-ational experiences or changes in individual-level hardship. The Freecycle Network, with its millions of members gifting objects to strangers, is a stalwart fixture of the increasingly popular sharing economy. Unlike the wildly profitable Airbnb and Uber, the Freecycle Network prohibits profit Unlike the wildly profitable Airbnb and Uber, the Freecycle Network prohibits profit making, or even barter, providing an altruism-based alternative to capitalist markets while keeping tons of garbage out of land-fills.

Why do millions of people give through Freecycle instead of selling, donating, or throwing away items? Utilizing participant observation of two overlapping Freecycle groups and a survey of their members, I investigate motivations for giving and the social norms that guide it. I find that while members of other Internet-based groups have been found to exhibit altruism and solidarity, altruism and solidarity in Freecycle appear to be secondary. Instead, green-washed convenience takes precedence as members are motivated to give in order to declutter their homes in an environmentally friendly fashion and in a way that can expiate guilt from overconsumption.

Embedded in local contexts and governed by powerful cultural expectations based on gift exchange and charitable donation, Freecycle givers create a set of social structures that combine with the organization's focus on the environment to downplay altruism and elide inequalities. Faced with skyrocketing inequality, worldwide economic recession, and the realities of environmental degradation and climate change, many twenty-first century denizens of advanced capitalist nations, such as the United States, have been exploring lifestyles and practices that pose alternatives to environmental and market-based status quo Allard,.

Many of these alternatives are being facilitated and shaped by online platforms and Internet-mediated organizing, from online time banking and barter systems to smartphone apps that rate consumer goods based on sustainability of production practices. Some, such as the apartment-sharing website, Airbnb, and ride share applications, Lyft and Uber, have become ways of generating profits for venture capitalists, while being hailed in the public sphere as culture-shifting movements Tanz The Freecycle Network, a nonprofit organization in existence since , has not joined this profitable branch of the sharing economy, and remains committed to its original goals of reducing consumer waste while helping neighbors help neighbors through giving gifts to.

Determinants of the Renewable Energy Policies of U. Why might states adopt policy instruments of one type over another, and how does this choice impact the overall portfolio of policy instruments a state adopts? To address these questions this article examines renewable energy policy To address these questions this article examines renewable energy policy instrument adoption by U. I test these claims by examining the tax incentive-and regulatory mandate-based policy instruments adopted to promote renewable energy generation by U.

Using random effects Poisson regression analysis, I find that state affluence, environmental movement organization density, and fossil fuel production predict the number of policies a state is likely to adopt, while an affinity for a neoliberal ideology, U. These results reinforce perceptions of economic factors as key predictors of renewable energy policy, but also highlight the importance of less frequently examined cultural factors for explaining a state's portfolio of policies.

These analyses offer a robust picture of the relationship between tax incentive and regulatory mandates, the two types of programmatic approaches that have dominated many policy domains in the United States over the past 40 years. Revolution in the Garbage Dump: Flouting years of reports on their political impotence, millions of informal workers have recently begun mobilizing for labor rights. What provoked this unexpected develop-ment?

This article analyzes the Colombian informal recycler This article analyzes the Colombian informal recycler movement—a " least likely " case for successful mobilization due to the recyclers' extreme marginality and the Colombian state's violent repression of labor movements. The article argues that the rise of neoliberalism and the consolidation of democracy created political opportunities that conventional perspectives on the informal economy would not lead us to expect.

Three specific links connected these macro-level transformations to increases in the recyclers' collective organizing capacity. First, technical, financial, and symbolic backing from non-governmental organizations NGOs enabled recyclers to develop innovative organizing models. Second, new human rights provisions contained in the Constitution of created an opening to challenge state policy. Third, the privatization of waste management spurred recyclers to action by leaving them with two clear-cut possibilities: Ethical Consumerism in Global Perspective: Early empirical research on ethical consumerism—the deliberate purchase, or avoidance, of products for political, ethical, or environmental reasons—was primarily individualistic in nature.

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Recently, scholars have demonstrated the Recently, scholars have demonstrated the importance of structural and cultural contexts to the explanation of ethical consumerism, rendering explanations that fail to account for such contexts incomplete. Unfortunately, most of this research has been contained within Europe, limiting potentially important country-level variation.

Because theories of ethical consumerism suggest interactive relationships between individual-and macro-level variables, the Euro-centric nature of existing research raises questions about theoretical gen-eralizability across all levels of analysis. This study uses the citizenship module of the International Social Survey Program ISSP —a data set that allows for increased country-level heterogeneity while maintaining the highest standards of data quality—to run a series of multilevel, logistic regression models with cross-level interactions between country-level affluence and individual-level predictors.

