Juanita La Ranita y Cuentos De La Laguna Rosa (Spanish Edition)

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In general, these adolescents had the opportunity of learning Tapiete through living with their grandparents. Consequently, the Tapiete language is related to grandparents, sometimes parents, but never to siblings, with whom they never speak that language. Finally, children hardly ever speak Tapiete. Some of them understand it and can even recite nursery rhymes, but they are unlikely to choose it to express themselves. It is also necessary to point out that even in those families where mixed marriages do not exist and, 26 consequently, all members are Tapiete native speakers, parents generally use Spanish to address their children.

The following chart systematizes the information offered by people I interviewed with respect to the usage of Tapiete language. It is possible to see how most of older people are Tapiete monolinguals, and, as the ages of the community members decreases, the number of bilingual people increases, and also the number of people who understands Tapiete but do not speak it. Finally, Tapiete is spoken by a very small percentage of adolescents and an even smaller one of children, and more or less half of the children under 10 are Spanish monolingual.

In conclusion, Tapiete is presently spoken by people older than 20, in the frame of their daily interaction. Spanish is the language employed to communicate with the external world and only a few Tapiete children speak their native language. General presentation of the educational level of Tapiete people Only the younger members of the community receive a formal education. Generally speaking, it is possible to say that the generation on their 30s completed only what is presently called EGB 1.

The ineluctable consequence of this kind of educative situation is that children abandon school after only a few years. The real command of reading and writing, of this part of the population, varies depending on the possibility they had to practice this kind of knowledge: On the other hand, most of the men who worked on the land, and of the women who stay at home taking care of the children, cannot read it or write it. This school is also attended by neighboring Criollos children. Two bilingual assistants have worked in that school for seven years now, where they are in charge of the children of the community who attend EGB 1.

The real problems Tapiete bilingual assistants have to face are: However, both the children and the Tapiete teacher in charge of the Samaihuate school have demonstrated against these texts because of the differences existing between the two languages. PROEIB 25 Last but not least, two problems that were mentioned were the lack of professional assistance and interest on the part of school authorities on the one hand and discrimination on the other.

Despite the implementation of a bilingual educational program, it is evident that both teachers and the principal of the school do not have intellectual tools and the necessary training to carry out such programs. Consequently, bilingual assistants can only reach, in the best of cases, a role of translator. For example, they have to translate sentences such as El oso come pan The bear eats bread which offers several problems from the semantic point of view the Tapiete word to name a bear does not exist because this animal is not typical of the region , the pragmatic in general, bears do not eat bread and the syntactic one the assistants, making an effort to perform their job satisfactorily copy the order SVO, which, as a result, gives an artificial Tapiete sentence because this language shows the order SOV.

Assistants usually help teachers, offering personalized help to indigenous children: This last topic is not less important because the common history of the two native peoples, who are linguistically related can be marked by relations stormy enough to make them unwilling to show any kind of similarity.

Of course, this remark can be considered as a discriminatory act on the part of the teacher. Even if they have attended some training courses provided by the Salta Educational Council and dictated by Mrs. For four years, bilingual assistants had the task of taking care of the food children received for lunch.

Juanita la Ranita y Cuentos de la Laguna Rosa by Leonor McCall-Rodriguez (2011, Paperback)

This situation aroused the anger of the inspector, and she gave, as a result, an explicit warning to the headmistress to avoid this situation in the future It is logical to think that with this level of undernourishment children cannot respond as those who can satisfy their basic needs.

Moreover, bilingual assistants replace the school cleaners when some of them do not go to school. It usually happens that, when February comes to the end, these teachers still do not know if they will start classes in March and, consequently, if they will work during the next year.

The tenure status, on the other hand, guarantees a certain kind of stability and continuity of their jobs. Nowadays, it is possible to see a big sign on the gate with this last name, and inside the school, on a wall, a small and not very visible plate remembers the original name of the school. Even if the representative of the Tapiete community has repeatedly asked to have the sign removed, this wish has not been satisfied up to now. In this case, we could suppose that their job is oriented towards the teaching and fostering of the use of Tapiete language on the part of the children that are not, in any case, competent speakers of the language.

This fact, along with other elements of an overall plan, would help to reverse the advanced state of the loss of language that is evident among the members of the community. However, this is not the real situation. On the one hand, the main task of the bilingual assistant is to work as an interpreter. Consequently, the funds for bilingual programs are being reduced, as the objective pursued by the educational authorities is being gradually reached: So, according to the information provided by Tapiete bilingual assistants, at least four indigenous communities have seen how the number of their assistants has been reduced: In the community of Cruce del Pichanal the number has decreased from three to one.

Finally, according to the 29 El Tribuno is the local paper of Salta. From this point of view, the bilingual assistant guarantees that schoolchildren are treated with due respect and they and their parents are listened to properly. What has been previously said implies that the command of the language is not the main objective of the bilingual educational program the way it is implemented in this school.

Should a Tapiete bilingual assistant and another one belonging to a different ethnic group be present at school? Would this situation create a conflict inside the community? The answers are quite complex. Moreover, even if children of the community attend a school that offers them a bilingual educational program, the program is not really bilingual because it offers only two bilingual assistants who do not receive any kind of pedagogical support on the part of school authorities. Although one consequence of bilingual aids is that their jobs serve as a source of scarce income for the community, bilingual assistants are already being questioned.

