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Alexa Actionable Analytics for the Web. AmazonGlobal Ship Orders Internationally. The traditional policy was to bring the 'political offenders' back to the fold, rather than to punish them. When the war ended, there were only about 2, political prisoners behind bars, including the leadership of the communist party and spy suspects.
But compared with the mass arrests, deportations, and killing of millions in countries like Germany or the Soviet Union, oppression in Japan was relatively mild. There were no concentration camps, and those who recanted were either released or received short prison terms. Nevertheless, life behind bars was grim, and torture was often used in interrogation. In the last year of the war, hundreds of prisoners died of malnutrition, maltreatment, or in air raids.
The Police Bureau report complained that the Tenrikyo, SeichO-no-ie, Nichirenshii, and Tendai sects had not kept their pledge to change their curriculum according to the new regulations of the Ministry of Education. The report noted that among Christians, the Catholic Church co-operated with the authorities, whereas certain Protestant denominations, 'under the influence of enemy countries', were propagating 'anti-Japanese and anti-war ideas'. A similar complaint appeared in the Bureau's report for It stated that 'some narrow-minded Protestant sects In September thirty-two Christian priests and missionaries of the Seventh Day Adventists sect were arrested; 14 The Wartime Regime in June the sect, which had I , believers and eighteen churches, was charged with maintaining secret contacts with the US and consequently outlawed.
Of these, were Christians. The agency charged with the enforcement of the Peace Preservation Law and other laws of political nature was the Special Higher Police Tokubetsu koto keisatsu, abbreviated as tokko , which was established in after the alleged attempt on the emperor's life by Kotoku Shusui and his fellow anarchists. During the s and s the tokko carried out the arrests and interrogations of communists, socialists, suspicious Koreans, certain religious leaders, and, occasionally, right-wing extremists.
It had branches in all police precincts and was responsible to the Police Bureau of the Home Ministry. There were special Thought Procurators shiso kenji at the district-court. They were kept up to date on political and ideological developments among left-wing and right-wing adherents, and were periodically summoned to Tokyo for briefings. This branch, which was b,asically in charge of police functions within the ranks, expanded its vigilance in the late s to include anything which might endanger the war effort. Since pacifism, liberalism, and sympathy for the US or Britain were considered to be obstacles to victory, the Military Police were determined to suppress them.
There were only about 7, kempei in japan during the war, but they were dreaded everywhere. Speaking on the national radio, he said: I positively assure you When the military setbacks increased and T6j6 lost the support of the emperor's advisers and some of his own peers, neither the Special Higher Police nor the Military Police could keep him in office.
Unlike totalitarian countries, there was no central, powerful, and independent secret police in wartime Japan, on the model of the Gestapo or the NKVD. The tokkowas subordinate to the Home Ministry and functioned as part of the metropolitan and local police.
Yet the home minister who controlled it did not acquire extraordinary power, and home ministers were changed as often as other ministers. During the Pacific War, four different officers held the post of commander-in-chief of the Military Police kempei shireikan , but none of them became particularly powerful in it. Wartime Japan is often referred to as a totalitarian or fascist state. But if we accept more rigorous definitions of totalitarianism and fascism, then wartime Japan certainly cannot fall into these categories.
Jacob Talman has defined totalitarianism as a regime that lays claim to a sole and exclusive political truth, 25 but Japan possessed neither an official dogma nor an omniscient leader to interpret the truth. Hannah Arendt has stressed the central role 16 The Wartime Regime that unrestricted terror and a powerful secret police play in totalitarian regimes.
The Special Higher Police and the Military Police were instruments of repression, but lacked the power and authority of the secret police organizations in totalitarian states. Most of the political prisoners, including unrepentant communists, survived the war. Franz Neumann has pointed out that a totalitarian regime is characterized by the total politicization of society, carried out by an exclusive mass party. Even if we followed the broader definition of totalitarianism offered by Karl Popper, i.
