Contents:
Log In Sign Up. With reggae music as a vehicle for its ideology, its expansion in West Africa illustrates how the myths and knowledge it conveys resonate deeply to young people embroiled in the dynamics of a post-colonial era in which ancestral tradition and Western models collide.
The object of this thesis is the reinterpretations of Rastafari by African Rastas in Mali. Exploring shifts in the construction of identities taking place within the movement as well as the local understandings and interpretations of Rastafari, this thesis presents the divergent paths of Malian Rastas, illustrating the plurivocality of the movement. The last section of the thesis focuses on the local expression of reggae through the political and spiritual themes addressed by West African reggaemen in their discourse and lyrics.
Vous pouvez seulement vivre rastafari. It was the religious expression most suitable for the political and social aspirations of the slaves. Proven by Biblical History. En , sous le pseudonyme de G. We are what we are. Stand up for your rights! Si, au dernier jour de ma vie, on me faisait passer une image de Bob Marley, je crois que je pourrais attendre au lendemain avant de partir.
How such a good melody can come out of this world? Les familles originaires de Lassa contractent des alliances avec celles des villages avoisinants que sont Banconi, Diagoni et Zirakoro. Des affrontements ont lieu entre les manifestants et les forces de l'ordre. Un rasta dans une Mercedes! La carte de membre arbore le logo du Mourasma. Est-il possible de concilier ces deux visions? Lui seul a pu ouvrir les sept sceaux, dont parle la Bible. Effectivement, sa consommation ne constitue en aucune sorte une pratique rituelle essentielle au rastafari. Toutefois, il ne faut pas croire que tous les rastas musulmans refusent la ganja.
And to some, it seems like an impossible, utopian idea. How should this work? The topic is under heavy discussion in my circles recently, and also in general politics. Even though I am a supporter of the idea, in many of these discussions, I feel disinclined to participate. All too often, the debates are heavily laden with utopian ideas which in my opinion detract from the main reasons why I advocate for such a scheme. I'll try to explain my position in this post. I do not think the idea is particularly revolutionary, nor do I think it is utopian.
I do not think it will revolutionize anything. More specifically, I do consider it to be a small evolutionary step from current social security systems, born out of pragmatism more so than utopianism. A bit simplified, Germany currently pays social security to jobless people in the form of EUR plus rent, every month. This is lowered by possible income, by "sanctions" when you do not look for work, and a host of other factors, including if you live together with another person who can pay for you. In the end, though, this is already a basic income.
You get money even if you do not work. And this is, conceptually, quite similar to social security in many other countries. What a guaranteed basic income does, then, is nothing but to remove all these special cases and reductions. The fewer exceptions and reductions there are, the closer the system would be to a full GBI. Hence I see this only as an evolutionary development of the current system.
There are a number of benefits from doing away with exceptions. Most importantly, it simplifies the regulation. You can do with a lot fewer controls, controllers, checks, lawsuits, and so on. The question is mainly whether the benefits of those exceptions outweigh their cost. And I do not think that is the case. Any and all exceptions will have false negatives and false positives. False negatives mean that people who should not, according to the intent of the exceptions, receive money, but still do because the checks somehow failed.
This includes the typical scarecrow of the social security abuser. People who do this are a small minority. These are cases where social security money is cut even though they should not, according to the intent of the law. The amount of lawsuits because of this is keeping whole courts busy around the clock, with 30, lawsuits in —in Berlin alone. Based on this, simply removing the exceptions sounds like a good idea to me. Especially as this allows other optimizations.
First of all, as mentioned above, this would simplify a lot of things, saving a lot of money. Using the Negative Income Tax scheme by Milton Friedman for example allows combining social security with the income tax system, re-using a lot of infrastructure. Other schemes allow other types of saving, but in general, no exceptions means a lot easier handling.
Second, many social security systems suffer from bad incentives that these systems usually avoid. For example, current systems often reduce benefits when a job is taken by the same amount as the job earns. This means that finding work is not actually appealing, because there are, in the beginning, very few benefits from that. GBI systems all guarantee that money earned in a job, after taxes, always increases the net available money, creating an incentive to take up even small jobs.
