Derrick Storm: A Bloody Storm - Vom Sturm getrieben (German Edition)

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I will mention only a few: The market for books in the vernacular grew steadily in print capitalism as Benedict Anderson has pointed out and the demand shows simultaneously the increasing importance of native languages. Another aspect of that development is the broadening base of texts being translated, either from the Latin or even other languages.

Key literary texts such as Homer and Virgil etc. Whatever the label of their epoch, they certainly provided renewal in their native language on such a scale that they have themselves become classics. A language that could not master the poets and forms of antiquity remained parochial. These could take the form of a defence of poetry of which there were numerous, or instructions for poets, such as the one by the German Martin Opitz who wrote Buch von der Deutschen Poeterey, a kind of handbook for young poets in , advising them amongst other things to translate poetry in order to learn to write it.

Opitz also wrote a defence for the writing of poetry in the native language, in Latin like Dante. Another famous defender of the native language amongst others was, curiously, the German philopsopher Leibniz, curiously because he himself wrote mostly in French.

The seventeenth century was eventful for the native language movement: It would be possible to list many other events in this vein such as the beginning of writing native language grammars and dictionaries, but I will only mention one more, and that is the establishment of chairs in the native language and liter- ature at the universities, a relatively recent phenomenon. It was only in the nine- teenth century that professors of languages such as English and German started teaching at universities, thus marking the true victory of the Moderns and native language ideology.

The first consists of the temporal and psychological levels of narration. Auerbach points out that the old Platonic accusation that Homer is a liar is irrelevant for its worth as an imitation, whereas the Biblical text does not pretend to be a suc- cessful imitation i. One consequence of this is a dire need for an exegesis if the reader is to accept the text as a living truth for him or herself, which becomes more difficult the farther away the reader is from the original in space and time: The most graphic instance of this which Auerbach does not mention can be seen in the structural parallels of the two biblical sto- ries of multilingual miracles.

The first narrative, the negative one of the tower of Babel, is a constant in translational discourse. On the political level, and in order to take the Old Testament beyond the Jewish tradition, this translation by inversion defines the invention of difference between Jews and Christians, for the evangelical as- signment of Christianity, as opposed to the retentive one of Judaism, demanded a cultural translation for different cultural areas: The third level Auerbach refers to is the stylistic relation of the sublime and class, i.

Yet in a way he does not, for what is mimesis but a certain kind of transla- tion? One textual reality is translated into another, the same logos, in Platonic terms, is repeated in a different lexis, a thoroughly mimetic operation. Apparently, the Koran is seen in Islam as the completion of the biblical heritage. We remember that Socrates imagined Homer United by this Sympathetick Bond, as the arch-imitator at the very moment he You grow Familiar, Intimate and Fond; was imitating the words of someone else, talk- Your thoughts [sic], your Words, ing like someone else, becoming another.

Melberg rejects his argument on the grounds of its being too dialectical and, citing Gadamer, hence more Platonic than Plato This search, I argue, could be and is as well done through translation as through mimesis, despite a slight difference of quality that has most often been interpreted by implication as difference in essence.

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This difference is often seen not as qualitative, but as absolute. The parallel is hardly ever drawn, so the proof lies in the absence of analogy. But it is not ar- bitrary, or even radical, to try to shift the perspective a little without taking cov- er behind a metaphor. Translation is, if anything, a mimetic operation. Even prior to translation the term was a trouble- maker. Why would Plato have cho- sen the form if not to create a distance between himself and those who are speaking?

In this charming account, Di- otima argues through Socrates that Love is neither a god nor a human, but half- way between the two: Socrates asks her for another example and she gives it by drawing an analogy: Any action which is the cause of a thing emerging from non- existence into existence might be called poetry, and all the processes in all the crafts are kinds of poetry, and all those who are engaged in them poets.

In the following I will refer to the page numbers. Melberg summarises it into three points: Aristotle translates by inversion and invents catharsis in order to let immoral characters improve morals. It is a solid, simple and classical idea of mimesis, aware of its imitative qualities prior to the Roman translation of mimesis with imitatio; why else would Aristotle say so de- fensively in the ninth Chapter of the Poetics: Here the concept became acutely a problem of translation through its actual translation as a term and the cultural translation of the Greek heritage into the Roman.

The Greek version of mimesis also referred to re- writings of previous work in competition, rewritings which were presented in competitions. The idea was to present a better representation of events than the former writer had done. Not particularly for the Romans themselves, who were happy to imitate, translate and lift without bothering much about the sources, in fact preferring this. There is, however, an uneasiness present in Horace that is decisive for the ideas on translation in Western thought, and that not only in connection with the often repeated, indeed very much Horatian, dialectic of lit- eralism versus free translation.

Horace deserves more attention than this, though, for the pejorative paradigm of transla- tion as a secondary act can actually be traced to his influence. Ironically, or ra- ther obviously, his classification had the ideological objective of upgrading his and other Roman work; that is, to apply what was later termed translatio studii to make the Greek original Roman.

