Contents:
A waqf is a pious endowment, which exists from the early records of Islamic history. According to the Encyclopaedia of Religions Waqf refers to the act of dedication property to a Muslim foundation and by extension means also the endowment thus created. The original meaning of the Arabic word is to stop that is to stop to be considered and treated as ordinary property. The property, which is usually a real estate, remains the possession of the founder and of his heirs but they cannot claim on it the usual rights of property.
The historical development of waqf and their institutional configuration is quite complex. Building anything from mosques and schools, to roads and bridges, to neighborhood water fountains. Waqf have a very long and articulated history that testifies the legal ambivalence of these institutions, which are represented as private as well as public bodies. Actually a relevant feature of the Islamic trust is the absence of a substantive distinction between private and charitable trusts in the It is not until the modern period that a clearer distinction was set up between public and private trust, but this was less the result of an evolution in legal principles than the effect of an historic evolution in which the public aspects were emphasized against the private ones.
The case of the evolutionary patterns of foundation in Turkey is particularly emblematic, in this perspective. During the Ottoman Empire charitable endowments grew up and represented for a long time an autonomous sphere. In the middle of the 19th century the Ottoman government promulgated a new land law that created a separate administration for waqf.
Becoming secularized or confiscated by the State this was the case, among others, of the Dervish Nowadays, however, a crucial change is underway and can possibly generate a relevant change in the framework of the highly secularized Turkish society, as an effect of increasing Islamization of Turkish institutions, concerning education, public justice and financial system. Moreover after September 11, the role of Islamic Foundations as potential driver of support to terroristic groups is increasingly under scrutiny and philanthropic activties reveal their multiple facets in a complex framework in which the hybrid nature of many terrorist organizations, with their ambivalence between terrorist activities and philanthropic and humanitarian actions, emerge as a dramatic feature of the present.
The need for financial transparency and accountability both for religeous NGOs as well as for other type of grantmaking organizations becomes crucial to avoid the danger of misuse of foundations in financing terrorist mouvements. What should be underlined is that the ambivalence it not the product neither of the reliegous norms, nor of the charible practices but is related to the behaviour of instituitional and individual actors.
In itself the Zakaat as a charity tax presents differences but also similarities with other practices of tithing. While the Islamic radition distinguishes between the obligatory As observed by Thomas H. Jeavons the practice of thithing has its roots in the Old Testament. Beyond the impact of specific teachings, those who participate in religious congregations also generally see giving model on a regular basis as a public act, and learn giving as a social behavior.
Generally speaking one can affirm that religious people are more generous overall than non-believers but it is also a matter of fact that the most generous are not necessarily religious and, moreover, that in religious giving there is the risk that a significant proportion is utilized for the reproduction and the maintenance of the religious institutions themselves, as it can happen for any other type of non profit organizations. As an effect of combining these two contradictory sentences one can affirm that religious giving does not necessarily reflect the spirit of generosity.
In extreme cases religion can also act to limit and contain the social benefit of civic entrepreneurship. After all, as Robert Wuthnow has recalled it, giving is essentially a social — and to many extent political — transaction. The spirit of generosity depends on the contexts which means that it is shaped by other factors than religion as such and involves aspects of social life that are embedded in social institutions and in their evolutionary process.
In this perspective it is not surprising that the poor and the people in situation of insecurity give more than the rich and the persons who live in situation of political, social and economic security. Giving within poor communities is crucial to their survival. Without mutual help survival will be more difficult.
Starvation, maltunitrion, dissemination of diseases will be more severe. In monotheistic religions and particularly in the Jewish tradition, during the medieval and modern period. On the basis of archive documents and iconography sources Gioia Perugia describes the role of a quasi institutional space animated by the principles of mutual aid and solidarity between each individual, the family and the community as a whole and particularly analyses the role of benevolent voluntary societies created in the ghetto era who cared for the physical and spiritual needs of the disadvantaged.
In this increasingly consolidated social space obligation and volunteering are strictly interconnected as moral imperatives. Patterns of obligations, within the more limited system of nuclear family, are at work also at present in the most developed countries, where differences in the style of giving are related to contexts and generated a pattern that I will define tentatively as differentiated isomorphism.
The development of the research activities will demonstrate if this heuristic tool is an appropriate and strategic conceptual framework or not. Reflections on the present through the laboratory of the past: In the US every income group gives more to religious causes than to non-religious. In giving to religious organization increased by 5. In the Mediterranean and particularly in Southern Europe if one considers congregations and religious associations the impact of religion on giving is much lower as compared to the United States. The picture changes dramatically, however, if one considers the role of the Catholic Church as an institution of charitable activities as well as the main driver of volunteering organizations.
It changes also if the inquiry concerns Sooth Eastern Europe, where according to a detailed report by Seal, a research network of the European Foundation Center at present the Third Sector includes a diversity of religious and faith-based associations, sometimes established by citizens and sometimes by religious institutions. Regardless of the fact that in the old system religious communities were marginalized, their influence on citizens remained very present. This became very obvious during the tragic war of As they did during the war, religious communities in today's Bosnia and Herzegovina are aiming to become influential forces in the republic's political and social life.