I'd expect this already to handle a lot of the abuse cases. Third, and this is where I probably conflict the most with utopian views of the GBI, such a system also allows for very simple adjustments by different political views. If the ruling parties believe more incentive is needed to push people to work, they can reduce the GBI.
If they believe that more money for poor people is helpful instead of harmful, they can increase the GBI. I have a personal preference for such simple ways of adjusting regulations without actually changing the main parts, because this makes political adjustment a lot easier and feasible than always having to completely rework the regulations, or to tinker with lots of little aspects. Also, I do not think we can justifiably claim to know whether certain levels of GBI would actually be net positive or net negative for society.
Allowing the level to be easily adjusted means we can experiment with those levels and see what the effects are, without fully committing to it for years to come. So to sum it up, I am all for a GBI, but for very pragmatic reasons. Originally shared by Paul Bennett. The complexity and variety of events, increasing with the years, had emphasized its universal character.
Every country engaged-whether America, Germany, Russia, Greece, France, Italy, or England found its entire interests, political, economic, and ethnic, involved in the issue. All these nations seemed gripped in a deadlock, and at the same time felt the pressing need of deliverance. Before , it had been thought that if the allies continued to hold the western front, the Russian " steam roller " would crash the central powers by sheer force of numbers. But the "steam roller" had itself exploded: If this loss was somewhat offset by the fact that America, in spite of the President's reluctance, had finally joined the allies, it was still doubtful whether her forces would arrive in time and in sufficient numbers to be of real military value.
The scale on which the war was waged made all usual methods of reaching a settlement out of the question: Allied statesmen had cast about for some principle on which an honourable peace could be proposed, if a crushing defeat could not be inflicted on the enemy.
The principle of nationalities, viz. Thus America's object in entering the war, according to President Wilson, was to deliver the peoples of the world from autocracy," " to make the world safe for democracy," and the like. But the application of this principle presented difficulties. Nevertheless, the idea had acquired a large measure of popularity in cities where reaction against over-organization had created an intense desire for freedom. In rough, this was the situation when the British government issued a note favouring a national home for the Jews: Foreign Office, November 2, His Majesty's Government view with favour the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people, and will use their best endeavours to facilitate the achievement of this object, it being clearly understood that nothing shall be done which, may prejudice the civil and religious rights of existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine or the rights and political status enjoyed by Jews in any other country.
I should be grateful if you would bring this declaration to the knowledge of the Zionist Federation. Here was poetic justice; it seemed as though nineteen centuries of wrongs were to be righted. Six weeks later, the newspapers were full of the triumphal entry of General Allenby into Jerusalem, and the conquest of the Holy Land by the British army which included Jewish units: Sceptics, on the other hand, remarked callously that Allenby's army had been loitering about Palestine inactive for the last four months; that Jerusalem offered no resistance and one week ought to have sufficed for staging his entry.
His forces undoubtedly counted some Jews in the commissary department, as there are in all armies; but the credit for the conquest was almost wholly due to the assistance of the Arabs, over a hundred thousand strong, to whom the promise of autonomy had been made by England in The Balfour declaration was a direct violation of this promise.
But for every miracle there are unbelievers! More than a decade has passed, and, looking back, one is inclined to ask a few questions: Why was it that the British cabinet with a war on its hands resolved to set aside a national home for the Jews? Had the cabinet proposed a home in the Near East to the Armenians first, and on the latter's refusal turned to the Jews?
Was it to be an asylum for cripples and orphans; or a religious centre; or a sort of Liberia, like African Liberia founded in for freed negroes? Or were all the Jews in the world supposed to migrate back to Palestine? This last idea, though excellent in theory, would hardly be feasible. Reading the declaration carefully, it becomes clear that certain Jews the Zionist group , and not all the Jews, wanted a " national home ": Sir Arthur was dining one evening at Lord Rothschild's country place and admiring his beautiful home, when, at the mention of that word, Lord Rothschild, turning away to hide a tear, said sadly that some of his friends " had no home [that is, no national home] where they could lay their heads.