See Albrecht on Cicero and Horace The poet should not use obscure and abstruse terms except when absolutely necessary and then very sparingly and only those of Greek origin ll. When he discusses the correct use of poetic form a little later, the tone becomes harsher and more didactic: Why through false shame do I prefer to be ig- norant rather than to learn? A little further on in the text the famous nec verbo verbum appears, and it is interesting to see how exactly the context has been translated by different trans- lators ll.

The passage begins simply: Similarly, or rather more elegantly, Roscommon translates: Inventively conservative as he is, Horace does not recommend this method of inventing new traditions and contradicts it force- fully in the next passage, the translations of which we will examine side by side: Prescribe at first such strict uneasie rules, As they must slavishly observe, Or all the laws of decency renounce In both cases the mimetic operation is translational, for the sources of public domain Horace points to are Greek.

Two hundred years of copyright make some difference.

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The manner in which the two translators treat the famous phrase referring to their own activity is also revealing. Roscommon, being a poet, is perhaps a bit more honestly subjective than the scholar and he is also much more aware of the art of translating than the latter, who indeed must be expressing the way he feels when translating, though with an accuracy that reveals an ideological stance more than perfect scholarship.

It is exactly this act which removes translation from the mimetic op- eration, making it simultaneously mechanical and worthless in itself. This attempt at redefining the Latin adjective fidus through repeated translation gives the impression Horace was advising translators specifically, which he was not, just imitators. This is the method by which the translatio finally succeeds in translating while removing all no- tions of translating, what I refer to as a translation without an original: I was the first to show Latium the iambics of Paros, following the rhythms and spirit of Archilochus, not the themes or the words that hounded Lycambes.

And lest you should crown me with a scantier wreath because I feared the measures and form of verse, see how manlike Sappho moulds her Muse by the rhythm of Archilochus; how Alcaeus moulds his, though in his themes and arrangement he differs, looking for no father-in- law to besmear with deadly verses, and weaving no halter for his bride with defaming rhyme.

Him, never before sung by other lips, I, the lyrist of Latium, have made known. It is my joy that I bring things untold before, and am read by the eyes and held in the hands of the gently born What he has really done is to translate the forms themselves into Latin, thereby showing the means by which the Latin could be moulded to the needs of the foreign form, could be given the sublimity of the foreign form. What Horace achieved, however if not in his own day then at least in latter-day discourse was to create a mimetic imbalance and, through the nec verbum verbo, a distinctive relegation of translation out of the first class of mi- mesis.

Whereas he was of course translating himself — everything but words: Thus Horace created a problem of translation, for although he had succeed- ed in expelling it from the state of legitimacy, he left it with the one contradicto- ry justification it has retained through the ages: For example, in the eighteenth century Homeric translations were cleansed of Ro- man deities and names, which were replaced with the original ones, an act not as scholarly as it may at first sight seem, for it also served the new translatio of na- tionalism in the eighteenth century, with the aim of getting rid of the middle- men, the Romans, in order to lay the true claim to the original Greeks.

One of those who noticed this was Nietzsche. The short Chapter on translation is worth quoting in full: Sie scheinen uns zu fragen: Denn tot ist er nun einmal: There are only two things for which translators are condemned; for translating the words wrongly and translating the words literally. In the age of Corneille and even of the Revolution, the French took possession of Roman antiquity in a way for which we would no longer have courage enough — thanks to our more highly developed historical sense. And Roman antiquity itself: How they translated things into the Roman present!

How deliberately and recklessly they brushed the dust of the wings of the butterfly that is called moment! Thus Horace now and then translated Alcaeus or Archilochus; and Propertius did the same with Callimachus and Philetas poets of the same rank as Theocritus, if we may judge. What was it to them that the real creator had experienced this and that and written the signs of it into his poem? As poets, they had no sympathy for the antiquarian inquisitiveness that precedes the historical sense; as poets, they had no time for all those very personal things and names and whatever might be considered the costume and mask of a city, a coast, or a century: They seem to ask us: Should we not have the right to breathe our own soul into this dead body?

For it is dead after all; how ugly is everything dead! Indeed, translation was a form of conquest. In fact, his example from Horace refers exactly to that passage quoted above. The poetic language of genius is capable of transcending this distinction [between expe- rience and its representation] and can thus transform all individual experience directly into general truth. The subjectivity of experience is preserved when it is translated into language; the world is then no longer seen as a configuration of entities that designate a plurality of distinct and isolated meanings, but as a configuration of symbols ultimately leading to a total, single, and universal meaning During the age of originality of genius , mimesis was transformed and re- named as originality and translation was firmly consigned to the role Horace originally conceived, indeed for the same purpose.