People of Tapiete origin see that their children are not learning the Tapiete language at school. Furthermore, tensions surface that go beyond the Tapiete sub-group, as members of the community perceive as a prerogative the fact that one of the bilingual assistants is a 33 daughter of the chief. In any case, at present, the situation does not seem to have a quick solution.

This ethnical diversity reflects the increasingly common trend to get married outside the Tapiete group. This new exogenous tendency and also the regular contacts, with criollo people and other indigenous groups, are factors that must be taken into account when it comes to evaluate the abandonment of the mother tongue on the part of younger generations. In this way Tapiete people exemplify a dizzy process of loss of their culture that has taken place in a period of fifty years.

No doubt this process started in with the war between Bolivia and Paraguay, when the way of life of this people was seriously affected and, at the same time, they entered a state of poverty they still cannot abandon. From that moment the sedentarization forced by the war, the evangelization and the recent and growing adoption of the Spanish language with the consequent and imminent abandonment of the mother tongue came one after the other.

Grammatical sketch Tapiete is a head marking language that mainly encodes inflectional information through suffixation 1. Other morphological processes such as prefixation 2 , stem modification 3 and reduplication 4 are also attested. Phonology Tapiete has fifteen consonants and twelve vowels, six orals and six nasals. Vowels are further opposed according to three places of articulation i. As other Tupi-Guarani languages spoken in eastern Bolivia e.

Ava-Guarani , word stress in Tapiete falls on the penultimate syllable. As for its syllabic structure, Tapiete only allows for open syllable where the onset may be a consonant or a vowel. Finally, Tapiete displays nasal harmony, a process by which consonants undergo changes by virtue of the presence of a stressed nasal vowel of a lexical item. Morphosyntax As said before, Tapiete is an agglutinative language that exhibits prefixation, suffixation, and reduplication. Prefixes encode verbal inflectional information that includes the category of person e. Prefixes encode possession Usually, the question marker focuses the constituent the question is about e.

Suffix nda- can also attach to the constituent in focus e. Organization Chapter 1presents the historical and ethnographic background of the Tapiete people. It surveys the linguistic descriptions of Tapiete carried out so far and discusses the question of their linguistic and ethnic affiliation while giving information of the present day sociolinguistic situation. Nasal harmony, syllable structure and word stress are also examined in this chapter. Finally, morphophonological processes that result from the co-occurrence of particular phonemes at the juncture of morphemes that involve nasal 40 harmony, stress location and reduplication are also discussed.

Chapter 3presents the nominal morphology and the syntax of the noun phrase. The internal structure of nouns, the categories of number, gender, diminutives, augmentatives, as well as the encoding of alienable and inalienable possession are discussed. The noun phrase is described in terms of the distribution of its components. Specifically, independent pronouns and pronominal construction, as well as indefinite pronouns, demonstratives, numerals and quantifiers are discussed. The lexical and syntactic encoding of possession is described.

Finally, the distribution of locatives and directionals is discussed. Chapter 4 discusses the verbal morphology and the order of elements within the verb phrase.

The grammatical categories encoded through the verbal morphology e. Then, the arrangement of constituents within the verb phrase, the syntactic distribution of auxiliary verbs, as well as their function as aspectual markers is discussed. The semantic content of the adverbs and the syntactic distribution of the adverbial phrase are also described in this chapter. Chapter 5 presents the order of constituents within the clause and the types of sentences, e.

Among declarative clauses, transitive and ditransitive clauses are discussed, as well as existential and equational clauses. A discussion of subordinate clauses is presented that includes relative, complement and adverbial clauses. Then coordinating, comparative and imperative constructions are surveyed. Finally, clausal negation and evidentials are discussed. Chapter 6 discusses the linguistic outcome of the contact between Tapiete and Spanish.

The discussion is mainly oriented toward an analysis of the linguistic features that result from this situation. The degree of 41 assimilation of Spanish loanwords in Tapiete is evaluated through the analysis of consonant and vocalic alternations, changes of the syllable structure, re-location of the stress within the word and the effect of nasal harmony on loanwords.

The weight of Spanish loanwords on both the Tapiete vocabulary and on semi-spontaneous texts is evaluated since it serves to propose a correlation between the occurrence of Spanish loanwords and socio-linguistics parameters. Finally, the influence of Spanish on the morphology and the syntax of Tapiete and the use of Spanish connectors in the discourse is investigated. Phonology In this chapter, I present the main features of Tapiete phonology. I focus on the inventory of phonemes, the phonological rules that regulate allophonic variation, and the sequential arrangement of phonemes, or phonotactics.

Finally, in section 2. Through this chapter, examples are presented, first, in phonological transcription, then in phonetic and orthographic transcriptions. Segmental phonology In this section, I present the inventory of phonemes, and their phonetic description together with their distribution within the phonological word. The phonological word in Tapiete includes a lexical root and the clitics associated to it subject to rules of stress assignment.

Tapiete has 15 consonants and 12 vowels, six oral and six nasal. Table 2 and Table 3 present the inventory of Tapiete consonants in IPA notation and the tentative Tapiete alphabet respectively. Tapiete consonants in the tentative alphabet Table 4 and Table 5 present the inventory of vowels in the IPA and the tentative orthographic Tapiete alphabet, respectively. Tapiete vowels in the tentative Tapiete alphabet 2.