This is especially obvious when we look at mono-ethnic and religious activities, aid provision and support to nationalist political parties. Many religious-oriented NGOs are involved in overcoming inherent divisions and other barriers to reconciliation. Some of these organizations are explicitly religious, i. Others may be termed "faith-based". Faith-based NGOs engage in a range of activities, including promoting inter faith dialogue, providing immediate humanitarian aid, and fostering long Therefore one should take into consideration the difference of context between a situation of quasi — monopoly and a situation of increasing pluralism where there is a proliferation of different churches.
Wright or wrong this theory, it is a matter of fact that religious pluralism seems to facilitate the scholarly engagement in this field of research. In comparison with Europe where the study of religious organizations and their relations with giving practices is still the main field of research of few and isolated scholars, since the seminal book by Robert Wuthnow and Virginia Hodgkinson, North American scholars have produced a consistent number of studies. One of the aims of the research project is to contribute to fill the gap between two world the Anglo — Saxon tradition in which philanthropy is full legitimized both in theory and in practice and the Mediterranean world where the oldest roots of philanthropy are located but in which both the practice and their institutional framework as well as the academic work and institutions are still in a pioneering phase.
In the US important research centers such as the Hauser Center at Harvard University and the Center on Philanthropy at the Indiana University have focused religions and philanthropy from different disciplinary perspectives. The increasing amount of publications about faith and secularization has certainly contributed to stimulate the debate. Among other scholars, Peter Dobkin Hall, a well-known specialist in history of philanthropy, has largely contributed to stimulate the research on the relations between religions Dobkin Hall states that the major studies of religion, giving and volunteering treat religion generically.
The Collapse and Revival of American Community. The Jewish Diaspora is traditionally a vehicle of protection of the community particularly for the Haredi community, an ultra orthodox Jewish community, analyzed by Benjamin Gidron, as well as of social interaction and integration within and across different contexts. Changes in Meaning over Space and Time, c. Regarding the lifestyle of the Warburg brothers the range covered the strictly religious orientation of Fritz Warburg to the fully secularized lifestyle of Max Warburg who did not even make an effort to familiarize his children with the Jewish belief.
Regarding the question of motivation the author infers that there did not exist a specific Jewish reason for the patronage, but rather a civil implicitness of the family that did not differ from the patronage of non-Jewish wealthy citizens of Hamburg. The question of motivation and intention of Jewish benefactors is the focus of the second paper. The Jewish foundation activity began in Frankfurt in the late s and s.
The author argues that a central motive of the sponsors was to shape the social and cultural features of their In doing so the foundations goal was twofold: Both papers tend to argue that besides the diversity of individual motivations — certain religious and cultural imprints were noticeable but their influence and patterns should be related to the contexts and their historical variations. Gioia Perugia Sztulman demonstrate in one of the chapters of this book, through the support of empirical sources and visual evidences, the crucial role over years of the ghetto and its paradoxes: This approach finds a building block in the argument developed by Ronald Inglehart and Pippa Norris in their book Sacred and Secular Religion and Politics Worldwide about the cultural tradition axiom.
It states that worldviews that were originally linked with religious traditions have shaped the culture of each nation or social group and have been transmitted to the citizens despite their religious orientation, not directly by the church or religious organizations but by the educational system, the mass media, the social networks. Even in highly secular societies, the historical legacy of traditional religious practices and values continue to define cultural differences.
This concerns also organizational models associations and congregations versus centralized institutions and the attitude to other groups including philanthropic activities which enter this complex landscape by contributing to its shaping, being at the same time shaped by its evolutionary configuration. To many extent — not in all cases — philanthropy acts as a bridge between traditional sacred and secularized societies, being a social practice which frequently embeds religious traditions The theoretical framework: The first consideration is that the complexity of the relation between religions and philanthropy are related to a fundamental paradox: Since the modern age as an example the relation between religion and philanthropy has been shaped by the triangulation with the role of the Church in the consolidation of national states and related civil societies as well as to their The term "philanthropy" has been used in France since modern times, but discredited by the French Revolution.
In Germany for a long time it was almost exclusively used in the field of art and culture. These differences can be ascribed to the different religious mentalities, values and traditions of the respective countries shaped by Catholicism, Calvinism, Lutheranism and Protestantism.
In a recent paper based on quantitative data on the development of the welfare state Klaus Weber states that the inner — Protestant differences are stronger than differences between a Lutheran and Catholic tradition. The research conducted by a group of scholars, in the framework of the research activity of the Philanthropy and Social Innovation Research center, shows that this statement should be contextualized and reconsidered. Also in Catholicism as I mentioned there are different characterizations and orientations. At the origin of Christianity, as an example, there is a relevant shift in the behavior towards the poor.