Such an inherent contradiction is bound to lead to tensions that can be kept under control only by ideology — an ideology that fictionalises the unity of the mimetic operation by denying its translational aspects; indeed these aspects must necessarily be taken out of the equation if that imagined unity is to be pa- raded as a reality. It is the same sort of operation the nation requires in order to see itself as one.

The interpretation of the thing as hypokeimenon and then as subjectum does not only produce itself as a slight linguistic phenomenon. The absence-of ground Boden- losigkeit of Western thought opens with this translation. Beneath the seemingly literal and thus faithful translation there is concealed, rather, a translation of Greek experience into a different way of thinking. Roman thought takes of the Greek words without a corresponding, equally authentic experience of what they say, without the Greek word. Je souligne fondamentale Grunderfahrung.

It amounts to a Babelian ban on speech: The ground of thought comes then to be lacking when words lose speech [la parole].

According to the American art historian Meyer Schapiro, Heidegger creates this meaning by ignoring experience, but as Derrida points out in his commen- tary, both Schapiro and Heidegger are essentially restituting, returning the work of art to an owner through the object represented; it matters whose shoes are painted, it may be seen as implied that the deictic act of pointing to a farmer Heidegger or the artist himself Schapiro is a parallel if not a synchronic ges- ture: Whose shoes are they?

While Schapiro and Heidegger disagree over their attribution, the colloquy of Derrida and his interlocutors finds a secret correspondence beneath the overt disagreement: From out of this gulf arise specters or ghosts of a recent German past, one that left mountains of abandoned shoes all over the European landscape Between And what are the con- sequences? In this long essay his steps need to be carefully traced, backwards, in order to see the carefully constructed contradictions that are everything but anti- thetical.

Close to the end Heidegger couples history with art, i. This happens through a shove which transports his- tory into movement, not as a linear account of events but as the movement of a people from what it has left behind forgotten? Immer wenn Kunst geschieht, d. Geschichte meint hier nicht die Abfolge ir- gendwelcher und sei es noch so wichtiger Begebenheiten in der Zeit.

True, Heidegger does not use this terminology, but he translates into his private lan- guage. Despite this the thought is clear: Sie geschah im Abendland erstmals im Griechentum. Das geschah im Mittelalter. Dieses Seiende wurde wiederum ver- wandelt im Beginn und Verlauf der Neuzeit. History means here not a sequence in time of events of whatever sort, however important. Jedesmal brach eine neue und wesentli- che Welt auf It is, however, obviously a Heideggerian translation of the translatio. The contradiction seems blatant, raising the question of how this is possible in the space of 70 pages.

The answer I suggest is the closing off of mimesis and translation, a forget- ting of words while taking advantage of the process. This regres- sion takes place through the medium of language, native language, because this is the route to the well of origins and the essence of poetry: Die Sprache selbst ist Dichtung im wesentlichen Sinne. Considering that this context is partly the myth of the translation, it contains almost the eschatological feeling of the German thirties: This foundation happened in the West for the first time in Greece. What was in the future to be called Being was set into work, setting the standard.

This happened in the Middle- Ages. This kind of being was again transformed at the beginning and in the course of the modern age. Beings became objects that could be controlled and seen through by calculation. But since language is the happening in which for man beings first disclose themselves to him each time as beings, poesy—or poetry in the narrower sense—is the most original form of poetry in the essential sense. Das ent- werfende Sagen ist jenes, das in der Bereitung des Sagbaren zugleich das Unsagbare als ein solches zur Welt bringt.

In solchem Sagen werden einem geschichtlichem Volk die Begriffe seines Wesens, d. It has to be kept in mind that he is of the opinion that language is es- sentially poetry His division of language into two functions, banality and an almost mystical function of art, is reminiscent of two famous essays on trans- lation.

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Projective saying is saying which, in preparing the sayable, simultaneously brings the unsayable into the world. Um das zu sehen, bedarf es nur des rechten Begriffes von der Sprache. Aber die Sprache ist nicht nur und nicht erstlich ein lautlicher und schriftlicher Ausdruck dessen, was mitgeteilt werden soll. Wo keine Sprache west, wie im Sein vom Stein, Pflanze und Tier, da ist auch keine Offenheit des Seienden und demzufolge keine solche des Nichtseienden und des Leeren In the current view, language is held to be a kind of communication. It serves for verbal exchange and agreement, and in general for communicating.

But language is not only and not primarily an audible and written expression of what is to be communicated. It not only puts forth in words and statements what is overtly or covertly intended to be communicated; language alone brings what is, as something that is, into the Open for the first time.

Heidegger uses different argu- ments to draw this division, but nonetheless makes language, native language it must be, the essence of being human. Der Satz vom Grund accepts the translatability of ex- perience, indeed sees it as an experience in itself: For Heidegger, art is the origin of the work of art and the artist: Heidegger, then, sees the origin in a movement that brings truth to light in the form of works of art.