Seven of the eight individual-level predictors analyzed in these interactions are either more influential in high-affluence countries than in low-affluence countries or exhibit statistically uniform effects across the range of affluence. The lone exception is association involvement, which is more influential as affluence decreases. The need to develop interactive models of political participation is discussed. Examining Mobility in International Development more. International development scholars routinely test for convergence across a range of outcomes , including income, health, and education.

However, the extent to which countries have reordered themselves along the development hierarchy However, the extent to which countries have reordered themselves along the development hierarchy receives less attention. Accordingly, the present analysis features a systematic examination of cross-national mobility in international development.

I first introduce a generic model of mobility in which country-level movement is a function of several factors, including initial inequality, growth dynamics, and temporal span. I then show that observed mobility rates across several development indicators gross domestic product per capita [GDP PC], human development index [HDI], and life expectancy are significantly lower than what the generic model predicts.

An investigation of longitudinal trends shows that mobility rates have been declining since the s and that the discrepancy between expected and observed mobility has grown wider during this time. Mobility rates appear to be hindered by the lack of large-scale mobility among upper tier countries where mobility patterns are more favorable than expected and lower tier countries where mobility patterns are less favorable than expected.

In sum, the analysis of mobility can serve as a useful complement to existing research and produces an image of development and change not typically found in convergence studies. Sociology and International Development. Wanted Workers but Unwanted Mothers: Literature on global care work deals with biopolitical tensions between care markets and exclusionary migration regimes leading to the formation of transnational families.

Nevertheless, it disregards how these tensions produce " illegal " Nevertheless, it disregards how these tensions produce " illegal " families within countries of destination, catalyzing the mobilization of moral claims over their recognition in the local civil society. To fill this lacuna, this article looks at the interface between migration policies controlling the reproductive lives of migrant care workers and the mobilization of ethical claims and moral constructions of care from below i.

Based on fieldwork in Israeli advocacy NGOs and the anti-deportation campaign, we suggest that the sociolegal position of migrant care workers' families in destination countries is shaped not only by state policies and market dynamics but also by the types of social mobilizations, ethical evaluations, and pragmatic strategizing they spur in civil society. Findings show that while anti-deportation networks and NGO's advocacy succeeded in achieving public recognition of the reproductive needs and lives of care workers, their forms of moral reasoning and strategizing reinforced definitions of care workers as primarily workers and of their children as humanitarian exceptions to the non-immigration regime.

We conclude by arguing that the transformative power of the politics of ethical claims from below in stringent ethnonational regimes like the Israeli may be contingent on its not disrupting the tensions between wanted workers and unwanted families but rendering them manageable. As such, civil society's social and moral agency broadens the range of actors and dynamics shaping the globalization of care as well as its contradictions.

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Sociology , Political Sociology , and Immigration. Drawing on recent developments in field theory, this article analyzes the struggle for survival of Sao Paulo's street vendors in the face of a massive eviction campaign. I conceive of street vending as a social field divided into two I conceive of street vending as a social field divided into two unequal categories—licensed street vendors and unlicensed street vendors—and show that responses to the campaign varied along group lines. Unlicensed peddlers either abandoned the field or drew on local networks to continue peddling under harsher conditions, whereas licensed street vendors relied on well-established ties to actors in the political field.

After these ties proved ineffective, licensed street vendors survived thanks to the intervention of a non-governmental organization NGO that activated the judicial field and mobilized the legal capital vested in the licenses. The linkage role performed by this actor with cross-field networks and expertise shows the strategic import of interfield relations, which replicate and reinforce the unequal distribution of assets inside the field.

Sociology , Political Sociology , and Consumerism. The vast majority of quantitative research on ethnoracial inequality uses census categories. In this article, however, I question whether census categories in Brazil are the most adequate measure for estimating ethnoracial inequality In this article, however, I question whether census categories in Brazil are the most adequate measure for estimating ethnoracial inequality.

I find that skin color is a stronger predictor of educational attainment and occupational status among Brazilians than race operationalized as census race-color categories used in virtually all research on ethnoracial inequality in Brazil. Centrally, this study finds that " race " and " color " are analytically distinct concepts given that they are empirically distinct, even though they are often conflated in everyday life and by social scientists. The implications of these findings for the study of ethnoracial inequality in Brazil and beyond are discussed, with a focus on directions for future research.