Accordingly, the declaration of sympathy followed a few days later. As a background, a general idea of the history and character of the Jews and their institutions is essential. The longest path may be the shortest in the end. This peculiar social order has for twenty centuries impressed its indelible mark on every one of its members in every quarter of the globe; uncrushed by pressure from without, it has administered its affairs according to its own arbitrary laws, often in defiance and to the detriment of the government of the land.
The authority of the Jewish leaders, originally derived from the ten commandments delivered to Moses,l had already in the time of Augustus been widely extended2 by a learned but unscrupulous priesthood 3 over an ignorant, superstitious people. In that age, while a struggle was going on between two rival sects, Pharisees4 and Sadducees,5 certain political clubs 6 were formed which concealed under a religious mask the grasping aims of a clique. A few years later, during the siege of Jerusalem by Vespasian, they won, by the betrayal of the Jewish cause, the favour of the Roman conqueror,8 and were subsequently entrusted by the imperial government with the administration of Palestine.
By interpreting, altering, and augmenting the rules and ritual these texts contained, and by a system of espionage and assassination,10 the new rulers established a strict control over the daily life of their co-religionists. Thus having taken hold of the Jewish people through the medium of the Roman authority, this clique easily placed its laws above the ten commandments, and formed a government whose control over its subjects was absolute.
Wherever Jewish emigrants settled,13 they founded communities apart under the direction of the fraternities, and held to the precepts of the Talmud. The different aims of these communities always found themselves intimately related with those of the central body upon which their existence depended. For if the ruling clique or caste had begun by grinding down its own race," it now saw that, by drafting them into its organization, it could exploit the gentiles on a far grander scale.
To strengthen its control and to advance the interests of the Jews as a whole, it developed and perfected that system of espionage which it still maintains. It sent agents17 to watch over Jewish affairs at police stations, and, when opportunity offered, distribute gifts to the employees. Other agents were posted at the doors of shops, hotels, business houses, lawcourts, and even in the private households of government officials. These trained agents had each a special field to cover: The duty of an agents assigned to lawcourts was to keep constantly in touch with the proceedings, or with the official, meet the petitioners and, when practicable,18 fix the sum they must pay for a favourable judgment.
This concluded, the agent took all necessary steps, and often succeeded in obtaining a decision contrary to justice. But in every case, the first duty of the agent was to note all errors and irregularities committed by the court, and all scandals brought out in the course of trial: Thus the order derived strength from three sources: It is quite easy to understand the reasons of the concentration of trade in the hands of the Jews, wherever they have settled in sufficient numbers.
For if on the one hand the individual Jew is the slave of the Kahal, his submission on the other hand is rewarded by its support in his struggle with non-Jewish competitors. He can count on the immediate help of his fraternity, and where necessary of the whole organization, and thus is assured of the victory over any single gentile. The teaching in the synagogue incited its following to a thorough exploitation of their gentile neighbours, care only being taken not to excite hostility to the extent of endangering the whole community.
This doctrine, popular from the start, was eventually embodied in its most concrete form in a book of the Talmud, called the Shulchan Aruk. A few quotations will suffice to show its character: For the property of a gentile according to our law belongs to no one, and the first Jew that passes has the full right to seize it. If we proclaim that this is not our law, we shall be proclaiming a falsehood; this is our law, couched in the only form which was possible in the middle ages, just as the Talmud is our law in the form which it took in the last days of the ancient world, just as the Bible is our law in the form which it took while the Jews still lived as a nation on their own land.
The three books are but three milestones on the road of a single development, that of the spirit of the Jewish nation. The Kahal concealed its activities from the outside world under the guise of religion. But this was not a sufficient screen. As in all secret organizations there are traitors and renegades whatever the penalty. The Kahal was obliged to shroud itself in mystery and mysticism,27 even from its members. The multiplicity of the ritual laws, the voluminous civil code, the secret instructions of the fraternities, the continuance of obsolete forms, all served to create such a confusion that no non-Jew confronted with the documents could distinguish what was fundamental from what was prolix ritual or irrelevant.
