Contents:
Free Markets for All: Institutions and Liberal World Order Conclusion: A Liberal World Order in Crisis.
Sorensen's argument is most persuasive when he vividly shows the policy dilemmas encountered by liberal democracies in dealing with weak or failed states, in fostering world trade, and in working through international institutions. Sorensen deserves readers' gratitude for sharply pointing to the dilemmas faced by liberal democracy and the effects on international affairs. Georg Sorensen is one of the keenest contemporary observers of global politics, and his book is a sober assessment of contemporary prospects for world order.
His analysis is as wise as it is sobering—and represents a major contribution to debate about international politics in the twenty-first century.
This makes it a masterpiece of liberal thinking. Subtitle Choosing between Imposition and Restraint. Publisher Cornell University Press. Title First Published 06 October Publication Ithaca, United States. Main content page count Georg Sorensen is one of the keenest contemporary observers of global politics, and his book is a sober assessment of contemporary prospects for world order.
My book is about the problematic liberal world order that has evolved in place of the idealistic vision of "the end of history".
Allow this favorite library to be seen by others Keep this favorite library private. The E-mail message field is required. A liberal world order in crisis: A Different Security Dilemma: The other major strain of liberalism is a "Liberalism of Restraint". Europe, for example, is focused on austerity measures right now.
There were high hopes for a universal liberal world order when the Cold War ended around The breakdown of the Soviet Union meant that liberal ideas about democracy and market economy no longer faced major ideological competition. Francis Fukuyama was able to declare that history had ended; the task that remained was the concrete implementation of liberal democracy and market economy worldwide. That would take a while, but in terms of grand ideological confrontations, history was over.
We now know that this vision was much too optimistic. The progress of history cannot be taken for granted; reversals are possible too. In today's world, the liberal model is in a state of crisis, facing severe economic and political challenges. The financial crisis has not been handled well and may break out in full force again.
In the United States and in parts of Europe a rich minority may thrive, but major sections of the populations face stagnating real incomes and unemployment. As far as democracy is concerned, several countries have seen political openings and relatively free elections.
But the political systems continue to be plagued by corruption, abuse of power, inequality before the law, and lack of respect for basic human rights. About one hundred countries are in a "gray zone" between democracy and authoritarianism, and there is no guarantee that democracy will prevail. There are two different, major strains of liberalism. One is a "Liberalism of Imposition"; it is activist, interventionist, and potentially imperialistic. Imposition became the liberal strategy chosen by George W.
It was sustained by the unparalleled position of liberal democracies, and especially the United States, after the end of the Cold War combined with the resolve to conduct a global "war on terror" and to actively seek the promotion of liberal values worldwide. This was not a recipe for a stable, well-functioning liberal order.
Great powers such as China, Russia and India would not participate; nor would close liberal allies such as France and Germany. The other major strain of liberalism is a "Liberalism of Restraint". It is moderate, empathetic, respectful of others, and non-interventionist.
Under Barack Obama, the United States has turned in a more cooperative direction. But it may not be possible to recreate on a universal scale the flexible, cooperation-based liberal order that characterized post World War II-relationships between the US, Western Europe, and Japan. The common enemy is gone; that means less cohesion and less acceptance of US leadership.
During the Cold War, cooperation was among a community of democracies with common values; today, non-democratic great powers China, Russia must be integrated in a reformed order. There are five major challenges to the creation of a stable liberal world order.
The first concerns the economy. The dominant model over the past thirty years has been neoliberal, focused on deregulation and less state interference with market principles. This has helped create growth and economic globalization, even though the most successful economic models in Asia-including China-have been state-capitalist rather than "pure" market economies.
But deregulation has also paved the way for a comprehensive financial crisis which has laid bare the rapid growth of financial speculation. Inequality has increased sharply in the United States and several parts of Europe. It is clear that the model is in need of reform, but strong interest groups, especially in the financial sector, work against any far-reaching reform. Nor is there any agreement about the major principles of a new model. Europe, for example, is focused on austerity measures right now.