Biographical Notice of Prof. Eli Ives, M.D. (1867)

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Bodenhamer and Robert G. The Encyclopedia of Indianapolis. Retrieved September 28, California State University, Northridge. Retrieved November 12, Retrieved on August 5, Retrieved November 15, Retrieved May 15, Archived from the original on December 19, Retrieved May 16, Archived from the original on October 19, Retrieved August 13, Retrieved May 19, Retrieved August 20, Archived from the original on April 14, Archived from the original on February 16, Adam Snow joins the elite corps of goal players, making it an even dozen.

Retrieved 22 December Archived from the original PDF on New York, New York. Retrieved 16 October Retrieved June 4, Retrieved February 14, Archived from the original PDF on September 27, Retrieved June 30, Retrieved 8 June Cooke, 81, 'visionary' Canisius president". Packard in The Princeton Book Archived from the original on July 24, Dictionary of Oregon History. Marx as New President". Yale University, , pp. The Salon catalogue offered the citation: In the foreground, a kneeling woman mourns her dead child, while in the background from left to right we find an exile with his walking stick, a castaway with a piece of wreckage in his hand, and a suicide with a dagger.

Between these groups are Torquato Tasso—the gifted sixteenth-century poet imprisoned as a madman—crowned with laurel, and figures representing the three ages of woman. The model for the oldest woman was Scheffer's mother fig. To the right of Christ are the oppressed of both the past and present: The pose of the last derives ultimately from Josiah Wedgwood's design for the seal of the British Society for the Abolition of the Slave Trade, which was widely circulated in abolitionist tracts well into the nineteenth century.

Scheffer's brilliantly balanced composition presents an encyclopedic overview of human travail that transports the viewer from modern day Poland, France, Greece, and America to both the ancient and medieval eras, and it reflects the renewed desire in France, after , for a more liberal activism within the Catholic and Protestant Churches. Stylistically, the painting shows Scheffer's appreciation for the works of the markedly spiritual Nazarene circle in Germany. Planche was especially disturbed by Scheffer's "reluctance to commit to a definitive manner.

Delacroix has for his the painters and poets; M.

Decamps, the painters; M. Horace Vernet, the garrisons, and M. Ary Scheffer, the esthetic ladies who revenge themselves on the curse of their sex [sentimentality] by indulging in religious music. The renegade of Romanticism, Ary Scheffer, did not despise technique, but he modified it so as to efface it in favor of expression, and he made it subservient to ideas that depart from the realm of painting and belong more to the domain of literature. The Christus Consolator preaches charity, equality, and defends, not without elegance, the anti-slavery thesis…The error resides in the pursuit of an ideal that the art of painting can not attain and to which it ends up being sacrificed.

Central to the theses of Baudelaire and Rosenthal was the notion that painting was vital to the degree that the artist accentuated the material process of his or her craft, while relegating narrative intentions to a subsidiary status. Despite, or rather because of, the deployment of a painting style that promoted transparent narrative over bravura technique, Scheffer's Christus Consolator enjoyed a vast audience in Europe and America through engraved and lithographic reproductions. The crudest was an lithograph by Currier and Ives.

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The engraver exhibited an impression under his own name at the Salon, [23] and at francs for an artist's proof it was one of the most expensive prints in Goupil's extensive stock. So popular was the engraving that Goupil had the worn-out plate reworked in for a reissue. I was once speaking to the poet [Samuel] Rogers in commendation of the painting of Ary Scheffer, entitled Christ the Consoler. Bryant's valued friend, Washington Irving, who had once visited Scheffer in Paris, burst into tears before an impression of Henriquel-Dupont's engraving, which he saw in the window of a "German" dealer on Broadway i.

He later noted that "there was nothing superior to it in the world of art. This might explain the vehemence of his attack, since it is likely Scheffer knew of that tract and copied its headpiece, in reverse, when he composed his first version of Christus Consolator. A sonnet similar to Whittier's by Maria Weston Chapman was featured in her influential abolitionist literary annual The Liberty Bell in The author of their Report of the 24 th National Anti-Slavery Festival Boston, considered the alteration of Scheffer's image "evidence of the corruption of established churches.