This has taken art radically away from the idea of mimesis as we have seen it in some forms, or so at least Heidegger himself asserts: Indeed the pedagogical power of literature in the eighteenth century was seen in terms of claims to truth; in the enlightened circles it was usually enough that moral truth was beauty, to see it the other way around probably took a Romantic like Keats.

The reproduction of what exists requires, to be sure, agreement with the actual being, adaptation to it; the Middle Ages called it adaequatio; Aristotle already spoke of homoiosis. Agreement with what is has long been taken to be the essence of truth His origin of the work of art is art that constitutes itself from its own source, which he does not name divinity but which has a mystical touch to it.

Neither in his adaptation of the Longinian para- digm with all the philosophical discursive additions nor his simple cut between truth and beauty as if aesthetics up to that point had only been occupied with the latter. What is important in this context is the way in which Derrida examines two aspects of the terms used in connection with translation problems: First and foremost, Derrida accepts the term and its idea, whereas Heidegger rejects it explicitly, as we have seen above: Heidegger, interestingly, mentions both Aristotle and the medieval notions in his dismissive sentence quoted above.

Derrida also hinges his definition on that definitive break, the source of the translatio in the broadest sense: In that case it can more readily be translated as imitation. This translation seeks to express or rather historically produces the thought about this relation.

The two faces are separated and set face to face: A good imitation will be one that is true, faithful, like or likely, adequate, in conformity with the phusis essence or life of what is imitated; it effaces itself of its own accord in the pro- cess of restoring freely, and hence in a living manner, the freedom of true presence , emphasis in text. And yet translation is not fully there, or only implicitly as a linguistic referential opera- tion. If he has, he is certainly not alone, but it is noteworthy that the notion of mimesis was itself not very visible during the age of originality.

Elle se laisse alors plus facilement traduire par imitation.

As Bern- hard F. Scholz notes in a preface to a recent collection of essays bearing the same title, Auerbach konnte [ On the other hand, as we have seen, not even Plato and Aristotle agreed on that point. Gabriel, whose intention is to disqualify scepticism and postmodern criticism per se by leaning on the authority of Kant, uses the oft-noted subtitle to round off his essay: The full German title is Mimesis: And, as a matter of fact, it is constructed via translation.

Considering the fact that he is explicitly attacking postmodern criticism, both his method and results are surprising. Such moments, not to forget the joking comment on the table of contents, or the ironic postscript of the second edition, dated April 13, , in which he expressly underlines mistakes other authors would have silently corrected, do not allow for an interpretation of his terminology or conclusions that is in key with German conventions in critical discourse.

This is what she prefers to call transposition rather than intertextuality: In his Leistung der Form. To which I firmly agree. The cultural context of all ancient, medieval and any texts more than a few years old is different than that of the receiver, native or foreign. By disclaiming totality and being confined to particularity, interpretative representation is only able to grasp individual shades of representative knowledge and that always and only within the parameters of its position.

An adequate grasp of the whole representation is, if at all, only possible in the temporally unforeseeable history of its reception, i. So the artist is forced to lie in order to tell the truth. It is the necessarily added truth that turns fact into knowledge. Reflecting upon this, Handke asks himself: Less, when one is satisfied with mere reporting; more, the more exactly one tries to formulate?

Page 24 in the first edition. See also my Damit wir wissen, was sie geschrieben haben The re- newal of reality can then follow when the facts are reinterpreted with the aid of the desire of knowing what one does not know, the desire that Diotima told Soc- rates in the Symposium and he Agathon was at the basis of love; as soon as it has been fulfilled there can be no desire anymore. What makes the desire strong is the lack of transparency.

The wish to know what is beyond the known has been the major drive of human epistemological desire, the mystery being the battlefield of humanist humanity and the divine. And now, when the limits of knowledge have almost been reached, when the di- vine unknown has, as Nietzsche prophesied, lost the battle, humanity stands be- fore the frightening moral questions previously delegated to divinity, i.

It is not a new moment in history, but one that recurs when humans become victims of their own hubris and think they know everything, and that they are able to control nature through that knowledge. As always, they forget them- selves, the cause of all instability, and forget that all transparency is imagined, the true folly of security that imagines everything can be translated into meaning and that all fictions have been interpreted.

The feeling that there is an end — the end of history, first prophesied in the Bible, but also by Hegel and Fukuyama among others; the end of work Rifkin ; the end of humanism Sloterdijk — is prevalent, but perhaps all these endings can be translated into the end of truth as truth. That would also mean the end of imitation, beginning it anew.

So that we can experience and know therefrom the unsaid of a thinker, of any type, we must attend to what he says. The literary anxiety of influence Bloom is perhaps more an anxiety of language, natively powerful as a sublime manifestation and sublimely frightening as a foreign power. We have visual dreams in order to es- cape the logic of language. Imitation is the translation of a reality into words. Words are the primal instrument of power. Of the trio of translation, imitation and metaphor, translation is a kind of tertium comparationis, an operative element that makes possible the connection between a vision and its metaphor, between a reality and its imitation.