Its essential characteristics may be outlined as follows: Its functions were purely formal; it represented the Jews in official relations with foreign governments, acted as their spokesman when they wished to arouse public sentiment in their favour, but had no direct responsibility in the secret government whose existence it served to conceal.
Composed of leading members of the fraternities, it could discuss at secret meetings questions of general interest, leaving their practical solution to the fraternities. The beth-din decided all lawsuits and differences arising between individual Jews, and between members and the Kahal itself. It existed in all localities where there were Jews, catered to their commercial needs, and had final jurisdiction in both civil and religious matters.
It alone was competent to interpret the spiritual laws of the Talmud. To illustrate the character of this court, the following paragraphs from the Talmudic code31 may be given: This holds even when the laws of the country bearing on the question at issue agree with the Jewish laws, and when the two parties are willing to submit their differences to the former.
Whoever breaks this injunction shall be outlawed;32 his offence is equivalent to contempt and violation of the law of Moses. It may inflict fines for the infraction of rules as prescribed in the Talmud. Where the latter is a person of influence in the country, the beth-din may use the legal machinery of the country to punish him. His property may be declared outside the protection of the law guefker , and he himself may be done away with as circumstances require.
In many circumstances, and especially in thorny cases where the Jewish law is contrary to common sense, because the form and the terms do not agree with justice and conscience, the case is tried not by the judges of the beth-din, called dayans, but by a special court composed of persons chosen for their knowledge of business practice or other special reasons. The explanation of the mass of lawsuits between Jews before non-Jewish courts is as follows.
For the most part, these have to do with drafts presented for payment and drawn on Jews who have incurred penalties at the hands of the beth-din. The laws of the country are thus used to execute the decisions of the Jewish tribunal. The beth-din makes a practice of binding the two parties in a suit submitted for its decision, by having them sign blanks before the trial. If, afterward, the party who has lost the case refuses to abide by the decision, the blank bearing his signature is converted into a draft and put into circulation. Turning to the fraternities which are the sinews of the organization, one finds their outward form strictly innocuous.
The rules are nearly all on the same model, and fix the annual dues, the place and date for the regular meetings, the duties and obligations of members, and the penalties if disregarded; the latter range from small fines to expulsion from the fraternity. A member expelled from a fraternity found himself cut off from the community and generally died an outcast.
Each fraternity has a religious or charitable purpose, connected with such worthy objects as the following: It should be noted that these objects were not entirely disinterested: Finally, mention is made of some of the fraternities, under the title of benevolent societies: It is particularly interesting to note that these orders assess their beneficiaries: But this paternal interest of the Kehillah for its members and for the whole gentile population is not entirely unmotivated; for the Register goes on to explain that meat so killed brings " prices far in excess of those paid for ordinary meat.
Thus the Jewish fraternities through the ages have kept their typical character of a secret government, disguised under the form of synagogues and schools. The life of the people, too, has changed little from generation to generation, and from one country to another: They have a heavy heritage, a Jewish conscientiousness, a hatred of non-Jews, a love of deceiving; all this they cannot easily shake off, and with it the yoke of the Kahal. The Gospels themselves bear witness to the distortions of the divine law of Moses by the human additions of the rabbis.
From Sadoc, Greek form of Zadok lit. Known as Imburah from habor, " join together ". History of the Jews, p. History of the Jem, p. Brafmann, Jewish Brotherhoods, Vilna, par. The clubs were secret fraternities, each member binding himself by an oath; the penalty for disobedience was exclusion or death: Literally, "community" or "commonwealth". Nearly every province of the Roman empire had at least one colony of Jews at the end of the second century A. Contemptuously termed am-ha-aretz, lit. Brafmann, Book of the Kahal, ch I. Depending on the character of the suit, judges, etc.