That church was founded in by Union veterans of the Civil War as a memorial for their slain comrades. During her tour of the United States between and , the British author and suffragette Harriet Martineau had allied herself to Chapman and the most radical of the Boston abolitionists, including Whittier and William Lloyd Garrison, a founder of the American Anti-Slavery Society. She would later describe the significance of Scheffer's image for her, and by extension for humanity, as she recovered from a debilitating disease:.

If such a picture as the Christus Consolator of Scheffer be within view of the sick-couch— that talisman, including the consolations of eighteen centuries! If there were now burnings or drownings for sorcery, that picture, and some who possess it, would soon be in the fire, or at the bottom of a pond. No mute operation of witchcraft, or its dread, could exceed the silent power of that picture over sufferers.

Even the Pre-Raphaelite artist William Holman Hunt, who, like Scheffer, endeavored to create a more universal Protestant art, but who despised Scheffer's French style of painting, as a young art student in the s nevertheless admired Christus Consolator:. It was the mode in England as on the continent, to rate Ary Scheffer among the greatest of painters. He had doubtless exhibited some capable works, then in private collections. Of these we know by engravings "Mignon regrettant sa patrie" and "Christus Consolator.

Christus Consolator actually competed with Holman Hunt's Light of the World —54 as the Protestant image most coveted throughout the Western world during the middle decades of the nineteenth century. And it is probably no coincidence that a version of Scheffer's picture, with its potent reference to African slavery, found its way to New England at the height of the Antebellum Period.

In point of fact, Scheffer's pervasive celebrity in America seems, from the evidence already cited, to have rested almost entirely on the promotion of this image by the abolitionist cause. The Dassel version of Christus Consolator was first exhibited at the Boston Atheneum in , together with engravings after the composition, and again in and The Dante and Beatrice, by Scheffer, adds interest to the exhibition, and we see on the catalogue the title, "Christus Consolator.

Bullard, Esq, a reduced duplicate by the artist of the original picture, the latter formerly in the possession of the Duke of Orleans. This work, Christus Consolator, seems to us the noblest work of modern times in the department of Christian Art. Scheffer appears to have been a darling of Boston's intellectual circles of the s. Charles Callahan Perkins —86 , a wealthy Boston artist, historian and co-founder of the Boston Museum of Fine Arts who, in , studied painting in Scheffer's Paris studio, by owned two of the artist's pictures: Macbeth and the Witches and the aforementioned Dante and Beatrice.

Norton arrived in late April and on May 11, with letters of introduction from Perkins, called on Scheffer's recent bride Sophie Marin, who brought him into a studio "most tastefully arranged and hung with the finest of Scheffer's paintings" fig.

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He would dine frequently at the Scheffers while in Paris. After commissioning the work now in Minneapolis, Norton returned to Boston just in time for the late January wedding of Bullard and his sister, who then promptly left for Europe on their honeymoon, undoubtedly returning with their finished picture eight months later. The following year she capitalized on her new-found celebrity by touring Europe. Her account of her visit to Scheffer's studio is of interest, in that it astutely encapsulated the conflicting public-versus-professional opinions of his stature as an artist:.

During the time I was in Paris, I formed the acquaintance of Schoeffer [ sic ], whose Christus Consolator and Remunerator and other works, have made him known in America…Schoeffer is certainly a poet of a high order. His ideas are beautiful and religious, and his power of expression quite equal to that of many old masters, who had nothing very particular to express.

I should think his chief danger lay in falling into mannerism, and too often repeating the same idea. He has a theory of coloring which is in danger of running out into coldness and poverty of effect. His idea seems to be, that in the representation of spiritual subjects the artist should avoid the sensualism of color, and give only the most chaste and severe tone…Nevertheless, in looking at the pictures of Schoeffer there is such a serene and spiritual charm spread over them, that one is little inclined to wish them other than they are.

No artist that I have ever seen, not even Raphael, has more power of glorifying the human face by an exalted and unearthly expression…His best award is in the judgments of the unsophisticated heart. A painter who does not burn incense to his palette and worship his brushes, who reverences ideas above mechanism, will have all manner of evil spoken against him by artists, but the human heart will always accept him.