Meta- phors, the textual manifestations of imitations, have been translated from their non-verbal state, formed to the logic of language through the act of translation. That this method could be applied to move these objects across the hurdles of different languages is what truly made humanity godlike; for it is the ultimate rebellion against the curse of the tower of Babel and in itself a new spiritual ver- sion of that tower, a tower of translation.

It is the way in which Christ the human God made his word known through his apostles, translators of words into many languages and not of visions into one language as the previous prophets had been. In the moment of conclusion, when Umberto Eco, in effect, admits that his search for the perfect language has foundered, he comes to translation as a kind of tertium comparationis: This is like a kind of dream which imagi- nes an Italian speaking his native language to an Englishman who understands Italian and answers in English, a language the Italian understands.

This Utopia leaves out the necessity of translation, and holds desperately to the native lan- guage at the same time. As long as there are different languages, translation will be the substitute, if not the perfect language. It is the human an- swer to the divine wrath of Babel. Through the most radical and microscopic of all acts of transla- tion, Frankenstein, originally a pathological metaphor, has finally been translat- ed into a real possibility. It reproduces a text in anoth- er language, another culture, another world, and at the same time it begets it with the previous text.

Geneticists have therefore chosen the right term, transla- tion, to describe one of the most important operations of reproduction within the cell. But ordinary, mundane sexual reproduction is also a sort of translation in this sense, the combination of two different codes to create a third that is formed only of what the parent codes have contributed. This is best proven when one examines the rela- tionship between the previous and the following.

If identical, the following is automatically detested; it is only a repetition and nothing new. In the antiquarian bookshop, the second edition of a book is almost always worth less than the first, and anyone knows the difference in price between an original painting and a copy, even if both are made by the same artist.

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It is not coincidental in this context. This metaphorical vocabulary refers to the procreative activity within the cell. When someone else produces the copy, however, then the copying is an act that may even raise the price of the original, for why should one copy a second- rate work? When reproduced in a book, the copy of a painting is as good as worthless in itself and yet in that form probably raises the fame and worth of the original; it has displaced it in reality and raised its spiritual relevance.

The same can be said of books; in the end, the nth edition may be worth lit- tle more than its raw production costs and at the same time displace the original object. Similar reasons might keep most people from reproducing themselves through the act of cloning, not the fact that they find it morally reprehensible, because it simply is not, when considered as a moral issue.

The fear of the exact copy is probably stronger, for it kills the original through its likeness. In an age of originali- ty, it works the same way as the copy made by another artist, even more so. A translation not only raises more money for a copyrighted text, but also increases its literary or spiritual worth.

This is achieved through the coeval sameness and difference as well as through greater distribution. Translation works as procrea- tion metaphorically masqueraded as cloning with only the language gene changed. In our current social and reproductive terms, translation produces the legit- imate children of marriage, begotten within acceptable norms securing that the offspring will be formed according to the standards of bourgeois society.

Art, on the other hand, begets the illegitimate children of illicit love whose formation may be impossible to manage with the instruments of bourgeois society. As Aldous Huxley foresaw in Brave New World, only the latter is endangered by the absolutism of information. Even human- istic education since the Renaissance has not produced great numbers of Greek and Hebrew scholars who could really tackle these works in the original what originals would they have had?

Their interpretations would have been — and are, no doubt — learned and important, but only for them and their peers; the rest of the world, poets rewriting and readers reliving, would not have been influ- enced to a great extent. The hypothetical question above is justified because it sheds light on the reception of works that have been given universal artistic and religious hence canonical status and that have been read in one translation or another by most of their readers.

The Bible was, furthermore, long read in a translation into a language already dead; St. The question of translation and canon is complex. Firstly, the concepts seem to be almost inseparable, which is perhaps not surprising, for it is through biblical translation that the question of canonising texts becomes relevant. Sec- ondly, translation is also a significant criterion for the potential canonicity of a work of literature: Authors are eager to be translated and if they have been, the publishers are sure to mention that in a blurb on the jacket of the next edition or book.

Thirdly, as has been noted, many authors have tried to authenticate an inaccessible often literally inaccessible! Finally, canon is related to language from various perspectives: To which it might be added that when a language has gained an almost absolute hegemony translation is drastically reduced. He also chooses the translations, thus canonising certain English translations of the works. Before going any further, it is right to consider the term canon. There are two points worth making in this context: Although evidently polemically intended, some of his assertions go beyond the ironic in their Johnsonian moralism and reveal the age-old paradigm of old age that the world is going down the drain, once again.

This anxiety of decline is indeed strange from someone so familiar with the can- on, for how can one prophesy doomsday now, after three-thousand years of suc- cess? Bloom does not of course claim that the canon is closed and that he provides the reader with the definitive one. See OCB on canon, apochryphal books and translation. To compare, one can look at a recent essay by Andreas F. Kelletat in which he examines the German canons of World literature as published in the s and 70s: Both criticism and translation are caught in the gesture which Benjamin calls ironic, a gesture which undoes the stability of the original by giving it a definitive, canonical form in the translation or in the theorization.