Actually this behavior is the basic framework to understand the shifting in the Roman Empire from the lover of the city to the lover of the poor. The establishment of the Christian Church in the Roman Empire in the late antique period between the years and of the Common Era implied that the love of the poor became a public virtue. The City was the focus, not the poor. Lover of the poor did not grow naturally out of the ideals of public beneficence in Greek and Roman times. Significantly it emerged — as stated by Peter Brown in his classical study Poverty and Leadership on the Later Roman Empire — when the ancient civic sense of the community was weakened.
From this perspective Christian and Jewish charitable behavior were not simply a new pattern of generosity but a new departure which considered society as a whole. The relation with the poor became part of the life of the rich, also as a consequence of the increasing intertwining between the city and the countryside and of the growing visibility of the poor within the walls of the city, as an effect of the demographic revolution during the 4th and 5th century.
In the Mediterranean areas this shift create a geographical differentiation between the Greco-Roman world and the Ancient Near East, whose essentially nonclassical cultural framework had a focus on the care of the poor. The same orientation prevailed until the modern times also in the Orthodox context where the accumulation of wealth was condemned as illicit. The Orthodox religious rules implied that wealth should be essentially used for the common good as a service to God as well as to those who need help.
In Russia, Orthodox religious had a great influence on the development of philanthropy. Significantly both in the Jewish and in the Orthodox religious traditions which are widespread in the Mediterranean basin, the highest level of charity is spontaneous donation, giving through the heart, that is with an act of generosity, empathy and love. In the Jewish tradition the most relevant aspect, as we have seen, is the Maimonides prescription along a scale of eight levels, from the lowest level of giving reluctantly to the highest In the Orthodox tradition the practice of philanthropy is also historically based on the XVIth century Domostroji.
It indicates the prescriptions of religious behavior, which does not implies only eleemosynary practice but attentive cares towards the needy people. This was also the case in the framework of Islamic tradition where philanthropy was and still is formally related, through the Zakah prescriptions, to the care of poor. The specificity of the Catholic tradition, as demonstrated by Peter Brown, is that the establishment of the Church was not outside the picture, on the contrary the bishops and their helpers were themselves agents of change.
Brown affirms that the Christian bishops invented the poor. They acted and claim for power in the name of the needs of the poor. The care of poor was a social construction in which also new patterns of power were shaped. The Christian Church gave a new meaning to the old demos. It designated the marginal groups that had always pressed in upon the city as the poor. It should be noted, however, that in the IVth and Vth century in the Jewish and Catholic tradition and in the framework of a society which was not marked by clear-cut cleavages, the poor were people vulnerable to impoverishment rather than individual leaving in deep desperate poverty.
In the Jewish tradition it is expressed in the concept of Zedaka. What early Christians took for granted as part of an inherited conglomerate of notions shared with Judaism, was that they were responsible for the care of the poor of their communities. The Islamic tradition incorporated this vision and practices by implementing it with the principle of supporting the community with material goods delivered and administrated by the Waqf — fountains, schools, orphelinats, but also markets, as S. Faroqhi shows in her contribution to this book — with their benefits to be shared by the community.
The triangulation among religion philanthropy and the economic aspects of social life of communities is a relevant subject that needs to be developed by scholarly research. It is an important chapter in this field of study since at present we need to understand the genealogy —that is the historical and theoretical framework — of an emerging approach in philanthropy which combines giving and business practices in the practical and theoretical framework of venture philanthropy and social return on investment. At the end of the III Century — as an example — a silent revolution starts to emerge in the framework In some circles — as Peter Brown observes — even private almsgiving was discouraged: This was also the framework in which the claim for tax exemptions emerged in the name of the care of poor.
The institutionalization of religion is — to many extents- a relevant factor if the institutionalization of philanthropy in which the role of tax exemption is still a crucial factor but not necessary an engine of giving.
Looking to more recent time one should consider the increasing divide between the dimension of giving in the framework of religious institutions and its role as a voluntary phenomenon related to faith-based associations and organizations. As I have previously mentioned in Europe, where Catholicism is largely diffused, giving to religion is lower if compared with the US. In recent times however it appears to be a growing phenomenon. In Italy the main attractor and engine of giving is, not surprisingly, volunteering. The practice of giving is less related to donations than to the creation of services, to support of communities.
The evolution of Catholicism, however, observed from the long- term perspective reveals that there are several traditions in which charity and philanthropy are not opposed and Catholicism is a vehicle of civic impact. One of these traditions is social Catholicism that Dobkin recognizes as a vehicle to produce charitable organizations intended to serve society as a whole. Blending boundaries between profit and non-profit. Case studies in historical perspective. Going back to the medieval tradition I have mentioned Franciscanism, as has been a powerful driver of reshaping charity.
Two Italian scholars, Ceccarelli and Muzzarelli, have written interesting case studies about this movement. The pawnshops were directed, according to the original statutes, to people who were neither very rich nor absolutely poor. The pawnshops functioned like a bank but under particularly favorable conditions for a well-defined type of client, moderately poor and virtuous citizen.