Wartime Japan was a closed society, but with little social engineering. The social changes that took place were the result of the levelling phenomenon common to societies engaged in total war, when class distinctions are eroded and more egalitarian modes of behaviour arise. Marxist historians refer to prewar and wartime Japan as fascist because, in their view, she was a capitalist state that was trying to stem revolution by recourse to repression at home and aggression abroad.
European fascism employed quasi-revolutionary slogans to combat communism, 30 but Japan, although definitely antiMarxist, did not concoct a revolutionary ideology to win over the masses. The Japanese leaders did not identify themselves with the regimes of their European allies; there were no Japanese replicas of Hitler or Mussolini, and the government remained on the whole conservative.
The Wartime Diet 17 2. The Diet possessed the power to pass laws, approve the state budget, deliberate on national policy, and question the cabinet. It was not sovereign, and could not appoint or dismiss the government, powers which were reserved for the emperor. But it could prevent budget increases, stop bills, ask embarrassing questions, and petition the emperor. These limited privileges had given the Diet, from the beginning, leverage for consolidating its power and for becoming one of the important elites in prewar Japan.
This was done by inviting party members to serve in the cabinet, or by the prime ministers themselves becoming leaders of those parties. From until , and from until , party presidents served as prime ministers, bringing the political system of japan close to that of a parliamentary democracy. After the assassination ofPrime Minister lnukai Tsuyoshi in May , no party politician served as prime minister until , but those who held that position were nevertheless compelled to secure the co-operation of Diet politicians.
This was usually done by inviting politicians from both parties to join the cabinet. The patriotic mood that developed after the Manchurian Incident, and, to an even greater degree, after the outbreak of the China War, made that co-operation easier, since no politician wished to be branded as an opponent of the war.
The Diet hailed the military actions in China and approved the great war budgets. However, parliamentary support of the government was not automatic and it always required pressure as well as persuasion. Hamada stuck to his words and called on the War Minister to commit seppuku hara-kiri to atone for his lies. The only way for Terauchi to oust Hamada from the Diet was to bring down the cabinet and force a general election. He therefore resigned and refused to recommend a successor.
Certainly Tojo could not have kept him in gaol for long. Three hundred and twenty-six, or 70 per cent of the House ofRepresentatives,joined it. Download Metal Detecting Journal: Confrontation with the West in a bloody and protracted war created a cultural dilemma which could not be solved. This concentration of power made Tojo into the strongest Prime Minister in Japan in the twentieth century but, as historians have already pointed out, it was not enough to make him into a dictator. As before, the authorities stopped short of coercion or the falsification of ballots, and the electorate did not find it particularly dangerous to vote for candidates disliked by the government. These limited privileges had given the Diet, from the beginning, leverage for consolidating its power and for becoming one of the important elites in prewar Japan.
Hayashi dissolved the Diet and called a general election. But in that election, which was held in April , Hamada's party, the Mineseito, came out first with seats of a total of ; the Seiyiikai was second with ; the left-wing Shakai taishuto received 37; while the military-backed Kokumin domei gained only II. Both Saito and Hamada were re-elected. Konoe enjoyed the support of the Diet and appointed party politicians to his cabinet, as did his successor Baron Hiranuma Kiichiro. Although three politicians served in Abe's cabinet, the Prime Minister's inability to cope with the economic and international problems ofJapan cost him the support of the parties.
In January , Diet members signed a petition of no confidence in the cabinet. Formally this did not oblige the cabinet to step down, but Abe drew the appropriate conclusion and resigned. The reference to Stalin sounded preposterous to the military and their supporters in the Diet, and so the Discipline Committee of the Diet decided to expel Nishio. The next case occurred in The Wartime Diet 19 February , when Saito once again spoke out against the army, criticizing the war in China and the burdens suffered by the people at home.