For many decades now, the quantitative analysis of ethnoracial inequality has relied nearly exclusively upon data provided by a country's national census and the categories included therein. Consider, for example, the voluminous literature on ethnoracial inequality in the United States and Brazil, which uses census data to detail gaps in educational attainment, chronicle health outcomes, and measure indices of segregation between ethnoracial categories often presumed to be homogeneous, " self-aware " " groups " ; see Brubaker Yet, as ubiquitous and unquestioned as these categories are see Wacquant , it remains an open question whether they are the most adequate categories to the task of estimating ethnoracial inequality.

This is the central concern I address in this study, which empirically examines and compares two different metrics for the estimation of ethnoracial inequality in Brazil—census race-color categories and interviewer-rated skin color. This article contributes to a long-standing debate over best practices with respect to the estimation of ethnoracial inequality in Brazil by bringing nationally representative data to bear on the question of whether skin color and census categories are analytically and empirically equivalent or distinct.

The Case of La Oroya, Peru more. The dynamics of contaminated communities have become an increasingly important area of research with the rise of environmental hazards worldwide. While much is known about communities that unite to protest toxic conditions, places where While much is known about communities that unite to protest toxic conditions, places where such mobilization has not occurred are far less frequently studied.

Drawing on five months of ethnographic research , this article examines one such community La Oroya in Peru that is plagued by dangerously high lead levels, a product of 90 years of heavy metal smelter activity. What little mobilization has occurred in La Oroya arose not to protest contamination, but rather to contest the potential closure of the metallurgical complex. Through an analysis of the dis-cursive frames that residents use to make sense of contamination, this article highlights the significance of community, collective self-understandings, and moral boundary making in community responses to toxic conditions.

These aforementioned dimensions—not merely the presence of industry or potential job loss—shape subjective perceptions of risk in La Oroya in ways that tend to suppress the emergence of sustained collective action. Sociology , Environmental Sociology , and Social Movements.

Stigma as Social Control: The stigma associated with gender-based violence GBV exacerbates its physical and mental health impacts, as well as the chances of experiencing additional violence. We extend understanding of this stigma and its effects by demonstrating We extend understanding of this stigma and its effects by demonstrating how stigma operates as a mechanism of social control at both interactional and structural levels to preserve the moral order.

We also further general stigma theory by clarifying the conceptualization of power that befits understanding stigma as a mechanism of social control that has cognitive, inter-personal, structural, and moral components.

Health and Health Care as Social Problems : Peter Conrad :

Analysis of data from 6 focus groups with women survivors of intimate partner violence and 19 interviews with close others and key informants in Kenya shows that the moral order, or what matters most, is maintenance of the marital unit, to a great degree because it is the institution that maintains the economic survival of women and children.

The cultural belief that a woman experiencing spousal abuse has violated normative gender and spousal expectations and is therefore a threat to the moral order of the community demands that both husbands and community members act to protect the moral order. Protection of the moral order is accomplished through discrimination against survivors that is institutionalized through custom, law, and the family.

Thus stigma acts as a, albeit contested, community process of social control that re produ-ces gendered power geographies. Gender-based violence GBV against women negatively impacts the health and well-being of women and children worldwide. The discourse of " gender-based violence " emerged to subsume more narrow categories like " intimate partner violence " and " sexual assault " to highlight two critical aspects of the violence.

First, it directs attention to the distinctly gendered nature of the violence rather than its intimate or sexualized context. This maneuver is critical to the second accomplishment of the discourse;. Employing data from the European Social Survey for 21 national representative samples, we provide the first cross-national analysis of the relations between ethnic composition of neighborhood and perception of neighborhood safety in Employing data from the European Social Survey for 21 national representative samples, we provide the first cross-national analysis of the relations between ethnic composition of neighborhood and perception of neighborhood safety in the European context.

The data reveal considerable variation both across countries and across individuals in perceived safety. Bi-level regression analysis shows that perceived safety tends to be lower in countries characterized by a high imprisonment rate and among Europeans who are physically and socially vulnerable e. Net of individual-level and country-level attributes, the analysis shows that perceived safety is lowest in neighborhoods mostly populated by non-European ethnic minorities and highest in neighborhoods mostly populated by Europeans.

The effect of ethnic composition of neighborhood on perceived safety holds even after controlling for previous personal exposure to crime and views toward minorities' impact on crime. We discuss the results in comparison to findings in the United States and in the light of theory in order to delineate the ways that views and perceptions about places are formed and shaped.

Letter from the Co-Editors more. As co-editors we are excited about the opportunity to contribute to the tradition of excellence of Social Problems. From a War on Poverty to a War on the Poor more. And, of course, in the larger world. Galbraith, The Affluent Society Galbraith, The Affluent Society [] Concerned with expanding opportunities and increasing income for the 37 million Americans living in poverty at the time, President Lyndon B.