Quoted from Asher Ginzberg's reply to Rabbi Lolli, in The part played by the Jews in the founding and spreading of gnostic sects is not treated here. The Mischna fully admits polygamy Capital punishment is of four kinds: The sixth book is on the subject of uncleanness and ablution: The object of this work was to fix on undoubted authority the whole unwritten law. But the multiplication of written statutes enlarges rather than contracts the province of the lawyer; a new field was opened for ingenuity, and comment was speedily heaped upon the Mischna, till it was buried under the weight, as the Mosaic law had been before by the Mischna Those ponderous tomes, at once religious and civil institutes, swayed the Jews with uncontested authority.
A revival of the old Sanhedrin which governed Palestine. The meaning seems to be, " rebelling against the Kahal ". There were four fraternities or learned societies having this as their object: For this and the following, see Brafmann, Jewish Brotherhoods, p. Jewish Communal Register New York, n. If Bingham's statement were without foundation, would it have aroused so much indignation? Prior to the eighteenth century various nations had from time to time granted equality of rights to the Jews within their borders,1 but in every case had retracted them. About , Moses Mendelssohn2 and others began preaching emancipation for all Jews everywhere, as the ultimate goal of the race.
This suited the Kahal: The aim was to a large extent realized a few years later.
With the French revolution in , the status of the Jews in that country was completely changed. Napoleon remarked in But, freed from the restricting influence of the ghetto, the Jews tended to become assimilated not only in appearance, but in reality. The yoke of the Kahal seemed more irksome to those who had acquired wealth which they wished to enjoy undisturbed. As it could add nothing to their success in life, they longed to be rid of its ritual, indirect taxes, demands of personal services, and its threats. Jewish leaders, observing this tendency, felt the need of new links between communities, the more so, as the new facilities of communication of the nineteenth century- telegraph, railways, steamships-rendered intercourse between distant bodies much easier.
A group of so-called " universal brotherhoods " was accordingly organized in only five years, ; they were: Petersburg; e Brotherhood for the repopulation of Palestine. Silberman In was also founded the Brotherhood for the enlightenment of the Jews fourth in the above list with its centre at St. Petersburg; within a year it numbered wealthy Jews, including Dr.
Bernstein, the bankers Ginzberg, Dr. Schwabacher,13 and men prominent in science. It is therefore not surprising that their efforts should have met with sympathy among Christians. On closer examination, the enlightenment these societies sought appears not to be of the kind to raise the people above the racial prejudices fostered in the ghetto. On the contrary, the literature which the society for the awakening of the slumbering Jews published, with the exception of a book of travels, was strictly a course of studies in Talmudic laws,14 and calculated to revive the sentiment of a common aim and common hatred found in the Shulchan Aruk.
The book of travels, Even Saphir, is more stimulating: A passage may be quoted as illustration: The Jews derive great benefit from these three operations, thanks to the different foreign currencies and the fact that there are two rates of exchange, one fixed by the government, the other by merchants.
These operations are for the most part in the hands of the Jews, wise and clever people who, among capitalists, rank as high as the wealthiest in Europe. They occupy important positions in the pasha's palaces and government offices. In fact the Jews at the present moment enjoy full freedom in every way: Whenever opportunity offered, it made a cause celebre of some Jew brought to trial in a gentile court, and then, when the case had become the common talk of the day, it had him released.
In what better way could it show its power? The murder of a French missionary by three or four Jews in Damascus in furnished one such occasion, and the Dreyfus case in another. It found, too, little difficulty in organizing pogroms in Poland and in Russia. The peasants in these countries, though of a trusting, friendly nature, could be provoked by fraud and extortion at length to retaliate. A few Jews were killed, and millions of their race rallied around the synagogue.
The privileges granted the Jews by the Tsar Alexander II necessitated the pogroms of ; and these were followed by a cry of " anti-semitism," which, as Herzl used to say, always gathered the sheep into the fold "-the time at the conference at Kattowitz in Here eastern Jews16 met their more assimilated brethren from the West, but little was accomplished.
The latter, whose views had been modified by long contact with Frenchmen, Englishmen, and Germans, failed to understand the violent nationalism of the eastern ghettoes, where the aim was a return to Palestine, the creation of a Jewish state, and eventual world domination. Pinsker had already set forth his programme in a book, Auto-emancipation , in which he had been inspired by the Rome and Jerusalem of Moses Hess. Fear of the Russian authorities preventing a full exposition of his aim, he had limited himself to claiming Palestine for the Jews as a refuge against persecution.