The system of micro-credit is one of the modern approaches used to recognize and alleviate financial necessity; the foundation of the pawnshops confronted the same issue at the end of Middle Ages. The goal was to offer credit with special conditions; applying rates lower than fair market value instead of charity. The condition was to be confident in the possibility of escaping poverty and the establishment of a solid framework of trusts an trustable actors. The client would have the possibility to overcome the general condition of inability through the empowerment of his individual condition and the trust offered by the bank.
These pacts stabilized the conditions of loans and of cohabitation between the Christian majority and the Jewish minority. These conventions indicated a new and important phase in the history of loan, and not only of small loan. These conventions represent a phase of consciousness of a widespread need for loans. At the same time, the rules also represent a phase of trust in these brokers that, although they were not Christian, were still trustworthy.
The relationship with Jewish broker lasted many centuries. The pawnshops derived from the particular culture and sensibility of the Franciscan order, but also from Jewish experience. The idea of intervening With the pawnshops, the Christian world directly addressed the problem of small credit, separating the idea of charity. The later remained necessary to help the really weak, people who were not able to overcome independently poverty because of age, illness, and inability to work.
The pawnshops, instead, were destined to help those who only needed economic help in order to overcome a temporary condition of necessity. Pawnshops were effective economic venture not only for the clients, but also for the city. The city was alleviated from the obligation to assist men and women who risked to become really poor. For the city, the risk of potentially dangerous behaviors inspired by poverty diminished. The clients of pawnshops, the poor less poor, if appropriately sustained would have been able to access the goods and start small activities, consequently producing wealth.
As noticed by Muzzarelli the more innovative aspects of this initiative, created in Franciscan framework, met also challenges. The request of reimbursement of expenses, was in fact considered usury and the assimilation of Pawnshop to business activities was condemned by the dominant ideology of the Catholic Church. The relations between business and charitable behaviour is also at the core of Suraya Faroqhi who has extensively analyzed the practice of giving in Turkey, in the framework of Islamic tradition within the Ottoman Empire, with a specific focus on the practice of intertwining social investment and charity and the consequent blurring of their boundaries as a relevant aspect of the historical evolution of the waqf.
From these case study related to different historical and religious traditions a lesson to be learned: Therefore it is important to analyze this complex system of practices, doctrines and visions from a prismatic perspective, that is from geographical and cultural areas in which cross-fertilization effects are visible and relevant.
The Mediterranean areas are certainly a prismatic field of inquiry with their different social anthropological and institutional configurations. Hybridization are well documented in the work of Mark R. Therefore in monotheistic religions patterns of crossfertilization have been at work since the oldest times. The religious norms and their anthropological and cultural patterns are certainly factors of differentiation which are particularly relevant in the Mediterranean areas where the coexistence of different religious traditions is a traditional feature.
This statement is overwhelmed in the One can affirm that philanthropy and its institutional and associative networks entered in a phase of debate and change which characterizes, with specific connotations, the Mediterranean areas and their strategic role within the global system. Since the Mediterranean is a crosscontinental framework this process concerns European countries including Eastern and Central Europe, Turkey as well as other continental areas, such as the MiddleEast and the Northern part of Africa.
It is also a matter of fact that the most diffused religious traditions in the Mediterranean areas Jewish, Islamic and Christian — Catholic, Protestant and Orthodox — in the contemporary period as well in the past- are characterised by increasing interaction and shaped by the effects of the evolution of civil society in the framework of the persistence of long established religious and cultural practices, including social rules and legal norms. The Islamic as well as the Jewish tradition are characterised by an increasing interaction between religious statements and practice of social justice in which philanthropic activities and their institutional drivers, such as Foundations, NPOs and NGOs — are particularly relevant because they include innovation issues as well as traditional patterns.
The rules of the present: In this overview of an emerging and promising research field there is an element missed: As stated by Suraya Faroqhi. This latter condition explains why real estate was so often preferred when it came to instituting a vakif. Men and women who established pious foundations were furthermore The exploration of the changing patterns of philanthropy and its relations with religious practices and cultures in the Mediterranean areas both from the historical point of view in the long period and in the present is no more a complementary aspect of research issues concerning the past and present of multicultural societies but it represents a core element in the study of the process of social inclusion and social exclusion as it is testified by some of the contributions to this book.
As well as by research seminars focused on this subject. The case of Turkey, Israel and Cyprus are particularly emblematic and can be considered as a strategic focus to extend and improve research projects aiming to develop comparative issues in the relation between past and present as well as among different areas within the Mediterranean as well as in a global perspective.
The relations between religion and philanthropy should be analyzed as a global prismatic system in which as previously noticed there are different patterns of reaction and interaction in the framework of historical change: In Salonika, for example, conquered from the Venetians the churches were transformed into mosques. Then there is to consider the case of differentiation of practices within the same religious framework. As stated by Faroqhi in her Analogically these considerations recall the debate of the Franciscan movement in distinguish the usura which was forbidden by Catholic doctrine form lending out money to the benefit of community.