The overarching goals of the War on Poverty were to: To address these goals, Johnson worked with Congress to pass more than pieces of legislation, resulting in the largest expansion of social safety net programs in U. This legislation created the Medicaid and Medicare programs providing health care to low-income people and the elderly; expanded the Head Start early education program; increased funding for K and postsecondary education; established Food Stamps currently known as SNAP and other school and community-based nutrition programs; instituted job training programs such as Job Corps and VISTA; and augmented subsidized housing units through the Section and programs for the elderly and low-income families Galster Globalization and Protest Expansion more.

In advancing this claim, many have highlighted the role of domestic factors—for example, generational change or economic affluence—without fully accounting for the possibility that international dynamics may play an important role as well. The lack of work is surprising not only because the trend in protest is international in scope, but also because work in comparative sociology suggests globalization may make an important contribution.

This study addresses the empirical gap by examining how political globalization as measured by memberships in international organizations and economic globalization as measured by trade activity and foreign investment influence trends in protest participation. Using data from World Values Surveys of 37, respondents in 17 advanced democracies merged with data on several national and international indicators, this study examines how the probability of participating in protest has changed over time as a result of these two forms of globalization.

The results of multivariate, multilevel analysis combined with simulations indicate that trends in political globalization have expanded protest activity, while trends in economic globalization have limited that expansion. These results suggest that social movement scholarship should continue to examine the implications of globalization for protest behavior and other social movement dynamics.

In multi-ethnic nation-states, opposition to immigration has manifested itself in attitudes and behaviors. Past research has typically focused on anti-immigrant attitudes, and relied on threat and competition theories to explain patterns Past research has typically focused on anti-immigrant attitudes, and relied on threat and competition theories to explain patterns in such attitudes.

These theories suggest that perceived threats stemming from new influxes or large concentrations of immigrants should prompt dominant groups to protect their interests, leading to anti-immigrant attitudes. We extend the literature with a focus on anti-immigrant activity, and introduce the legitimating contexts model, which argues that dominant groups may actually hesitate to engage in exclusionary public actions in places where the political and demographic strength of immigrant and ethnic groups is strong.

In contrast to theories of group threat, we contend that in contexts with low levels of immigrant political power and demographic strength, anti-immigrant activity is less likely to be noticed, let alone challenged, and thus more likely to become part of the status quo. Extending political opportunity theory, we also claim that conservative elites and voters in local areas coupled with low levels of threat further legitimate anti-immigrant activity.

We test these ideas using a new data set of exclusionary action targeted at immigrants in over 50 U. In support of the legitimating contexts model, we find that low levels of demographic and political threat—when immigrants enjoy less power—alone and coupled with a higher share of conservative voters act to legitimate and encourage restrictive events on the part of noninstitutional actors. Prior research on the racial threat perspective and social control typically relies on aggregate-level demographic measures and focuses on racial, rather than on Latino group, composition. This predominant focus in research on racial This predominant focus in research on racial threat and social control makes it unclear whether the assumed linkages are confined to one subordinate group or whether other groups, such as Latinos, are viewed as threatening and elicit heightened social control reactions as well.

More specifically, we use multilevel models to detect direct and interactive relationships between Latino presence and perceived Latino threat on punitive sentiment. The findings show that Latino population growth and perceived Latino criminal and economic threat significantly predict punitive Latino sentiment. Additionally, multiplicative models suggest that the effect of perceived criminal threat on punitive Latino sentiment is most pronounced in settings that have experienced recent growth in the size of the Latino population.

A Multilevel Analysis more. A century of urban research has established that percentage black associates positively with violence at the neighborhood level. We extend traditional structural explanations for this association by drawing attention to the political We extend traditional structural explanations for this association by drawing attention to the political contexts of cities that may influence the race-violence link. Drawing on insights from social movement and racial politics literatures, we contend that the relationship between percentage black and neighborhood violence will be attenuated in cities with greater black political opportunities and black mobilization.

We examine this thesis using multilevel data from the National Neighborhood Crime Study that provide sociodemographic and violence data for census tracts nested within 87 large cities.

We pair these data with city-level measures of black political opportunities and mobilization. Multilevel analyses reveal that the relationship between percentage black and violence varies substantially across cities, and that the average positive relationship often is attenuated, and reduced to statistical insignificance, in cities with favorable political contexts.

We propose that the substantive and symbolic benefits set in motion by favorable political contexts lay the foundation for neighborhood organization against violence. A central mechanism by which medicalization occurs is through domain expansion, wherein an existing diagnostic definition widens to include cases beyond its original scope. This has been especially commonplace with respect to mental This has been especially commonplace with respect to mental illness diagnoses. In contrast, there are few clear instances of domain contraction.