In a curious way, translation canonizes its own version more than the original was canonical Resistance De Man refers here to the original text itself; one must assume that an imitation of the logos is another thing, as was discussed above. The question is whether the translator translates the original text or the original logos. The translator, the exegetist, the reader is faithful to his text, makes his response respon- sible, only when he endeavours to restore the balance of forces, of integral presence, which his appropriative comprehension has disrupted.

By virtue of tact, and tact intensified is moral vision, the transla- tor-interpreter creates a condition of significant exchange. As already noted, the terms are no synonyms and yet they all refer to the intangible, if not meta- physical, aspect of literary art and indeed all art, irrespective of its form of rep- resentation. I say metaphysical, for although that term often represents what au- thors want to avoid when using the former terms, perhaps fearing accusations of superstition or theological ideology, it is what in the end makes literature able to be sublime, to go beyond the body in time and space, to be worthy of canonisa- tion.

Bloom certainly stresses more than once in The Western Canon that his po- sition is not metaphysical, and yet he is certain that some authors, strong au- thors, create a logos not his term that survives translation, which is, admittedly, no metaphysics, but hardly a strictly empirical observation. Bloom notes that the authorial influence is necessarily defensive, but when he, howev- er, turns to language in the following, problems arise: The issue is not Oedipal rivalry but the very nature of strong, original literary imagin- ings: Fresh metaphor, or inventive troping, al- ways involves a departure from previous metaphor, and that departure depends upon at least partial turning away or rejection of prior figuration 9 Bloom brings up only intralingual examples in what follows, but this surely would have deserved an interlingual examination, as metaphors and tropes bor- rowed from a foreign language can most certainly have the same result; indeed in standardised languages direct translation of metaphors is avoided banned?

This means in practice that an original metaphor might in translation be replaced by an idio- mised one, when in fact this idiomised metaphor may itself have been intro- duced through unacknowledged translation. Many commentators and editors, therefore, busied themselves in proving the opposite, that Shakespeare had had great learning and uncovered the ancient sources which unfortunately had been corrupted by others.

This certainly was a canonical prophecy at the time, but one that rightly came true. His own writing was hence original: Voltaire, for example, came to such a con- clusion in his Essay on Epic Poetry, and it seems that an interaction of this kind, or rather dialectic, has been instrumental in the development of Western litera- ture. What is the Shakespearean difference that demands Dante, Cervantes, Tolstoy, and only a few others as aesthetic companions? To ask the question is to undertake the quest that is the final aim of literary study, the search for a kind of value that transcends the par- ticular prejudices and needs of societies at fixed points in time He continues with a well-known quote from Johnson, which indeed was a standard in the aesthetic and philosophical discourses of that time, a quote intertextually linked to a passage in Hamlet, which in turn is discursively linked to standard discourses of representation Aristotle and be- haviour cf the medieval genre of Speculum, intended to improve princely man- ners: He has, however, gone far enough from those standards to leave Shakespeare more or less as he found him, something which a century and a half of rewriting and dubious editing had not done.

Coming from the author of The Anxiety of Influence this is strange in itself, more so when one considers Goethe. He was not wary of influence; he welcomed it for his own purposes.

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Indeed, the case may be made that pre- cisely this method was behind his development of national literature towards Weltiteratur, the term so insistently affixed to his name in German criticism. He does not refer to the spelling in his notes to the second one. I have not seen the originals. The essays reflect the development of the author Goethe, and indeed the massive duality of his authorial character, present in many of his major works, from the sane and insane Werther, to the strange quartet of Die Wahlverwandschaften; from the poet and the politician in Tor- quato Tasso to the inseparable duo in Faust.

The first essay is written under the heavy influence of Herder, who had not yet published his Shakespeare essay in Von deutscher Art und Kunst, but Goethe and Herder had met in Strasbourg the year before. This in itself was not new, but he coupled it with the idea which made this essay one of his most quoted: If there is anything to this, Goethe was certainly not alone; we see this dual dialectic in most of the authors discussed in these volumes, very obviously in Rousseau, in Herder, in Adam Smith and many others.

But this is more an impression, for the essay is rather an attempt to analyse why Shakespeare has taken up so much space in critical discourse and to find his place in the still-living dialectic of ancients and moderns. There are, howev- er, parallels, which show a development of thought, if nothing else. The first is The mix-up of authors is probably unintentional. The myth of Marlowe really being Shakespeare was only conceived of in the latter part of the nineteenth century Schoenbaum This looks very familiar to any reader of Laokoon.

It is indeed odd to see the Goe- the of his latter years so easily attached to his youthful period, which he surely had left behind him in This rivalry was partly expressed through the hectic translational activity of the s, and I argue that this rival- ry, which took place on many levels of discourse, in effect led to the cultural fragmentation of the fragile construct that was Britain.