The army accused Saito of'blemishing the holy war' and the Discipline Committee resolved to expel him. In November the businessman and former member of the Minseito, Miyazawa Taneo, criticized the military budget and was also obliged to resign his Diet seat. Yet no further sanctions were applied against these critics and they were allowed to stage a political comeback. Nishio was returned to the Diet following a by-election in Osaka in June , and Saito was re-elected to his parliamentary seat in the general election of Aprill The party labels were gone, but all members retained their seats.
The prestige of the House was even enhanced by the dissolution, as the Diet appeared now to have a national, rather than a partisan, orientation. Nevertheless, the government still needed to group the Diet members in some organization that would enable it to control them. In the first session after the dissolution which convened in December , most members joined the Diet Members' Club Giin kurabu.
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But, as Gordon Berger has shown, Konoe's plan to turn this organization into a political party under his leadership failed because of the politicians' opposition to such a plan. Three hundred and twenty-six, or 70 per cent of the House ofRepresentatives,joined it. However, some parliamentary groups refused to join. Most of its thirty-seven members were known for their moderate and liberal inclination. Among them were Kita Reikichi, the younger brother of Kita Ikki executed in for assisting the 26 February rebels ; lnukai Ken, the son of the late Prime Minister lnukai Tsuyoshi assassinated in ; Katayama Tetsu, a former socialist; Ashida Hitoshi, president of the Japan Times; and the former Seiyiikai politician Ono Bamboku.
The most illustrious member of that group was Ozaki Yukio, the eighty-three-year-old politician who had been elected to the House of Representatives in every 20 The Wartime Regime election since the establishment of the Diet in Throughout his life, Ozaki had been an outspoken critic of government oppression. In he had accused the Katsura Cabinet of hiding behind the throne and using imperial edicts to suppress the people. In he admitted to a reporter: The reason that I speak so boldly in the Diet is that I am not afraid of death anymore It is better for me to die for the cause of justice than to die in a hospital under the care of nurses.
Two other such groups were the Giin kurabu Diet Members Club with eleven members, and the Donin kurabu Comrades Club with eight members, both of which included former members of the Social Mass Party. Unlike Nazi Germany, where the Reichstag was never convened during the war, the Japanese Diet continued to meet regularly. Each year the regular tsiijo session started on 26 December and lasted for three months.
The Diet was also convened for five extraordinary rinji sessions and one special tokubetsu session during the war. These latter sessions, which lasted only a few days, were called to approve urgent budgets and legislation. Diet members had to clear their speeches in advance with the cabinet, and whole passages were deleted by the censors from the protocol. In the 84th regular session, which lasted from December until March , eighty-four items were struck off the record. Tojo and other members of the cabinet appeared regularly before the Diet to report on the situation and to explain the war aims, but nobody The Wartime Diet 21 expected the Diet to block the bills whjch were brought before it.
The first major bill presented after the outbreak of the Pacific War was the Press, Publication, Assembly, and Association Special Control Law Genron, shuppan, shiikai, kesshato rinji torishimariho , which banned unauthorized convocations and publications.
It was approved on 17 December , after only one day of deliberation.
Another important bill, instituting a far-reaching administrative reform, was passed on 29 October , after only three days of deliberation. The wartime Diet followed the example of Diets during previous wars and always approved budgets presented to it by the government. The House of Representatives, elected in April , was expected to be dissolved in the spring of , when the maximum period of four years had passed.
But the Konoe cabinet decided in that the tense international situation of that year was not the right time for holding a general election, and it asked the Diet to postpone the election for one year. However, the situation instead of improving developed into a general war. Tojo did not regard the war as a bad time for elections: In a speech before the Diet on 18 February Tojo explained: It is also hoped that by this election, a fresh and stronger Diet will be formed.
The group which was thus established declared itself the Imperial Rule Assistance Political Structure Association Yokusan seiji taisei kyogikai, abbreviated as Yok9'o. Formally it was an unofficial body for recommending candidates, but in fact nobody could overlook its official links. In doing so, it had to face the fact that the local political machines of incumbent Diet members were still strong and could not be ignored.