Phonetic description of phonemes In this section I consider the phonetic description of Tapiete consonants as well as their distribution within the phonological word. Allophonic variations are discussed in section 2. Consonants Since Tapiete does not allow closed syllables, consonants are always at the onset of syllables. They are presented, here, in both word medial and word initial positions when these contexts qualify.

Vowels Tapiete distinguishes between oral and nasal vowels. The following is a non-exhaustive list of minimal pairs. When possible, segments are opposed in function of the relevant phonetic feature that contrasts them e. Allophonic variations The following discussion of allophonic variations will be limited to segments that do not undergo any change due to nasal harmony.

Nasal harmony will be discussed in 2. These contexts are formalized in 38 and This variation is found in casual speech.

This rule must apply after c Glottal stop deletion. In those cases the velar voiceless stop [k] is always preceded by a non-front vowel [u o a]. This includes the examples in Chiriguano and Paraguayan Guarani display a voiceless velar stop [k] in the same context, that is, before the front vowels [i] and [e] Dietrich ; Canese Nevertheless, in Spanish loanwords the velar voiceless stop [k] has been attested before the front vowels [i] and [e]. This consonant is never found before the non front vowels [i], [o] and [u] where the velar voiceless stop [k] occurs.

This opposition never occurs in word initial position and does not appear as very functional in the phonology of Tapiete. Phonotactics In this section I examine the frequency, distribution and rules of co-occurrence of segments both within the syllable and the word. In addition, all consonants can occur in syllable initial position. Table 6 shows the frequency of segments within a sample of CVCV words.

Consonants are presented by order of frequency. However, in that context this consonant does not contrast with any other segment. Frequency of consonants 2. Co-occurrences Voiceless stops co-occur frequently with each other and with the voiceless glottal stop. However, there is a tendency to avoid the co-occurrence of two voiceless stops produced at the same point of articulation within the same CV.

However, this consonant co-occurs very often with the alveolar fricative [s]. To sum up, there is a general tendency in Tapiete for the consonants to dissimilate in regard to their point of articulation within a CVCV lexical root. The possible combinations of consonants are presented in Table 7. Conclusion In what has preceded, I have examined the main characteristics of the segmental phonology of Tapiete.

I have posited, first, the existence of 15 consonants phonemes and 12 vocalic phonemes based on the occurrence of minimal pairs. Then, I have outlined the rules that govern allophonic variations and, finally, I have considered the phonotactics of the language by examining the tendencies underlying the co-occurrence of segments within a CV. In the following sub-sections supra-segmental phenomena such as nasal harmony, stress, syllable structure and reduplication will be considered.

In TG languages, nasalization is, therefore, considered a prosodic feature that affects a whole word and even spreads over affixes. In addition, nasal harmony creates consonants alternations: Nasal consonants are found in nasal environment, pre-nasal voiced stops and voiceless stops are found in oral contexts.

These alternations can be represented as follows: In the following section, I consider the rules that govern nasal harmony in Tapiete and concentrate on the following aspects: Element that triggers nasalization In Tapiete, nasalization is a supra-segmental feature triggered by a stressed nasal syllable of a lexical root. Although vowels following or preceding nasal consonants are prone to be nasalized, in Tapiete, the actual phonetic realization of vowels in these contexts is of a slightly nasalized vowel or a fully oral vowel On the contrary, stressed nasal vowels followed or preceded by oral consonants are strongly nasalized Since nasalization is only triggered by a stressed nasal syllable, the oral-nasal opposition is only functional in that context.

In other words, the oral-nasal quality of adjacent segments is determined by the oral-nasal nature of the stressed syllable of the lexical root. As a result, nasalization is not contrastive in adjacent syllables. Pre-nasalized voiceless segments In addition to pre-nasalized voiced consonants, Tapiete displays pre-nasalized voiceless consonants. In fact, the sequence of a vowel plus a nasal consonant before a voiceless stop constitutes an allophonic variation of a nasal vowel.

That is, a sequence such as [VNC] is the surface form of an underlying nasal vowel followed by a voiceless stop. In these cases, the nasal consonant is homorganic to the following voiceless consonant, the underlying nasal vowel is phonetically realized as an oral vowel and the nasal portion of the pre-nasalized voiceless consonant is distinctly perceptible.

This is shown in the examples given in Thus, it is common to find a fully nasal vowel in this context, as shown in Direction of the spread of nasalization In Tapiete, nasalization spreads both backward i. Regressive spread of nasalization Nasalization spreads from the nasal root to its left affecting the quality of the preceding consonants and vowels; in which cases, the spreading of nasalization is called regressive.

In 76 , the penultimate nasal stressed syllable is responsible for the nasalization to spread regressively affecting the quality of the preceding syllable, which, in turn, becomes nasal. As noted before, nasalization is expressed either by means of a fully nasal vowel e. Both types of stressed nasal syllables spread nasalization regressively. Since this phenomenon affects the form of preceding prefixes, it is discussed in section 2. As a consequence, the nasal quality of a final vowel is not phonemic in that context.