One of his colleagues, Asher Ginzberg, was destined to carry his work much further.
The latter, a fanatic, fanned Jewish national aspirations in the East, and from the date of the founding of the " Sons of Moses " in Odessa in , the movement spread rapidly. Meantime in Germany and Austria, another active nationalist, Nathan Birnbaum18 of Vienna, organized the Jewish students into a body called the kadimah.
Its aim was to establish a Jewish centre in Palestine which should rule the world in the three spheres of politics, economics, and religion, through the medium of Jews at the control of affairs in every nation. If the western group, on the other hand, did not respond readily to a nationalist appeal, they yet were intrigued by the idea of world domination. International and clannish at heart, in spite of their outward assimilation, they were to prove by the sequel that they could be won to the eastern point of view: They were, moreover, divided into two camps: The second camp had invested a large part of their capital in German industry, which proved very productive in the years to ; they also shared, or pretended to share, in the plans of pan-German ambition.
But when, in , Germany obtained from the Sultan the concession for the Bagdad railway and reached out over Palestine towards India, some leading western Jews were alarmed and felt the need of uniting Jewry. The only basis of union was the eastern programme, for the eastern group, being fanatics, would accept no other. To win over the western group to the new aim, an assimilated Jewish writer, Theodore Herzl, was called on to paraphrase Leo Pinsker's Auto-emancipation.
There was little that was original about the book, but the character and influence of the author carried much weight. Theodore Herzl was a typical assimilated Jew.
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While in Paris, he reported the Dreyfus case, under the influence of another Jew, the famous Dr. Blowitz, correspondent of the London Times. It is said that the Dreyfus case " made a Jew of Herzl. He was opposed to violent methods, and in one of his novels, Altneuland, has left a picture of a civilized Jewish state, patterned on those of Western Europe.
The first Zionist congress was called at Basle the following year Herzl was elected president, a position which he held till his death At the congress, as the eastern group was the more numerous, the name " Zionism", coined by Nathan Birnbaum in , was adopted, and its aim declared essentially democratic.
But the western group was not wholly won.
Some of them, mostly from England and France, responded coldly to Herzl's appeal, fearing to compromise the rights and positions already acquired in those countries. The desired union could not yet be effected, and the two groups rallied around their respective leaders, Herzl and Ginzberg. Herzl nevertheless remained faithful to the task he had undertaken.
He failed to get Palestine from the Sultan, and later, the El Arish peninsula from the Khedive of Egypt; but he received, and virtually accepted, the offer of Uganda from Great Britain. In , he laid this proposal before the sixth Zionist congress: Herzl died the following year, and with him the leadership of the moderate party was soon to pass into the hands of the violent nationalists.
Ehrenpreis, Chief Rabbi of Sweden, contained, according to the Swedish paper Nationen, the following passage: Herzl was the most prominent figure at that first Jewish World Congress. He worked to achieve an object which had been fixed beforehand. Just as Isaiah foresaw, decades before the event occurred, the victorious power of Cyrus before anyone else, so did Herzl foresee twenty years, before we experienced them, the revolutions brought about by the Great War, and he prepared us for that which was going to happen.
He foresaw the splitting up of Turkey, and he foresaw that England would obtain control over Palestine. He added that the events would offer the Jewish people fresh opportunities.
For example, in Spain, before the reign of Ferdinand and Isabella; in England, under Cromwell; in Russia, under the Tsar Alexis in th" seventeenth century. Grandfather of the composer Darmstadter, in his essay, Histoire du peuple juif Paris, says that, from this date, the Jews looked on France as their own possession. Leipzig , p. Corti, House of Rothschild New York, Cabinet minister in and ; one of the most active men in the coup d'etat of Louis-Napoleon in The leading source for the life of Disraeli is W.