The text that arguably had the greatest effect, both in Germany and in Britain, went under the title The Poems of Ossian. This is also the passage Napoleon is supposed to have criticised in Werther when he received Goethe in The poems conquered literary Europe of their time and were translated into most European languages.

To cut a long and oft-repeated story short, Macpherson was asked by the dramatist John Home to show him a few translations of Gaelic poetry, which he reluctantly did, with the remark that this poetry could not be translated. The second epic was written by Macpherson alone, after he had been attacked forcefully and accused of falsification by Irish intellectuals in a public advertisement. Whatever Macpherson did to construct a national Scottish epic almost on order from the Scottish literati, as Richard Sher has shown it is a fact of literary history that these poems revolutionised literary attitudes in Europe, not necessarily with their novelty in language and style, but with the possibility of constructing a national literature from the native sources.

Epics were constant- ly being translated and written, most often using classical or biblical stories. Po- ets had also used historical material for epics: Macpherson, however, not only discovered the shreds he could stitch together into a national quilt in line with the Renaissance tradition, but in addition conjured up a verifying apparatus in different paratexts that gave the whole an authentic, historical and national frame.

Antiquarian work on national sources had been done all over Europe since the Renaissance, of course, but until the Ossianic explosion it was mostly confined to the quarters of scholars and antiquarians. The Poems of Ossian represent a problematic corpus of texts, due to the various controversies that surround them. See also Horst W. The major prob- lem with many Ossianic debates is that while they seem to focus on the authen- ticity of a text, they are in fact about the authenticity of nations. It is, therefore, necessary to address a few of the myths surrounding these poems which, despite their massive influence and massive is an understate- ment , have been removed from the canon of Western literature.

Few texts have so often been compared to Homer, by people who knew their Homer very well. Actually, the list of those who admired The Poems of Ossian, read them, used them, trans- lated them, reads like an excerpt from the canon itself, particularly outside of Britain where the authenticity question, or rather the national property question, did not overshadow everything else. In Germany the group of admirers included not only Herder, Goethe and Klopstock, but most of the literary figures who had anything to say, well into the nineteenth century.

Many painters were also moved to interpret Ossian. Eberhard Roters has collected the best known in Jenseits von Arkadien. Koch, Runge, Caspar David Friedrich, among others. Schlegel as a translator. Both Stafford, in her The Sublime Savage, and Gaskill, in several essays, have effectively dealt with this question.

Gaskill has considered what may have been lost, and indeed the quality of both manuscripts and transcripts, for as Macpherson himself claimed, some of what he used was taken down from oral recitation. Which brings us back to the structure, not specifically as a genre, but as an intentional construct. A Johnsonian quip in response to such a statement could be to ask whether the person in question always skips the climax of a novel, or anything else for that matter. They are only read by students and scholars.

In fact, Ossian seems to represent the text that starts the movement from epic poetry in verse to epics in prose, thus making the novel a viable possibility for highbrow literature. This is not to say that there was no deception in the Ossianic reconstruction of the materials collected; indeed this may be one of the reasons why Macpher- son under the instructions of Blair felt rather free in the collation and recon- struction of his materials. It should also not be forgotten that Macpherson was educated in Aberdeen, where the famous Thomas Blackwell was principal. As we shall see, Percy did not follow this advice, although he did manipulate the texts; his paratexts, however, provide an example of his conjectural and imaginative powers.

The letter was printed in Yale French Studies 5 It is also clear that one reason for the harsh judgement of the Ossianic po- ems was the fact that they were translated. It certainly made them more vulner- able, for the act of translation can so easily be discredited, even by the layman who does not even speak the source language, and translation is, in fact, much more often controversially criticised than the much more speculative work of the textual critic.

It was reprinted in with an attribution to Blair as the editor of the original edition. Another myth that has recently been disassembled is the notion that Mac- pherson managed to fool some of the finest minds of the Scottish Enlightenment into swallowing his fabrications. What mattered was the form and the sublimity of the text in conjunction with its antiquity. That the content was known in some other form was, for them, reason enough to accept the poems, and they were of course time and again strengthened in their belief by Gaelic-speaking Scots, biased in their judgement for nationalistic reasons.

In , for example, David Hume faced the fury of the Irish in London and encouraged Blair to collect testimonies for the authenticity of the poems. This Blair did, and they were subsequently published with the second edition of the Ossianic poems in This has been interpreted rather imagi- natively by Ludwig Stern, the German Celtic scholar who supposedly dealt Os- sian its fatal blow: Hume also took a personal dislike to Macpherson and may have lost faith in him personally. The logic on the whole seems to be that an inferior race of Celts had moved to the West of Scotland from Ireland and taken along without permission stories and fables which they — and later Macpherson — used to fabri- cate or invent a new history.