The need to analyse the historical evolution of the waqf or more precisely vakif in Turkish, their role in the medieval period, their retrieval under the increasing domination of state authorities, is a crucial both for the scholars and the practitioners. Differentiated isomorphism can be used as an analytical tool to study the historical evolution of philanthropic institutions in the same context as well as to compare different institutional context in the same historical period.
In Italy and Turkey despite different social and political configurations, the State has controlled for long time charitable associations, such as the opere pie in Italy and the old foundations in Turkey. In both countries at When these creative patterns become a practice, grant-making activities can yield the transformative outcomes that encompass and embody social justice as a strategic goal of philanthropic activities. It is a crucial goal both in the Italian society, facing an increasing immigration of religious and cultural minorities as well as in the Turkish society characterised a twofold dynamism, between the increasing role of faith and the consolidated secularisation of institutions and social policies and between the emerging role of Islamic movement and its social and anthropological aspects and the attractiveness of European political and legal and social configuration, Multiculturalism and its effects in shaping the role of religious congregations are a crucial factor in structuring the relation between religions and philanthropy in the global context.
This is the reason why we have decided to include in this volume the case of South Africa, as an interesting framework of social and cultural change in philanthropic culture and practices in a society in rapid transition as well a study of ethical roots of philanthropy in the North American continent, as a crucial background for the discussion of both the evolution of Protestant tradition faced to the development of a multi-cultural society see Soma Hewa contribution to this volume.
Inter-cultural exchanges are a growing phenomenon and are generating new institutional configurations such as the micro-credit and the welcome banks that adapt financial tools to cultural and religious traditions. The elaboration of case studies The study on religious aspect The Mediterranean is considered — according to the historian F. The representations of philanthropy as a dynamic space of social change through the practice of giving, concretely testifies that the Mediterranean is the most vivid and interactive laboratory of creativity as well as a scholarly framework to develop comparative studies of practices, cultures and symbols of philanthropy in its evolutionary patterns.
Many stereotypes that Western mental behaviour has generated towards Mediterranean cultures and religions — with a specific reference to the Muslim tradition — appear as inconsistent and wrong. Si tratta di un fenomeno universale, su cui abbiamo moltissimi esempi, soprattutto nei contesti urbani, anche non mediterranei. Wikkan,Sustainable Development in the Mega -City. Can the Concept Be Made Applicable?
Wikkan ricordo, Managing Turbulent Hearts: Christinat, Des parrains pour la vie. Ora essi si presenterebbero virtuosamente complementari e interagenti. La riflessione in corso, tuttavia, e proprio sui temi del classico capolavoro di Hungtinton6, segue un altro percorso. Simmel, Filosofia del denaro a cura di A. Ma penso anche alla creazione di nuove cerchie sociali e di reti di riferimento politico, con leaders intermedi delle organizzazioni partitiche che garantivano la redistribuzione di risorse dal centro. Sant Cassia with C. Esso ha consentito a immense masse di resistere ai disagi della crescita in un ambiente arretrato, minizzando i costi sociali e sviluppando strategie di autodifesa individuali e collettive che hanno reso meno penoso il cammino vero la completa intersezione nel circuito del meccanismo di mercato.
Pardo, Managing Existence in Naples. Tai Landa, Trust, Ethnicity and Identity. Eppure ci ostiniamo a non applicare i suoi modelli analitici. Chayanov, The Theory of Peasant Economy, ed. Ethnic Communities in Business. Alternative al degrado, al declino, alla marginalizzazione Sapelli, Southern Europe, cit. Si guardi ai destini tanto diversi di Barcellona e di Instanbul. Certo,si deve sempre affermare che: Klapsich-Zuber, Tuscans and their Familie: E le eccezioni sono le eccezioni dello Hinterlandindustriale piuttosto che rurale- e caratterizzano le esperienze di Barcellona, di Genova, di Trieste, di Smirne Izmir.
Essa ha subitamente abbandonato quella configurazione sociale industriale per assumere quella della neo- industria e del declino, quindi, della popolazione industriale rispetto a quella del settore terziario. Conflitti, sviluppo e dissociazione dagli anni cinquanta a oggi,Marsilio, Venezia, Si pensi alla siderurgia napoletana, per esempio.
Petros, Greek Rentier Capital: Dynamic Growth and Industrial Underdervelopment e A. Fondazione Enrico Mattei, Milano Leontidou, The Mediterranean City in Transition. Social Change and Urban Development,cit.
Anfossi, Prefazione, ad A. Oommen, a cura , Azioni politiche fuori dai partiti. La politica di grandi costruzioni ad uso In una pagina fondamentale dell'Etica a Nicomaco Aristotele aveva 1 collocato la ricchezza elargitrice al centro della citt e del sistema sociale.