See Brafmann, Jewish Brother hoods, pp. Haburah kol Israel haberim. Including Pachad Ishak, " fear of Isaac ", an index to Talmudic literature; Teschubat ha-gaonim " decisions of the illustrious " viz. The former are the more cultivated. His pen-name was Mathias Asher. Whose direct orders Herzl was obeying is not clear: His enemies in the Zionist camp later hurled the epithet" assimi lated " at him to express their scorn for his moderation.
Osiah Tonn mentions several letters of Herzl, expressing the wish to retire from the Zionist movement as soon as possible. David Wolfsohn succeeded Herzl as president for a short time. Asher Ginzberg1 was born at Skvira, in the province of Kiev, in , of well-to-do parents belonging to the Jewish sect of Hassidim. He received a strictly rabbinical education and, at seventeen, married the grand-daughter of a prominent rabbi, Menachem Mendel. Five years later , he moved to Odessa, where he continued his studies, with special attention to the works of Spinoza, Moses Mendelssohn, and Nietzsche.
Not long after,2 he visited Berlin, Breslau, and Vienna where he met Charles Netter, a French Jew and one of the founders of the Alliance Israelite Universelle, who introduced him into that body. It was thus that, in , on his return to Odessa, Ginzberg joined the Friends of Zion3 under Leo Pinsker and Moses Lilienblum, and attended the conference at Katto-witz.
His shrewd, restless mind and command of Hebrew soon raised him to prominence: Finn on his seventieth birthday, attracted the notice of Alexander Zederbaum.
Zederbaum was the editor of the Hebrew paper Ha-melitz, and immediately invited Ginzberg to contribute. Although he had constantly criticized the methods of the Friends of Zidh privately, he hesitated to do so in print; but finally overcoming his scruples, he sent in a radical article, entitled Not the Way,4 which appeared the same year In it, Ginzberg attacked Pinsker's plan of sending Russian Jews to Palestine for the material advantages they might derive. The article with its direct appeal to fanaticism was read by Jews all over Europe; other articles by the same pen followed.
He now broke with the Friends of Zion, and with him went a group of young men who had come to share his advanced views. These men he formed into a secret organization called the Sons of Moses. It was to this small group that Ginzberg read what is to-day known as " the protocols ",7 in which the national aim is set forth in such direct, forceful language, -in strange contrast to the confused, pedantic style of the Talmud.
The opening words give the tone of the whole. In this way I will describe our system, both from our own point of view and that of the goyim. Every man seeks power; every one would like to become a dictator if he possibly could; and rare indeed are those who would not sacrifice the common good in order to attain personal advantage. No rhetorical effect is sought; expression is natural and vivid: For their importance does not lie in the aim, world domination, nor in the theory by which it is attained, exploitation of man's baser instincts, but in the extraordinary astuteness with which the practical application of the plan has been suited to existing conditions.
The very fact that the language is forceful and incisive, that all the allusions are striking, and the thesis so to speak irrefutable, is to some an obstacle to belief: If, at Waterloo, Napoleon had had a battalion of tanks and a few batteries of modern eight-inch guns, the forces of England and Prussia would have been driven from the field: For the past century the Jews have been making rapid progress in the theory and practice of politics, while the rest of the world thought them merely emerging from the ghetto; and, as it cannot understand the intricate new machinery of government they have devised and set up, it says, " Such a thing is impossible.
That course is succinctly stated in the twenty-four protocols of Ginzberg: At the same time the reader is reminded constantly of some familiar event of recent years which bears out the thesis. For example the passage: But Ginzberg was no visionary: The Second International was formed in , and the theories of Marx and Engels adopted. The labour movement was no longer represented by a small group of workingmen led by theorists, but by powerful national organizations of workers.
Therefore the aim of the Second International to secure the transfer of power to the proletariat was to be pursued under conditions more favourable than those which had prevailed at the time of the First International. The dominant industrial and financial interests served to further the objectives of the socialists through a callous disregard for labour.
In March , there emerged at its first meeting in Minsk, a completely formed Russian communist party; it represented six organizations and was headed by nine men, of whom at least five were of Jewish descent. A second congress of the party met at Brussels and then at London, in July and August, of the same year. Here the doctrine that " the necessary condition of the social revolution is the dictatorship of the proletariat ", was expressed for the first time.