These paradigms were all invented in the furious nationalist wars that engulfed the Ossianic poems from the start. The greatest impulse to controversy was the nationalist feeling that sim- mered on several levels, and it must be said that every critical instrument availa- ble was employed to discredit The Poems of Ossian. It is, therefore, not my concern to judge or discuss the degree of deception perpetrated by Macpherson on an innocent world, nor do I think that is a discus- sion worth pursuing.

In the eighteenth century, Britain as a nation and a state was a rapidly developing construct; the corner- stone had been laid with the union of the crowns in , but there were not enough mansions in the house, apparently, so after the wars — religious, political and national — a second attempt to cement Britain together took place with the union of parliaments in Katie Trumpener puts it aptly in her Bardic Na- tionalism: As formed in by the legislative union between the kingdom of Scotland and an England that had already subsumed Wales and held Ireland in its colonial thrall, the Anglo Scottish state had the fortune or misfortune to be combined before the general formation of modern national consciousness Britain was not a new term in literary texts, but now became most often used to signify the emerging nation state that was the growing United Kingdom.

He sang of Liberty and her route from Greece to Rome to Britain, a common paradigm in what may perhaps be termed classical nationalism. There were also Englishmen who desired a harmonious Britain: Along with the cult of the sublime, the cult of a British Greece was present in poems by Joseph Warton and Mark Akenside. We understand Weight and Meas- ure in this kind, and can reason justly on the Ballance of Power and Property. The Max- ims we draw from hence, are as evident as those in Mathematicks 74, emphasis in text.

Politically, the Jacobite rebellions were the greatest source of dissonance in all this harmony, particularly the final third one in Against that background, Fragments of Ancient Poetry were published, followed by Fingal and later Temora. These poems, through their astronomical success and national implica- tions, were instrumental in focusing the work of the already active literary na- tionalists on the different poetic and linguistic sources in the fragile cultural con- struct that was called Britain.

Subjects that in the first three decades of the eighteenth century had been confined to antiquarian circles were now often being published in quarto and bound in leather. This was not all due solely to the publication of Os- sianic poetry, but it is nonetheless evident that this one event shook the crum- bling neo-classicist literary system so violently that it started to fall apart. There was a side-effect, however, and that was the fragmentation of Brit- ain. This construct had been a symbolic reality since , a political reality since and it took on even larger proportions as such on January 1, when Ireland was absorbed but as a cultural reality it was still under construc- tion in The focus on difference within the British Isles provided by the Ossianic controversies and the imitative publications, poetic and historical, served to draw cultural lines of demarcation so deep that two-hundred years of English hegemony, mutual interests in the most lucrative of empires, and na- tional wars against enemies like Napoleon and Hitler were unable to wipe them out.

Britain is the most obvious construct of all nations, and it is not a co- incidence, I think, that at a time when it is breaking up, The Poems of Ossian have once again become the object of intense inquiry. The failure of Britain is, then, a failure of translation: In the following I will be examining some of the translational approaches that led to these definitions.

The sound and the fury of the debate were fuelled by forces far re- moved from all straightforward academic inquiry into the authenticity of the po- ems. The question that seemed on the surface to be of greatest importance to the camps that established themselves was whether the poems were ancient and re- discovered, in the Renaissance tradition, or absolutely spurious. In reality, how- ever, the debate was partly something that can be termed a battle of Celtic anti- quarians, which spilled over into a personal feud between James Macpherson and Samuel Johnson.

Peter Lang, , S. They could form a perfect hero in their own mind, and ascribe that character to the prince. The inferior chiefs made this ideal character the model of their conduct, and by degrees brought their minds to that generous spirit which breathes in the poetry of all times Gaskill, Ossian He then went on and added fictive descriptions and dia- logues to give the narrative structure an artistic filling, quoting the poetry exten- sively throughout to prove his points Turville-Petre Colin Kidd has pointed out the ideological ramifications of the English translation of this text in the creation of a Teutonist ideology in Scotland and has made the interesting observation that the translator, Samuel Laing, was the brother of Malcolm Laing, editor and debunker of Ossian.

If, however, we look at the translation of the Heimskringla into the English language, we can compare standards of translation, bearing in mind that this translation has caused no con- troversy at all and is still the best-known translation of Heimskringla in the Eng- lish language. He sums up his translation with a modesty that Macpher- son lacked: The ambiguity of the textual debate in the Ossianic controversy is perhaps better shown by an example from Irish myth.

MacKillop goes further and gives us examples and I think it is best to let him speak for himself: Within these severe limitations the most celebrated scenarist of Fenian narratives was Lady Gregory in Gods and Fighting Men , more than half of which is given to this end. Her version is told in eleven Chapters with sixty-four numbered episodes and is based largely on manuscript narratives which had recently been translated in such scholary [sic] Celtic journals as the Transactions of the Ossianic Society and Revue Celtique, as she acknowledged in rather incomplete footnotes.

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