Examples are given in Segments that block the spread of nasalization Voiceless obstruents block the progressive spread of nasalization within the domain of a phonological word. Thus, given a nasal lexical root, its final vowel is oral if it is preceded by either a stop 78 , an affricate 79 or a fricative As said before, in these cases the nasal quality of the stressed nasal vowel is expressed through the pre-nasalization of the obstruent.

Summary In Tapiete, nasal harmony triggers consonant and vowel alternations within the domain of a phonological word. Nasalization spreads both backward and forward from the stressed syllable of a nasal lexical root. Voiceless obstruent block the progressive spread of nasalization. Stress Stress in Tapiete is predictable since it invariably falls on the penultimate syllable. Place of the stress variations A survey of phonological alternations was presented in section 2. Some of the rules proposed in this section have consequences for the place of the stress. More specifically, the interaction between the rules Glottal stop deletion and Final vowel deletion results in the construction of words whose stress pattern deviate from the canonic Tapiete stress pattern i.

It was shown that the rule Final vowel deletion deletes a final vowel when the preceding glottal stop is deleted and the vowel that precedes the glottal stop is of the same quality. Both rules Glottal stop deletion and Final vowel deletion are repeated in 83 and 84 , respectively. Since the place of the stress does not undergo any modification, the resulting form is a disyllabic word stress on the last syllable. Phonetically closed syllables are attested although they are the result of phonological e.

The syllable structure of Tapiete is presented in Types of syllable structure Tapiete displays three types of syllable structures: Examples of these types are given in The tree diagrams of the words presented in 86 are given in VV are also attested.

Phonetically, these sequences are realized as falling diphthong of the type [ai], [ei], [oi], [au] and [au]. Some examples are given in Since the default stress pattern in Tapiete is for the stress to fall on the penultimate syllable, sequences of vowels that follow 89 or precede 90 the stress syllable have to be analyzed as monosyllabic. The tree diagrams of these kinds of sequences are given in The tree diagrams are given in That is, they are only found in syllable initial position, as exemplified in 97 and formalized in However, they do not have to be considered phonemes of the language, because the nasal portion of these phonetically complex segments is the surface manifestation of the nasal quality of the preceding vowel.

As said earlier, a phonologically nasal vowel may be phonetically instantiated by both a plain nasal vowel e. As a result, syllables containing nasal vowels display two types of syllable structures represented in Although prenasalized voiced stops are phonetically complex they are phonologically single segments that occupy the onset position within the syllable.

As for prenasalized voiceless stops, they result from phonological alternations due to nasal harmony. Consequently, they are analyzed as a sequence of segments of which the nasal portion occupies the coda position of the preceding syllable and the stop portion occupies the onset position of the following syllable. Nasal consonants in the coda are only found in the context of nasal harmony and, therefore, are phonologically not relevant in this position.

Other types of syllable structures e. VC do occur as the result of phonological alternations discussed in the following section. Syllable structure variations In addition to the syllable structure presented in section 2. Therefore, the syllabification of a disyllabic word such as [CV. VC], as shown in It can, therefore, be concluded that, beside nasal consonants, the only segment permitted in coda position, by virtue of the application of phonological rules, is the glottal stop [h].

Morpho-phonology In this section, the allomorphic variations due to morpho-phonological processes are surveyed. Thus, phonological alternations occurring at the junctures of morphemes, phonological alternations due to nasal harmony, alternations in the placement of stress and partial reduplication are discussed here.

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Allomorphic variations In this section, phonological processes that affect the form of morphemes are presented. When the last vowel of the lexical root is a low front vowel [a], the suffix vowel is deleted. Significantly, this process has consequences for the place of the stress, as the resulting word becomes stressed on the last syllable. After this process has taken place, the resulting vowel becomes a palatal approximant [j] An instantiation of this process is given in The resulting vowel combines features of the original adjacent vowels: The glottal fricative [h] is deleted , after which the i-deletion rule applies This alternation is common to young speakers Nasal harmony In section 2.

The morpho-phonological alternations dues to nasal harmony, that is, the alternating forms displayed by affixes as a consequence of its adjacency to an oral or a nasal root will be considered in this section. As stated earlier, affixes display morpho-phonological alternations triggered by nasal harmony by virtue of which pre-nasalized voiced stops and voiceless consonants are found in oral context while nasal consonants are found in nasal contexts.

Allomorphic variations due to the regressive spread of nasalization The morpho-phonological alternations resulting from the regressive spread of nasalization are triggered by the following segments found in stressed syllables: Pre-nasalized voiced consonant are particular in that they trigger nasalization, although, only regressively. In other words, the nasal portion of pre-nasalized voiced consonants spread nasalization backward, while the oral portion of these segments preserve their oral quality and no manifestation of progressive spread of nasalization is attested on the syllables that follow.

For each nasal root exemplifying the regressive spread of nasalization, an oral root is given so that the changes operated on prefixes can be fully appreciated. Allomorphic variations due to regressive spread of nasalization 2. Regressive spread of nasalization and monosyllabic roots Monosyllabic nasal lexical root are now considered.