The main difficulty was that in order to introduce 'new faces' into the Diet, it was necessary to enlist the support of the existing politicians. When the list was finally completed in early April, it included the names of incumbent Diet members, 18 former Diet members, and new candidates; altogether names. Incumbent Diet members who did not find themselves in that list, or new aspirants who had not been recommended, registered their candidacies as independents.
Consequently, independent candidates ran for the Diet, including incumbents, 49 former Diet members, and new aspirants. The total number of l , candidates was the highest ever registered in Japan. In Tokyo alone, candidates competed for thirty-two parliamentary seats. They ran as independents and did not form any joint list.
Nakano founded his organization on a fascist model, complete with black shirts, rallies, marches, and himself as the charisma tic leader. In the general election of 7, the TOhokai gained eleven seats in the House of Representatives. It was formally dissolved in , together with the other parties, and Nakano even joined the board of directors of the IRAA.
Since he was a right-wing opponent of the regime, Nakano was less vulnerable to government attack than were the liberals. He could accuse Tojo of betraying the 'spontaneous patriotism' of the people and of relying on bureaucratic oppression, without being branded a traitor. Nakano's idea was that Japan should emulate the fascist models of Europe which, in his opinion, expressed the popular wills of the Italian and German peoples. As the anti-American and anti-British activities of the TOhOkai suited the official propaganda, the authorities did not prevent Nakano and his comrades from conducting a vociferous election campaign and from nominating forty-six candidates of their own for the general election.
Tojo secretly arranged to give each of them 5, yen from the army's 'special funds'. During one day of the campaign, 15 August, six rallies were suspended in Tokyo and fifty-six speakers were warned. In rural areas, where villages usually voted in blocks, less pressure was needed to obtain the desired results. The state radio urged the people to vote for 'patriotic figures', while the government-controlled press called openly for electing the recommended candidates. Semi-official organizations, like the reservists, the IRAA, the neighbourhood associations, and women's and youth groups, conducted their own campaign in favour of 'patriotic candidates'.
Based on the model of the Nazi storm troopers, it enlisted men above the age of twenty-one for activities intended to spur the people to greater patriotic efforts in production, in the raising of funds, and in 24 The Wartime Regime supporting the armed forces. The corps staged rallies and parades in favour of the recommended candidates, and intimidated the unrecommended ones. But the bureaucrats and politicians who had thwarted the army's machinations in succeeded in doing the same in Bowing to pressure from members of his cabinet, such as Finance Minister Kaya, State Minister Suzuki, and Chief Cabinet Sectretary Hoshino, Tojo finally gave in, and on 20 April, ten days before the general election, Muto was transferred from his post and appointed Commander of the Imperial Guards Division, Tojo's friend, Major-General Sato Kenryo, was named as the new bureau chief.
One of them was Saito Takao, who had been expelled from the Diet in for criticizing the army. When the police confiscated Saito's campaign material in his native Hyogo Prefecture, he went to Tokyo and after arguing with the Home Ministry officials was allowed to reprint his material in a censored form. But in Nagasaki Prefecture the campaign aides of an unrecommended candidate were arrested; and in Kagoshima Prefecture independent candidates were prevented from renting halls for their campaign speeches. One of them was the elderly Ozaki Yukio, who ran as an independent in Mie Prefecture.
On 12 April, while campaigning in Tokyo for a friend, also an unrecommended candidate, Ozaki quoted in his speech an old senryii comic short poem which said: By referring to this image, Ozaki was deploring the new generation of leaders who, in his opinion, were dissipating the achievements of their Meiji predecessors.
The police claimed that Ozaki had ridiculed 'the august reign of the present emperor', who was the third generation after The Wartime Diet 25 Emperor Meiji, and Ozaki was charged with lese-majeste. Another member of the Dokokai, Ashida Hitoshi, was arrested because he had expressed some praise for the United States' humane treatment of prisoners of war. Both politicians were freed by the day of election. Ozaki was later prosecuted, but no charges were pressed against Ashida.