The controversy surrounding the revisions to autism in advance of the publication of the fifth edition of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders DSM-5 is thus of considerable importance. Many autism advocates feared the new definition of autism would exclude a significant number of individuals who are already diagnosed.

We examine lay claims making to this perceived instance of domain contraction through a content analysis of online reader comments to a high-profile New York Times article reporting on the DSM-5 autism criteria. Our analysis points to an amorphous group of social stakeholders who express a variety of concerns about unabated medicalization. We also identify the stance of diagnostic domain defense, which is an oppositional response by laypeople with a personal connection to a diagnosis to a real or perceived challenge to the definitional boundaries of that diagnosis.

Our analysis explicates the dimensions of diagnostic domain defense, which include its grounding in experiential certainty and anguish, and the accrual and deployment of diagnostic resources. We make a case for the utility of this concept for theorizing the relationship between lay claims making, diagnoses, and medicalization. We also make a case for the use of online reader comments as a way to unobtrusively study lay claims making related to pressing social problems in the Internet era.

Residential crowding is linked with the well-being of children and adults. The analyses examine heterogeneity in crowding among four distinct groups of Latinos: Theories of locational attainment and immigrant assimilation are used to develop hypotheses about whether intra-Latino variation in crowding is explained by differences in individual, household, and other characteristics, and which structural factors also interfere in this process.

Multivariate analyses indicate that neither nativity nor citizenship status are linked with residential crowding, net of other variables. In contrast, lacking legal status does have residual impacts on the outcome: The results offer support for the spatial assimilation and place stratification perspectives on locational attainment. These findings contribute to emerging scholarship documenting the unique structural challenges that unauthorized Latino immigrants experience in residential outcomes and other domains in the United States.

Most important, our results show that the relative racial parity in wages that once existed in public sector employment has eroded in the face of new governance, and racial inequalities for both men and women have intensified. Supplementary and decomposition analyses further highlight the potential escalation of discrimination as a core mechanism under new governance. Along with discussing the short- and long-term implications, we conclude by suggesting an important corrective to stratification scholarship—a corrective that highlights what structural transformation may mean for inequality and that recognizes important shifts that have made the public sector, much like the private sector, a locus of contemporary racial disadvantage.

Race, Space, and Cumulative Disadvantage: In this article, we describe how residential segregation and individual racial disparities generate racialized patterns of subprime lending and lead to financial loss among black borrowers in segregated cities. We conceptualize race as a Using Baltimore, Maryland as a case study setting, we combine data from reports filed under the Home Mortgage Disclosure Act with additional loan-level data from mortgage-backed securities. We find that race and neighborhood racial segregation are critical factors explaining black disadvantage across successive stages in the process of lending and foreclosure, controlling for differences in borrower credit scores, income, occupancy status, and loan-to-value ratios.

We analyze the cumulative cost of predatory lending to black borrowers in terms of reduced disposable income and lost wealth. We find the cost to be substantial. These costs were magnified in mostly black neighborhoods and in turn heavily concentrated in communities of color. By elucidating the mechanisms that link black segregation to discrimination we demonstrate how processes of cumulative disadvantage continue to undermine black socioeconomic status in the United States today.

Descubrimos que el costo acumulativo es sustancial. Arab American Protest in the Terror Decade: At the micro level, results from the Detroit Arab American Study show that personally experiencing repression enhances protest participation most strongly for those whose Arab identity is not especially salient.

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This is one of the first studies to demonstrate that repression can be especially mobilizing for those who under other circumstances would be least likely to protest. Our study pushes theorizing about repression by highlighting that the state is not the only actor who represses; that repression need not target protestors to affect the possibilities of protest; and that state and non-state repression is often tightly coupled for racial and ethnic minority populations.

The Best Laid Plans: Using in-depth interviews with 59 middle- and working-class black and white high school Using in-depth interviews with 59 middle- and working-class black and white high school girls, findings show that inequality in adolescent social capital occurs by social class and, within class, by race, in access to high-status adult ties, and in the successful mobilization of those ties to procure resources. This study advances prior work by elucidating differences in social capital at a critical period of the life course; by considering the full range of adults upon which young people may rely in the transition to adulthood; and by showing how these processes contribute to class and race disparities in adolescent future plans.

Three forms of adolescent social capital, which vary by social class and race, are identified: The Paradox of Legitimacy: Legitimacy is widely recognized as necessary for the resilience and success of revolutionary groups, yet successful revolutionary groups are frequently viewed as illegitimate during the course of conflicts.

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