As a consequence, monosyllabic roots referring to body parts can never occur in isolation and must always be prefixed by a possessor marker. This fact is interesting when it comes to 85 evaluating the regressive spread of nasalization, since there are monosyllabic nasal lexical roots, which are phonetically oral, but whose nasality surfaces through the possessive marker prefix. This is exemplified by and Still, their nasal quality is expressed on the preceding syllable through the nasal variant of possessive markers. Allomorphic variations due to the progressive spread of nasalization The progressive spread of nasalization may cross over morpheme boundaries if the onset of the following morpheme syllable does not contain a segment able to block nasalization i.

CAUS1 and progressive spread of nasalization As said earlier, the causative prefix displays an oral form mbi- when prefixed to an oral lexical root and a nasal form mi- when attached to a nasal lexical root In other words, its form i. Instead, its nasal variant mi- affects the oral quality of the following voiceless consonant, in which cases voiceless consonants of the lexical root become prenasalized voiced consonants produced at the same place of articulation of their oral counterpart.

The examples given in show how the first consonant of the verbal roots preserves its oral quality despite the fact that it is preceded by the nasal form mi- of the causative prefix. Summary To sum up, regressive nasalization is triggered by a stressed nasal syllable containing either a nasal vowel, a nasal consonant, or a pre-nasalized voiced consonant. Some monosyllabic nasal roots, that are phonetically oral, express its nasality by the selection 89 of the nasal allophone of their possessive marker prefix. Finally, some lexical roots are nasalized as a result of the progressive spread of nasalization triggered by the nasal allomorph of the causative prefix mi-.

Since this phenomenon is restricted to a limited set of verbal roots, the rule responsible for the spread of nasalization in this context has to be considered as a non-productive rule. Stress As stated in section 2. Suffixes and clitics and the place of the stress The place of the stress within a phonological word may be modified according to whether stress rules apply before or after the attachement of morphemes to the lexical root. When stress rules apply before affixation, the resulting form accomodates to the default stress 90 pattern i.

Suffixes involved in this process are listed in Table 9. Monosyllabic suffixes that attract stress When stress rules apply after the attachment of morphemes, the resulting word is stressed on the antepenultimate syllable. Morphemes involved in this process may be considered clitics and are listed in Table Monosyllabic suffixes that do not attract stress 91 To sum up, only penultimate and antepenultimate syllables may be stressed in Tapiete.

While stress on the penultimate syllable is the default location of the stress in underived words, stress on the antepenultimate syllable is the result of the apllication of stress rules after the attachment of morphemes to the lexical root. Reduplication In this section the phonological rules that govern reduplication are presented.

The semantic account of reduplication is presented in section 4. The following analysis of reduplication in Tapiete follows the ideas of metrical morphology as proposed by McCarthy and Prince McCarthy and Prince in Kenstowicz In this view, the template i. Accordingly, it is considered as a phonemically empty affix that denotes the language maximal syllable. Tapiete displays partial reduplication: The template formally matches the language maximal syllable, which is of the type C V V N and, therefore, parallels the Tapiete parameters of syllable building.

The same considerations are true for the trisyllabic word given in This claim was based on the analysis of the interaction between the placement of the stress and the syllable structure. That is, since the stress invariably falls on the penultimate syllable of the word, a sequence of vowels whose V1 is stressed and does not occur in word final position has to be analyzed as monosyllabic.

They are repeated here in , and In , the nasal quality of the stressed syllable surfaces through a homorganic nasal consonant in coda position. The nasal consonant, however, does not surface in the template. This does not violate the requirements of the reduplicating template since the only stipulation is for for it to be stressed and mono-moraic. The regressive spread of nasalization to the reduplicating template, however, makes nasalization to surface through a nasal consonant homorganic to the following obstruant. Although the CV string of the template is modified by a nasal consonant in coda position, this does not violate the requirements for reduplication, since the coda does not affect the syllable weight, as mono-moraic.

Conclusions In this chapter, I have outlined the main features of the phonology of Tapiete. I have provided a phonemic chart based on minimal pairs, together with a phonetic description of segments. I have postulated rules that govern allophonic variations and made a survey of the phonotactics and the patterns of co-occurrence of consonants. Nasal harmony has been analyzed together with the segments that display allophonic variation in virtue of this process, the elements that trigger and the elements that block nasalization.

I have proposed a parametric characterization of the stress pattern in Tapiete and studied the syllable structure. I have surveyed allomorphic variations dues to morpho-phonological processes and considered the effects of nasal harmony on affixes. Stress relocation after affixation has also been considered. Finally, partial reduplication has been approached within the framework of metrical morphology. The noun and the noun phrase In this chapter, the nominal morphology and the syntax of the noun phrase are presented. The internal structure of nouns is introduced, in 3.

Then, grammatical categories such as number 3. A discussion on the grammatical encoding of alienable and inalienable possession is presented in 3. The encoding of the alienable-inalienable opposition in TG languages is presented in 3. Specifically, nominal classes in Guarani and Ava-Guarani Chiriguano are surveyed in 3. Finally, the 97 formal expressions of the alienable possession and inalienable possession in Tapiete are discussed in section 3.

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Independent pronouns are discussed in 3. Nominal modification is surveyed in 3. Finally, locatives and directionals are surveyed in 3. Nominal morphology The internal structure of Tapiete nouns is examined in this section, focusing on the grammatical categories encoded by the nominal morphology i.