Yet those wars were not total wars, and several political parties were always allowed to compete for the public vote. Now, for the first time in modern japanese history, no such competition existed. Official intervention in elections had occurred on previous occasions with only limited success for the government. In twenty-five people died and nearly four hundred were injured, when Home Minister Shinagawa Y ajiro ordered local governors to use the police against the popular parties.
But when the votes were counted, it became clear that these parties had' won a victory. In , the cabinet of the ostensibly liberal Okuma Shigenobu used threats and bribes on a large scale to assure the election of the Doshikai candidates, but although that party received a majority, the opposition Seiyiikai retained almost a third of the Diet seats.
In the first universal manhood suffrage election of , the Seiyiikai cabinet of General Tanaka Giichi deployed private strong-man squads against its Minseito rivals, yet the Minseito received almost as many Diet seats as the ruling Seiyiikai. The controlled election campaign did not arouse much public interest.
All candidates supported the war, praised the armed forces, and called for a 'fight until victory'. Only a few criticized the government and these were quickly silenced.
The one exciting event during the campaign was the Doolittle air raid on Tokyo, Yokohama, Nagoya, and Kobe on 18 April, in which fifty people were killed and about one hundred houses 26 The Wartime Regime destroyed. The casualties were not reported and the raid was said to boost the morale of the people. The editorial in the Miyako on 21 April said: This high turnout However, more than a third, i. Thus, Tojo's hope for infusing 'new blood' into the Diet was only partially realized. In the new Diet, 24 7 members were incumbents, 20 were former Diet members, while were new faces.
As before, the authorities stopped short of coercion or the falsification of ballots, and the electorate did not find it particularly dangerous to vote for candidates disliked by the government. Among the newly elected members were two cabinet ministers: This corrected the previous anomaly in which no member of the Tojo cabinet had held a parliamentary seat. Other new members included Reserve Colonel Hasihmoto Kingon , who had been active in the military plots in the early s; Akao Bin, a leading right-wing activist; and the political scientist Royama Masamichi, who had retired three years earlier from Tokyo Imperial University.
The person who received the highest number of votes was a new candidate, retired General Shioden Nobutaka, who had gained fame by his nationalistic and anti-Semitic speeches. He polled 76, votes in the fifth electoral district in Tokyo, which had tradi- The Wartime Diet 27 tionally elected socialist candidates. Out of the thirty-seven members of the Dokokai, only nine were re-elected. Among them were Ozaki Yukio and Ashida Hitoshi, both of whom had been arrested during the election campaign, and lnukai Ken, who had been questioned for his alleged indiscretions.
Out of the twenty-seven members of the Koa giin diimei, eleven were re-elected, including Nishio Suehiro. Saito Takao, whose candidacy the government had tried to suppress, received the highest number of votes in his electoral district in Hyogo Prefecture. Seven members of the TOhOkai were also re-elected, including the outspoken Nakano Seigo, who came first in his electoral district in Fukuoka Prefecture. Almost all the Diet members joined it in a demonstration of patriotism. There were now no more formal divisions in the Diet and the members were seated, for the first time in the history of the House, not according to their political affiliations but according to their home prefectures.
In June they were joined by six other members, including Hatoyama and Nakano. But the former parliamentary groups were not revived and all those who had left the IRAPA remained independents. In June the government set up consultative committees for each ministry. Out of the men who were selected to serve on these committees, were members of the House of Representatives and 80 were members of the House of Peers.
In April Tojo brought in two politicians to join his cabinet. On 26 December the Asahi reported that the government had withdrawn an amendment to the election law, 'in order to avoid friction with the Diet'. On 4 March the Mainichi revealed that there was still criticism in the Diet concerning the behaviour of the Young Men's Corps during the previous election. When the government introduced in March an amendment to the criminal law, thirty members ofthe House ofRepresentatives dared to vote against it, claiming that the new law was too harsh.
During the election campaign, Baron Okochi Masaharu of the House of Peers asked the Prime Minister pointedly whether the system of recommending candidates did not violate the constitution. T6j6 had to defend himself and promise that there would be no government interference in the election.