Bekker, Berlin, II, pp. Ricchezza e povert nel cristianesimo primitivo, a cura di M. Mara, Roma, III ed. Dark — Anthea L. Harris, The Orphanage of Byzantine 3 Constantinople: Miller, The Orphanotropheion of Constantinople, in E. Albu Hanawall and C. Orselli, I Beni culturali nella committenza e nella cura dei vescovi. Donciu, L'empereur Maxence, Bari , pp. Brodskij, Fuga da Bisanzio, tr. Forti, Adelphi edizioni 6 Milano , p. Brodskij esiliato dalla Russia nel ha avuto il Premio Nobel per la Letteratura nel Malgrado le sue professioni di antibizantinismo si fatto seppellire a San Michele di Murano, nella Venetia alterum Byzantium.
Maltezou, Venezia , pp. Di Branco, con una nota di B. Hemmerdinger, testo greco a fronte, postfazione di G. Pertusi, Il pensiero politico bizantino, Edizione a cura di A. Volpe Cacciatore, Napoli con sunto alle pp. Traduzione in tedesco in W. Su questa proposta di Tomaso Magistros cfr. Culte des saints et monarchie byzantine et post-byzantine, Bucarest, , pp.
Si veda la bibliografia relativa al voivoda in A. Carile, Teologia politica bizantina, Spoleto , pp. PG 86, ristampa della notizia del Galland , cc. Riedinger, Athenai , e di varie traduzioni cfr. Rocca, Un trattatista di et giustinianea: Bell, Glasgow , pp.
Per la tradizione letteraria e politica di Agapeto rimane fondamentale cfr. Sevcenko, Agapetus East and West: Byron, The Byzantine Achievement. Carile, Materiali di storia bizantina, Bologna Haldon, Wiley-Blackwell, , pp.
Pertusi, Il pensiero politico bizantino, a cura di A. Carile, Bologna, , p. Thessalonike, con aggiunta di due articoli e prosqnkev di Aikaterine Christophilopoulou , ed. Laiou Editor in Chief, Washington, , pp. Ospedali, ospizi per viaggiatori, lebbrosari, nella capitale e lungo le vie di comunicazione, vennero eretti.
Speciale cura si ebbe dei profughi e degli orfani, cui si provvedeva anche ad una forma di educazione, oltre che di mantenimento Carile, Materiali di storia bizantina, Bologna , rist. Miller, The Orphans of Byzantium. Child Welfare in the Christian Empire, Washington , pp. Finn, Almsgiving in the Later Roman Empire. Christian Promotion and Practice , Oxford Nel pensiero e nella vita dei bizantini la philanthropia era: Ecco le regole della filosofia filantropica bizantina: Farsi monaco e vivere una vita di di preghiera e mortificazione dei bisogni materiali e distribuire le ricchezze proprie ai poveri significava raggiungere la perfezione.
Brown, Povert e leadership, cit. Arangio-Ruiz, I, Napoli , pp. Carile, Bologna , p. Alessio I Comneno consiglia al figlio: La filantropia costituiva una delle prerogative 31 J. Patlagean, Santit e potere a Bisanzio, tr. Child Welfare in the Christian Empire, Washinton , pp. Ma anche i dignitari laici assumevano una connotazione socialmente accettabile mediante operazioni filantropiche.
Basilio il Grande, Giovanni Crisostomo, Sansone, Giovanni il Misericordioso, Stefano parakoimomenos di Maurizio, Dexiocrate, Michele Attaliata e molti altri si illustrarono con private fondazioni caritatevoli Licentiam igitur damus praedictis venerabilibus domibus non solum ad tempus emphytheosin facere immobilium rerum sibi competentium, sed perpetue haec emphytheotico iure volentibus dari.
XII con la relativa bibliografia sul tema della ideologia politica. Diamo licenza alle predette istituzioni venerabili di stipulare delle enfiteusi dei beni immobili di loro propriet non solo a tempo ma anche in perpetuo a favore di chi le vuole. Anche gli xenones o xenodocheia e gerocomeia offrivano servizi medici. Ospedali, cliniche, e ricoveri di Chiesa, imperatori e laici, erano usualmente annessi a luoghi di culto e di pellegrinaggio e anzi si riteneva che alcuni santi, e relative reliquie e alcune colonne avessero poteri curativi miracolosi Freu, Les figures du pauvre dans les sources , cit.
Miller, The birth of the Hospital, cit. Brown, Povert e leadership nel tardo impero romano, cit. Constantelos, Byzantine Philanthropy, cit.
Due fratelli della Isauria, Teodulo e Gelasio furono gli architetti del complesso e vennero definiti i nuovi Beseel e Eliab, i biblici architetti del Tabernacolo. Carestia, locuste, peste e quindi fame, malattia e morte. Wright, Cambridge , p. Gli schiavi bambini valevano meno della met di un adulto, perch presentavano un rischio pi grande di sopravvivenza.
A met del prezzo legale si potevano acquistare presso il gran principato di Kiev nel X secolo gli schiavi russi da rivendere al mercato di Costantinopoli, cfr.