Nominal root The structural properties of Tapiete nouns include a set of suffixes responsible for the expression of number, diminutive and augmentative meanings, location and derivation, while possession is marked with prefixes. The distinction between alienable and inalienable possession, common to TG languages, is further formalized in Tapiete by the obligatory presence of both i a default marker of possession in inalienable possessive constructions, and ii different third person possessive markers that distinguishes alienable form inalienable possession.

In TG languages, nouns are grouped into two classes: Class 1 and Class 2 also found in Tapiete. These classes are distinguished according to the marker they take for third person. In turn, each class is subdivided into sub-classes according to the unspecified 98 possessive marker they take. Tapiete displays a similar distribution of nominal roots into classes. However, it departs from TG languages in that alienable possession is formally distinguished by means of a specific set of third person marker. In addition, Class 1 displays a larger number of subclasses according to their third person marker.

Finally, the same number of sub-classes of Class 2 are found in Tapiete. To sum up, the diagnostic feature that serves to distinguish classes is the form taken by the third person possessive marker, while the diagnostic feature that serves to distinguish subclasses is the combination of third person possessive markers with the unspecified possessive marker.

The internal structure of Tapiete nouns is given in Table Internal structure of Tapiete nouns 3. Gender Tapiete does not mark gender morphologically. Number Tapiete marks plural number morphologically by means of the suffix -reta , which can also take the shortened form -re Examples and are semantically equivalent although they are not pragmatically similar. In , the plural suffix serves to emphasize the pragmatic force of a command, while the sentence in example appears as pragmatically neuter.

These latter cases are discussed in Chapter 4 and 6, respectively. This suffix may convey the meaning of the smallness , the youth or the low status of its referent Apparently, there is no difference of meaning if compared to their separate occurrence. In , the suffixation of the augmentative suffix -kwe to an abstract noun denotes the magnitude of the state referred by the noun.

Possession In this section, the morphological expression of possession in Tapiete is explored. In order to do so, a general overview about the linguistic encoding of possession is given first; then, the expression of possession in both Guarani and Ava-Guarani Chiriguano is surveyed with the aim of giving a context for comparison with the encoding of possession in Tapiete. General considerations on possession Languages vary according to the ways they express possessive relationships. They may formally distinguish i possessible from non-possessible nouns, ii inherently from noninherently possessed nouns, and iii alienable from inalienable possessed nouns.

Languages of the first type, express the distinction between possessible and nonpossessible nouns by disallowing possessive constructions whose referents are conceptualized as non-possessible entities e. In languages that distinguish inherently from non-inherently possessed nouns, all nouns are capable of being grammatically marked for possession by means of possessive markers.

However, their grammars formalize the semantic distinction between nouns that refer to entities inherently possessed e. Thus, inherently possessed nouns have to be marked for possession, while possessive markers are optional with nouns conceptualized as non-inherently possessed. Finally, languages that distinguish alienable from inalienable possessed nouns make a grammatical distinction between the possession of entities susceptible of being transferable to another possessor i.

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Cultural relevant objects e. Tapiete and TG languages are of the third type. Specifically, Tapiete behaves in a similar way to other TG languages since terms that belong to the semantic domains of body parts and kinship cannot be mentioned without the overt specification of their possessor. However, Tapiete differs from TG languages in the way it expresses the unspecified possessor of nouns conceptualized as inalienably possessed.

The alienable-inalienable opposition in TG languages TG languages formally distinguish alienable from inalienable possessed nouns through a set of possessive markers whose presence is obligatory in inalienable possessive constructions. A brief presentation of the way these markers function is made in the following section. Person markers in TG languages Jensen distinguishes four sets of person markers in TG languages, which are established according to verbal classes.

In this discussion, I focus on person markers of Set 2 since they have the following two functions i they combine with inactive verbs and ii participate in possessive constructions. P2sg 2pl pe- pe- n- peje- opo- A1: P2pl 3 o- i-, c-, t- o- Table The distribution of nouns into these classes is not semantically motivated; that is, there is not a straightforward relationship between the type of possession they encode i. Finally, Class III includes nouns that do not take any possessive marker e. Class I is, in turn, subdivided according to additional combinatory features: Class II is, in turn, sub-divided into four sub-classes according to the combination of possessive markers presented in Table In these languages, Class I is further subdivided.

Thus, in Guarani four sub-classes of Class I are distinguished according to the allomorphs displayed by the third person possessive marker: Table 15 presents the Guarani Sub-classes of Class 1 altogether with the phonological conditioning of these forms and examples. As said before, the quality of the initial segment of the lexical root i. Guarani possessive markers adapted from Guasch As far as Ava-Guarani Chiriguano is concerned, three allomorphic variations of the third person possessive marker of Class I are reported Dietrich They are similar to that found in Guarani: The Guarani allomorph hi- is not found in this language.

In all cases, the relational morpheme -r- remains the possessive marker for all other persons Jensen This distribution is summarized in Table Unspecified possessed form IIa 1sg. Nominal classes in Tapiete Nominal classes in Tapiete are now considered, since differences with both Guarani and Chiriguano systems are found.

Unlike TG languages, in Tapiete, the semantic distribution of nominal roots into classes is semantically motivated. Thus, nouns conceptualized as inalienable possessed are marked for possession differently from nouns conceptualized as alienable possessed. Furthermore, the default marker of possession comes from a reinterpretation of the unspecified possessed form of nominals that belong to TG Class II.