Yamazaki Tatsunosuke of the House of Representatives asked Tojo in February , two months before joining the cabinet, whether the government planned to put further restrictions on the freedom of the people. Tojo vowed that it did not. At the same session another Diet member, Kita Soichiro, wanted to know if the Prime Minister was not already wielding dictatorial powers. Tojo was compelled to express utter oppPsition to the idea of dictatorship and to declare that his sole aim in asking for more powers was to speed up war production.
Japan was fighting for her life and it was war, as well as repression, which produced a regimented vote on most issues. But repression was not total, and regimentation was not complete. On the other hand, the constant concern of the Diet members to preserve their political power might have dissipated their energies, leaving them little motivation to oppose the war policies or suggest alternatives to them. The bureaucrats were regarded as the cream of society, because they were representatives of the emperor rather than the servants of the people. Their professed paternalistic outlook, combined with an arrogant awareness of power, was reminiscent of the samurai in feudal Japan and of the oligarchs in the Meiji period.
When the politicians were accused of being selfish and corrupt, the bureaucrats kept their image of honesty and devotion to duty. Only the military officers, who sacrificed their lives for the country, were regarded as representing a higher kind of duty to the emperor. The bureaucracy functioned on the basis oflaws, and officials were usually graduates of the law departments of the universities.
The Meiji Constitution, which had established the rule of law in Japan, was never amended or abrogated. Unlike totalitarian countries, there was no constitutional break in Japan prior to Some laws, like the General Mobilization Law of , may be regarded as having violated the spirit of the constitution, but they were passed as temporary measures in reponse to the necessities of war. Constitutional continuity was paralleled by institutional stability. Most of the institutions that had functioned in the s and s continued to function throughout the war, although their relative power changed.
Cabinet positions which in the s were held by party politicians were held in the late s by bureaucrats and military men. Despite the many changes in policy, there were no major purges in japan prior to The bureaucrats continued to serve the state in time of war with the same zeal they had shown in time of peace. The war substantially strengthened the power of the bureaucracy, but this power was not concentrated in the hands of a single man or institution.
The cabinet remained a federation of 30 The Wartime Regime ministries and agencies, each scrupulously guarding its privileges and autonomy. The Prime Minister was never the chief executive; he was the chief co-ordinator whose task was to ensure a united cabinet policy. He could neither dictate to the other ministers nor change them at will; replacing a minister was a complicated task which required both pressure and persuasion. Policies were not decided by a single statesman, but were a result oflong consultations among various power elites, like the general staffs of the army and navy, cabinet ministers, and palace officials.
Decision-making remained, as it had always been, an exhausting process, even in time of war. It often takes two or three months for the Munitions Ministry to reach a decision on an important matter. Then the decision must be discussed at a meeting of the cabinet, which in turn issues an order to be executed at various government and industrial levels. Thus it may take half a year before the decision goes into effect.
Even a wise decision is sometimes worthless by the time it is executed, for the situation by then has changed. Herbert Norman wrote in that the 'almost anonymous but experienced bureaucracy' ofjapan, which had snuffed out all signs of genuine democracy, was also blocking 'the victory of outright fascist forces'.
Hillis Lory, having spent several years in japan, observed in that japan was not a one-man government: This structure proved cumber- T'Ojo and the Bureaucracy 31 some when the need arose to make a decisive move, such as increasing arms production. The Planning Board, for instance, was only an advisory body which had no power to compel the various ministries to implement its recommendations, and the prime minister did not possess that power either. A Special Wartime Administrative Law senjigyosei shokken toku-reihO , which was passed that month, authorized the prime minister, for the first time, to issue directives to the economic ministries on matters relating to war production.
But this was not enough to ensure central control, since the various ministries continued to compete with each other over budgets and raw materials. In November the government set up the new Ministry of Munitions gunjiishO , which took over most of the functions of the Ministry of Commerce and Industry, the Planning Board, and the economic departments of the army and the navy. To stress the authority of the new ministry, T6j6 himself assumed the office of Minister of Munitions.