Nel sobborgo costantinopolitano Irion sorgeva un leprocomion ospedale per lebbrosi denominato Zoticon. Una fonte citata dal Preger 46 afferma che fosse stato fondato da Giustino II e sua moglie Sofia Il protovestiarios Zotico ne era stato il suo primo direttore. Un altro ptochotropheion con lebbrosario si trovava nella regione di Argyronium, sulla costa del Ponto Eusino oltre la chiesa di San Panteleimon. Preger, III, , Volk, Gesundheitswesen und Wohlttigkeit, cit.
Aerio, che a causa del suo arianesimo dovette lasciare il posto. Non mancano esempi di ricchi laici fondatori di ospedali. Otto letti del secondo reparto erano a disposizione delle affezioni oculari e intestinali. Dodici letti nel terzo reparto erano riservati alle donne. Altri venti letti in due reparti servivano per malattie generali. Ogni reparto disponeva di un letto libero per emergenze e altri sei per malattie terminali. Gli altri reparti erano dotati allo stesso modo.
In un ospedale di di sessantun letti operavano trentacinque dottori. Il Typicon prescrive inoltre che di notte cinque dottori, quattro maschi e una femmina, fossero presenti in ospedale. Ogni letto era dotato di una coperta distesa su un tavolato al modo orientale, una coperta, un cuscino e una coperta di pelo di cavallo mentre in inverno venivano fornite due imbottite. Il direttore si doveva curare della biancheria mentre i vestiti dei pazienti dovevano essere puliti e stirati. La dotazione del letto veniva rinnovata anno per anno.
I vestiti scartati venivano donati ai poveri. Nel reparto donne operavano due dottori, una levatrice e quattro aiuti, due sovrannumerari e due infermiere. Miller, The Orphans of Byzantium, cit. Dottori e personale erano organizzati in due turni che cambiavano ogni mese. I primikerioi si occupavano del vitto dei pazienti e li visitavano spesso dando disposizioni al resto del personale e fornendo le prime cure agli spedalizzati. Un professore di medicina forniva lezioni ai dottori giovani.
Erano assistiti da quatto aiuti chirurghi e quattro aiuti dottori. Il direttore aveva ordine di non risparmiare nella cura del malato. Il personale subordinato comprendeva tre aiuto farmacisti, due sovrannumeari, un portiere, cuochi e loro aiuti, un mugnaio, un fornaio e un garzone di stalla per i cavalli dei dottori. A Pasqua venivano loro dati tre pezzi di sapone per il loro bagno. Il cimitero disponeva di quattro uomini incaricati delle sepolture e di un prete Amo ricordare, con una certa nostalgia per quel piccolo mondo antico, che nel a Patrasso nel cimitero cittadino, dove mi ero recato per una colliva celebrazione dopo quaranta giorni dalla sepoltura del genitore di un amico, ho trovato un papas che giocava a carte con gli addetti al cimitero, sulla porta di ingresso, in attesa di visitatori che intendevano arruolarlo per preghiere sulle tombe e per la consumazione di un piccolo pasto rituale sul piano della tomba stessa, uso ancora praticato nel mondo ortodosso.
Stessa esortazione valeva per i cuochi, le serve, i preti e il resto del personale: Durante la Settimana Santa concedeva amnistie ai criminali condannati a morte. Il governatore universale del mondo non poteva che essere un dio terreno56, una copia del prototipo celeste. Van Nuffelen, Pseudo-Themistius, Pros basilea: Imarets public kitchens were one of the institutions commonly found in Ottoman mosque complexes established as philanthropic endowments by the wealthiest and most powerful members of Ottoman society.
These complexes were often endowed as the religious, social and cultural anchor of new neighborhoods, and served the Ottomans as a means for developing and expanding existing urban spaces, or for establishing new ones. The largest foundations included multiple structures, providing spaces for prayer, education, hospitality, hygiene, and commerce.
Smaller complexes copied the large ones, touching fewer people, less grandly and in fewer ways, but nonetheless proliferating this model of philanthropic activity in additional neighborhoods, provinces or towns. A large complex could comprise one or more of the following institutions: The public kitchen usually fed the staff of the complex, the teachers and students in its madrasa and mekteb, and others, like members of the tekke, and in addition, some number of transient guests and local indigents.
Stepping back to appreciate the imarets in the broad perspective of Mediterranean history, we can place them 1. The history of changing Mediterranean hospitality practices has been carefully traced in the medieval period by Olivia Remie Constable in her book Housing the Stranger in the Mediterranean World. However, documentary evidence suggests that the sums expended on the provisions, equipment, and staff of these kitchens accounted for a major proportion of the annual expenditures of the complexes. The imarets thus deserve close attention as the object of philanthropic spending, signaling the importance attached to providing food and sustaining certain population groups.
Diet and nutrition affect physical and psychological health, directly influencing individual development, strength, cognitive abilities, emotions, productivity, Olivia Remie Constable, Housing the Stranger in the Mediterranean 2 World: Cambridge 3 University Press, Differences of diet among the richer and poorer in any society are also one of the most important markers of their respective status.