The alienable-inalienable opposition in Tapiete As said earlier, in Tapiete the semantic categorization of nouns as inalienably and alienable possessed is formalized by means of the obligatory presence of a possessive marker in inalienable possessive construction and its optional presence in alienable possessive constructions. Nouns classified as inalienably possessed refer to body parts, kinship terms and other entities that are culturally significant, such as domestic animals and domestic goods and, consequently, always receive a formal mark of possession. The default marker of possession in Tapiete has developed from a functional extension of the default marker of possession t- of Class II nouns in TG languages Jensen Class II , in Tapiete this morpheme is the morphological evidence of the semantic opposition between alienable and inalienable possession of Class I and Class II nouns.

The formal markers of alienable and inalienable possession in Tapiete are presented in the following section. Although they find these utterances to be pragmatically odd, under elicitation conditions, speakers may produce possessive forms of nouns referring to such entities as wild animals, air, earth, and so on. However, alienable entities thought of as transferable e. Table 18 shows the paradigm of possessive markers in alienable possessive constructions. Secondly, a specific set of third person possessive markers is attested: Finally, the quality of the first segment of the lexical root i.

In addition, in inalienable possessive constructions Tapiete displays a larger number of possessive allomorphs than those found in Ava-Guarani Chiriguano and Guarani. As far as Class I nouns are concerned, the following characteristics are observed: Secondly, four sets of third person possessive markers are distinguished: In turn, the possessive marker yV- displays the following allomorphs: Table 19 summarizes and gives examples of this distribution in Tapiete.

Table 20 gives examples of this distribution. Tapiete Class II nouns Table 20 shows several things: Secondly, when the possessor cannot be retrieved from the communicative context, a default marker of possession is added, which is formed by analogy with the first person possessive marker e.

Specifically, first and third person possessive markers of Sub-class IIa a preserve the same form than the one attested in Guarani and Ava-Guarani Chiriguano ; that is, first person possessive marker is encoded through the prefix -r-, while third person possessive marker is encoded through the prefix h-. First of all, their possessed form matches the unspecified possessed form of Guarani and Ava-Guarani Chiriguano nouns e.

However, the Tapiete first person possessive marker differs from the other languages: Finally, the Tapiete third person marker, displays the same morpheme h- as found in Ava-Guarani Chiriguano , Guarani and the original system. TG nominal roots included in Class IIa are either disyllabic e. When the nominal root is modified by a possessive marker, disyllabic roots become trisyllabic e.

That is, tetrasyllabic words are not allowed in Tapiete, unless they are the result of composition, e. However, possessive marker and nominal root form a single phonological word. However, if the same morphological operation i. Finally, nouns remain either disyllabic e.

Sub-class IIa a he. Sub-class IIa b hi. Sub-class IIa a Unspecified possessed form 1sg. Tapiete Sub-class IIa b 3. This is shown in , where two different nominal forms are distinguished according to their semantic categorization i. Noun phrase structure In this section the structure of the noun phrase is presented with a focus on the order of elements within the noun phrase, the set of pronouns and pronominal forms, demonstratives, numerals and quantifiers, the nouns modifying, the syntactic expression of possession and the set of locative and directional morphemes.

Independent pronouns The pronominal system of Tapiete makes the distinctions of person and number. The category of first person plural displays a further distinction between first person inclusive i. Table 23 and Table 24 display the set of independent pronouns that function as subjects and oblique arguments, respectively.

Tapiete oblique personal pronouns The syntatic distribution of personal pronouns and the semantic role they take are discussed in Chapter 5. They may occupy the subject and object position with no alteration of their form. Demonstratives Tapiete does not have articles; instead, it has a class of demonstrative adjectives and demonstrative pronouns, which encode three degrees of proximity.

Table 25 shows the Tapiete demonstrative system. Demonstrative adjectives Demonstrative pronouns Glose ko ko this kowa this one? Tapiete demonstratives Demonstrative ko may function as an adjective and, given the appropriate pragmatic conditions, as a demonstrative pronoun ; this latter use, however, remains marginal. However, its most frequent use is as a demonstrative pronoun.

Numerals and quantifiers 3. Quantifiers Non-numeral quantifiers precede the noun. Numerals The Tapiete number system is decimal. While cognates for numbers one to five are found in other TG languages, cognates for number six, seven, eight and nine are only found in Chiriguano Dietrich Speakers easily use the number system from one to five, and this use is reflected in texts. This is not the case, of numbers six to ten. Although these later forms have been given by elderly speakers, they do not appear frequently in texts and young speakers do not use them at all. Table 26 shows the number system from one to ten.

Tapiete number system Beyond number ten, the forms given are innovations from young educated speakers, as they appear as calques of the Spanish number system. These forms have been approved, however, by elderly speakers as forms that could be adopted if the language reaches the point of standardization.

The innovating number system is as shown in Table Innovated Tapiete number system As for the distribution of numerals within the noun phrase, they always appear before the noun they modify, as shown in Noun modifying As said earlier, in Tapiete, a noun may modify another noun in which case the modifying noun precedes the head noun. There is, however, a strong tendency to use the h- form in these constructions. Adjectives Tapiete does not have a clear lexical category adjective. Locatives Tapiete has three locative suffixes -pe, -ipe and -ipi.