The ministry itself employed both civilians and officers from the army and the navy. Production of aeroplanes increased by three times between and , and outlays in munitions industries were doubled. But interagency conflicts continued to plague the government. Shortly afterwards, the growing shortages in raw materials caused by the air and sea blockade, the lack of sufficient skilled labour, and the devastation caused by the air raids, prevented further increases in production.
No exhortation from above, or resolution from below, could change that gloomy situation. It was in charge of local government, elections, police, internal security, public works, civil defence, rationing, publications, censorship, and Shinto shrines. It also supervised the neighbourhood associations, the IRAA, and a host of other patriotic organizations.
Its officials, policemen, and agents represented, more than anyone 32 The Wartime Regime else, the government's authority in every locality, controlling the population and deciding about its essential needs. But, unlike the situation in totalitarian countries, no cabinet member built himself a power base in his capacity as Home Minister. Tojo was Home Minister during the first two months of the war, and then turned the post over to a senior bureaucrat, Yuzawa Michio. Yuzawa, who orchestrated the general election of as well as the 'recommendation elections' for the town and village councils in May of that year, stayed in office for fourteen months.
As a corporate body the Home Ministry was strong and influential. It resented sharing power with the military or with other civilian branches, and prevented attempts to set up independent grass-roots organizations.
For some time the IRAA, backed by the military, constituted a threat. In February heads of the neighbourhood associations in big cities began to receive salaries from the Home Ministry, and in March that year membership in a neighbourhood association became compulsory. It enjoyed the support of the army, and many of its leaders were reserve officers. During TOjo and the Bureaucracy 33 the election campaign of April , the Young Men criticized both the 'old-fashioned politicians' and the 'selfish bureaucrats', in their drive for a national revival.
These populist appeals, independence of action, and links with the army were resented by the Home Ministry, which feared the rise of a Nazi-model organization. Ultimately the Home Ministry was triumphant. This was the natural culmination of a process which had begun in the early s, when the military became the arbiters of japan's security, and the Foreign Ministry was relegated to the status of a propaganda office, entrusted with the task of explaining and justifying the acts of the military.
After the outbreak of the Pacific War, the functions of the Foreign Ministry decreased as the embassies in Washington, London, and other Western capitals were closed down. The acquisition of East and Southeast Asia raised the question of which government branch would conduct relations with the 'sister countries' there. The Foreign Ministry, already in nominal charge of relations withjapan's client states in the area, Manchoukuo, Nanking China, and Thailand, demanded to be entrusted with the task.
But the army, suspicious of the liberal-minded officials of the Foreign Ministry, insisted on the establishment of a special Great East Asia Ministry, which would handle relations with the 'liberated' countries in the area. Togo opposed the plan of setting up a new ministry, rejected the suggestion that he step down, and even called on Tojo to resign.
The deadlock was solved when Navy Minister Shimada informed Togo that the emperor was upset by the crisis and wanted to avoid the resignation of the entire cabinet. Togo resigned, but was not punished for his opposition to the Prime Minister. After leaving office he was appointed to the House of Peers. Aoki Kazuo, a senior official in the Ministry of Finance who had served until then as a liaison officer with the army, was appointed as the first Minister of Great East Asia. But Tani was resented by the bureaucrats of the Foreign Ministry, and after six months in office he had to resign.
Tojo realized that he had to select an official who would enjoy the support of the ministry. Its prosecutors prepared the trials and its judges passed the sentences. However, unlike in many countries at war, no state of emergency was declared in japan, and the police could not act arbitrarily.
The great majority of those who were arrested had to be prosecuted or freed. There were no special tribunals for wartime offenders and every defendant faced the same judicial system. Download Final Fantasy IX: Download Green Chemistry and Engineering: Download How Smart Are You? Test Your Math Iq: Download Le livre des rancunes: The art of political persuasion PDF.
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