The foods that figure in charitable distributions are also an indication of the aims of the donors and the potential impact of the donation, in both substantive and symbolic terms. It adds an additional perspective to the idea that philanthropic endeavors serve as a tool of imperial legitimation: Yet the complexes were multi-purpose not only in their social and cultural services. They also served to define what was Ottoman and to spread particular aspects of Ottoman culture across the empire. Most of the current understanding about food in imarets is gleaned from the texts of the vakfiyes endowment deeds drawn up by their founders.
Typically, these documents included at least a minimal description of the dishes that were to be prepared in the kitchen, a budget for the necessary ingredients and a list of the intended clientele. Soup or stew served with bread appeared most frequently on imaret menus throughout the Ottoman Empire, for all clients. The richer dishes of dane a savory meat stew with rice and zerde a rice dish sweetened with honey and flavored with saffron were widely stipulated for the menus of festival days such as Friday and Ramadan nights, and sometimes daily for See, for example, the frequent references to food in Nathalie Zemon 4 Davis, The Gift Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, Although it is difficult to calculate precisely, imarets seem to have been important agents in the daily sustenance of Ottoman urban populations.
The historian Stephan Yerasimos estimated that around the year , food and bread were distributed daily to approximately fifteen percent of the population of Istanbul, from imarets and other endowments in the city which fulfilled similar purposes. If fifteen percent was typical of Ottoman towns which had imarets, then, when the imarets and similar institutions functioned reasonably well, they played a significant role in sustaining and shaping Ottoman society, physically and socially.
Thus, it is worth exploring the uniformity and diversity of imaret menus and service even as defined normatively in the foundation deeds: Neumann and Amy Singer Istanbul: Haim Gerber has also discussed the relative importance of imarets 6 in providing daily sustenance, for which see H. At the same time, the uniformities discovered among kitchens clarify the ideology that infused the establishment of imarets and shaped their prototype. Accounting for Food Somewhat surprisingly, Ottoman imarets as distant from each other as Istanbul and Jerusalem were meant to serve their clients much the same foods.
This uniformity of planning not only suggests some model or archetype prevalent in the minds of the imaret founders but had immediate implications for the actual management of the kitchens. It also had consequences for the people who ate at imarets. At the same time, several points of diversity existed in imaret menus: Distinctions were also made regarding the amounts of food served to particular groups, the order in which they ate, and the manner in which they were served, including where they consumed their food.
More extensive discussions of sources for the study of imarets may be 8 found in Amy Singer, Constructing Ottoman Beneficence: They also reflect how diets were imagined to differ among people of varied social status and economic class, and so reveal another aspect of how status and class were visibly marked and reinforced in the Ottoman Empire.
While the vakfiyes often described the components of each meal as well as the ingredients of specific dishes, the muhasebe defterleri did not usually record such detail. Their very existence gives us some idea of how seriously the Ottomans regarded the matter of managing their large foundations. Muhasebe defterleri are all about business, with almost no descriptive information, anecdotes or observations. They are useful when analyzed for the categories of accounting and when it is possible to use several registers in sequence.
Occasionally, marginal or explanatory notes, for example on about the cost of replacing or repairing implements reveal details about how meals were prepared, served, and consumed, how foodstuffs were acquired and stored, and how kitchens were cleaned and maintained. For a discussion of kitchen maintenance, see: Chronicles are more anecdotal in their records; where they record feasts and festivities, they contribute important and unanticipated detail to our study. Their proliferation in the Ottoman lands gave a particular, Ottoman expression to a much older practice — distributing food free of charge to defined sectors or groups in the population.
The uniformity of dishes in imarets across the empire worked as an Ottomanizing mechanism. Like any cultural mode — dress, language, or aesthetic design — the imperial culinary frame could also absorb and co-exist with local forms and practices. In this way, imperial forms were altered and adjusted to fit better, if not perfectly into local contexts. This is yet another part of the Ottomanization — localization paradigm that has been articulated so fruitfully, albeit for a different period, to analyze the dynamic interaction between imperial officials posted to the provinces and the local notables who were incorporated into the ranks of Ottoman officialdom, creating an Ottoman ruling class.
It offers an important opportunity to comparison meals to be served to varying ranks of individuals with those served in the imarets. A History from Within, ed. Alla Tua Scoperta 3: Alla Tua Scoperta 4: Alla Tua Scoperta 5: Alla Tua Scoperta 6: Attimi Sospesi PDF complete. Che Guaio, San Valentino! Il Signore Degli Inganni: Download Alla Tua Scoperta Download Cento Sfaccettature Di Mr. Download Piu Dolce Di Cosi Download Roma 39 D. Forever Us Forever Series Vol.
Il Professore Club A. Il Tempo Tra Di Noi: The Hope Series Vol. La Lista Il Decollo Vol. La Matematica Del Cuore: La Proposta PDF complete. Quel Certo Non So Che: Quella Notte A Londra Read Alla Tua Scoperta 7: Read Amore In Contropiede Online.