Weakened by defeat in the war with Japan, the Tsarist government could not forestall strikes and disorders. The shooting down of workmen who had assembled before the winter palace encouraged the bolsheviks to attempt an armed uprising. A congress of the party met in London on April 25, , and formulated the programme which was to be put in practice twelve years later.
It is a Jewish revolution because Russia is the home of about half the Jews of the world, and an overturning of its despotic government must have a very important influence on the destinies of the millions living there and on the many thousands who have recently emigrated to other countries.
But the revolution in Russia is a Jewish revolution also because Jews are the most active revolutionists in the Tsar's empire ". A period of reaction set in, bringing with it the arrest and exile of many of the revolutionary leaders. From that time, in fact, plans for a revolution in Russia had to be entirely directed from abroad. How the old leaders usually managed to escape their prison sentences;21 how they secured funds to travel about and participate in congresses in Stockholm, Paris, Prague, Berne and other cities; and how they managed to keep alive a central organization is not explained in published documents; but the connection between these subversive activities and Zionism will become clearer further on.
But when Ginzberg saw that Herzl's conception of Zionism was " an economic one first and foremost ",24 excluding as it seemed the spirit of Jewish nationalism, he gathered his old adherents into a new secret order, the Sons of Zipn B'nai Zion to propagate the true faith. While affecting himself to keep outside of the official movement, he edited a Hebrew paper, Hashiloah " The Way " , thanks to financial aid from a Moscow tea merchant, a Jew, Kalonymous Wissotzkii, and became head of a great Hebrew publishing firm called Ahiasaf.
With these powerful organs, he could attack Herzl with impunity. One of the latter's friends complains: He Ginzberg cannot admit that we should borrow from Europe its academies, operas, white gloves. The only thing he would transfer from Europe into Altneuland i. Palestine would be the principles of the inquisition, the way of acting of the anti-semites, the restrictions of the Rumanian laws He understands freedom as practised in the ghetto, only in his conception the parts are reversed: He is one of the worst enemies of Zionism, and it is our duty to protest against its name being used by him.
In , Ginzberg's representatives, Chaim Weizmann and others, scored a victory at the tenth Zionist Congress. Two years later , " when he visited the congress for the second time," writes a disciple,27 " he was happy. He could see how some of his ideas, some of the truths that he had fought so bitterly to advance, were already working within. He was happy, as a practical philosopher should feel when he realizes that his life has not been in vain, that he has been one link in the long chain that pulls Israel to a glorious future, that he has served Israel, and, through Israel, mankind ".
From this point, Zionism, as Ginzberg understood it, became a reality which his disciples28 have since carried from victory to victory under the eye of the master. He himself remained aloof, at least from public view, until his death in in a Judaized Palestine. His pen-name was Ahad-ha-am, lit.
C'est le gendre de Lidon.
Urvoy et de F. Le rapport final sur cette prospection montre l'extension de la au domaine humain. Urvoy n'a pas connus: Urvoy n'en savait d'ailleurs pas moins rester modeste: Monod sinon de fournir une du moins de signaler quelques correspondances. Yves Urvoy se d'en faire une description ; J. Vallois 23 plus qu'Y. On voit que tout conduisait Y. Ces travaux visent un but pratique. Pour les fonctionnaires et les officiers, ils mettent en ordre les chroniques et leur permettent de situer historiquement les populations qu'ils administrent.
Urvoy essaiera de faire. Il divise son ouvrage en trois parties: Les sources essentielles sont d'une part les recueillies soit dans les monographies de cercles, soit dans l'ouvrage de Temple pour le Nigeria, soit par Y. Urvoy 38, mais soulignera en contrepartie la finesse de certaines de ses analyses Mauny souligne combien Y.
A Ouvrages, articles, cartes et communications. B, 32, , 1, p. Africanistes, 8, , p. Africanistes, 4, , 2, p. Africanistes, 11, , p.