This opposition is illustrated in and Their functions are illustrated by the examples given below, where is interpreted as indicating a specific place in the house, while only indicates that the object is inside the house. Finally, indicates that the subject needs to move within the house in order to reach its goal. As said before, there is a specialization of form and function of these pospositions, as the shortened forms -re and -wi attach to nouns and have a directional meaning.

This explains why and may convey the same meaning. Given that an object may be inside a mortar without being enclosed in it, suffix -pe is used. Conclusions This chapter has presented the morphological features of nouns and the syntactic distribution of constituents within the noun phrase in Tapiete. It has been shown that Tapiete encodes through its morphology the categories of number, diminutive, augmentative and possession. On the contrary, gender is encoded lexically.

In addition, Tapiete morphologically distinguishes between alienably and inalienably possession by marking differently nouns conceptualized as inalienable possessed from alienable possessed nouns. In addition, the unspecified possessed form of nominals that belong to TG Class II nouns, is reinterpreted as the default marker of possession of inalienable possessed nouns in Tapiete. Within the noun phrase, demonstratives, quantifiers, possessors and noun modifying precede the noun, while relative clauses follow it.

Tapiete has two sets of independent pronouns that function as subject and as oblique arguments. Tapiete has indefinite pronouns that occupy both the subject and the object position with no alternation of their form and two sets of demonstratives that may function as adjectives or pronouns and that encode three different degrees of distance. Numerals and quantifiers precede the noun. The Tapiete number system is decimal; while cognate for numbers one to five are found in other TG languages, the names for numbers six to nine are only found in Ava-Guarani Chiriguano.

In addition, there is not a clear adjectival category, since the semantic value usually conveyed by adjectives in other languages is, in Tapiete, expressed through the set of inactive verbs. Finally, locative morphemes distinguish a fixed position in the space e.

The verb and the verb phrase This chapter introduces the verbal morphology and the order of elements within the verb phrase. The set of active and inactive person markers are presented in 4. Then, the valence changing operations are discussed in 4. Finally, the encoding of plural number 4.

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Verbal morphology Verbal roots In Tapiete, the verb agrees with subject and object in person and number. Since third person is not overtly expressed on the verb, optionally, the plural suffix -reta attaches to verbal roots to specify the plurality of third person subject or object.

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Modal and person markers together with a causative morpheme are encoded through prefixation; other inflectional operations such as tense, aspect, causative and negation are encoded through suffixation. Finally, superlative, instrumental and diminutive morphemes are suffixed to the verbal root. The structure of Tapiete verbs is presented in Table Structure of Tapiete verbs 4. In doing so, I use the terminology employed by that author. This presentation is intended to provide the context for the discussion about the cross-reference system found in Tapiete.

That is, since first person is higher in the hierarchy than second and third person, first person is always cross-referenced on the verb independently of its being an agent or a patient; similarly, when second and third person are involved, only second person is cross-referenced on the verb. The agency hierarchy does not play any role in this construction. P2sg 2pl pe- pe- r- peje- opo- A1: P2pl 3 o- i-, c- o- Table In , Set 1 prefixes are followed by Set 2 prefixes e.

Transitive agentive verb a. In , the patient e. They are, therefore, considered to be portmanteau morphemes. Set 2, encodes the agentive and non-agentive subjects of intransitive verbs and the first person patient of transitive The following examples are from Jensen In these cases, there is obligatory affixation of i Set 1 person markers e. This distribution of person markers is shown in Table Paraguayan Guarani , ii or it has been associated with the verbal root e.

In other words, the third person marker i- does not refer to a third person patient anymore but it has become associated with Set 1 prefixes. Finally, in some languages the prefix i- that encodes third person patient has become associated either with the person marker referencing the agent e. Mbya Guarani, Kaiwa and Ava-Guarani Chiriguano , Tapiete displays the same change in the cross-reference system as the one just described. As will be shown in the following sections, the sets of person markers of Tapiete appear as more deviant from the original system when compared with other languages of these subgroups.

In addition, Tapiete is one of the languages that have associated prefix i- i. However, in Tapiete this association has created a new paradigm of person markers used in the expression of reflexive constructions. In the following section a presentation is given of Tapiete person markers. Reflexive constructions are discussed in 4. The agency hierarchy governs the cross-reference system in transitive verbs. The diagnostic person marker refers to third person.

All other markers are subject to predictable changes mainly related to nasal harmony and a tendency to harmonize the vocalic quality of the prefix vowel. Monosyllabic verbs take prefix o- , while the other verbs are not marked for third person singular In AvaGuarani Chiriguano this form is reported to occur with verbal roots that combine with Set 1 person markers and whose first consonant is either [r] or [n] Dietrich As a result, the combination of suffix -ha with another person marker is ungrammatical, as shown in In Paraguayan Guarani suffix -ha ra "occurs with verbal stems and the resulting sequence is a noun.

This form is also used to refer to an impersonal agent, as exemplified in Set 1a , Set 1b and Set 1c Set up a giveaway. There's a problem loading this menu right now. Learn more about Amazon Prime. Get fast, free shipping with Amazon Prime. Get to Know Us. English Choose a language for shopping. Our favorite toys for everyone on your list. Amazon Music Stream millions of songs.

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