Bullard's Scheffer was last exhibited at the Atheneum in , at the height of the Civil War, in a special exhibition to aid the Boston Sanitary Fair. Nordling — , the next owner of Bullard's painting, was a native of the Midwest. Paul and Pacific Railroad, which had just completed laying its track to the site from Minneapolis.

Ten years later, that nearly insolvent railway company was rescued by the renowned railroad tycoon and later co-founder of the Minneapolis Institute of Arts, James J.

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Hill, the "Empire Builder. However, in addition to the ministries already mentioned, Nordling did serve briefly as pastor of the Salem Lutheran Church in Bridgeport, Connecticut, from to If the Bullard family disposed of their picture after William's death in , or Francis's death in , or most likely Louisa's death in , Nordling might well have acquired it in New York, then the center of the art trade and the home of Goupil's progeny art gallery, Knoedler and Company. Following pastor Nordling's death from influenza in , the painting was donated by his widow to Gethsemane Lutheran.

Various obituaries described Pastor Nordling as "a power in the pulpit," who "wanted to lead his people to the life in Christ. The keynote of his message was 'Repent and believe in the Lord Jesus Christ'…He willingly gave himself in bringing consolation and comfort to the aged, suffering, sorrowing, and dying. Christus Consolator graced the walls of the Dassel church on and off for seven decades, and in December , one month after the election of the first African American President of the United States, an event that neither Whittier, nor Bryant, nor Martineau, nor Norton, nor Nordling would likely have believed possible, the Dassel Scheffer became the welcome consolator of the collective peoples of Minnesota.

I would like to thank the Rev. Steven Olson and Irene Bender for their help in researching this article. All translations from the French are the author's. Amsterdam University Press, I saw the pictures at the museum, as well as Scheffer's 'Christ in Gethsemane,' which is unforgettable. Kolb dated the Dordrecht replica to without explanation.

Kolb, Ary Scheffer et son temps , The Goupil et Cie stockbooks, in the Getty archives, record the sale of a reduced version on July 31, to a "V. In the process of removing an old lining from the Dassel version, the conservators uncovered the stencil of Scheffer's color merchants, Colcomb-Bourgeois, whose shop Au Spectre Solaire ,18 quai de l'Ecole, was active from to fig. Appleton, , 2: Medieval-style serfdom was still an institution in Eastern Europe and Russia and would also not be abolished in the Austro-Hungarian domains until In contemporary liberal social theory, the serf also symbolized the economic bondage of the French proletariat.

Souliots were Greek Albanians banished from their native region near Jannina after their defeat in by Ottoman forces. They were legendary for their fierce opposition to the Turks during the Greek War of Independence in the s fig. In a word, the imagery of Christus Consolator remained as topical in as it had been original in For Scheffer's involvement with exiled Poles in Paris, see L.

His portrait of the exiled titular head of Poland, Adam Jerzy, Prince Czartoryski — , dates to Art in Paris — London: Phaidon, , Editions Macula, , — Longman, Brown, Green, Longmans and Roberts, The Nathaniel Currier lithograph is reproduced in Gail E.

The price of the engraving was equivalent to three months wages for the average American worker in Harpers, , Putnam, , 3: Putman, George Palmer Putman: A Memoir New York, G. Putnam, , Clague, Wegmen, Schlicht and Co. The Riverside Press, , ff. Houghton, Mifflin, and Co. Lowell and Charles Eliot Norton were close collaborators as abolitionists.

National Anti-Slavery Bazaar, , In the same issue was reprinted a sonnet by her sister Anne Warren Weston, which was originally published in that annual in , at Written after seeing a picture, 'Christus Consolator. Moxon, , — Perkins and William J. Harvard University Art Museums, Perkins also owned a Scheffer drawing, titled Christ. In an obituary for Scheffer in The Crayon 5, , , it was noted, "Five of his works have been brought to this country, namely, 'Macbeth,' 'Dante and Beatrice,' 'Christus Consolator' a reduced copy by the artist of the original 'Dead Christ,' and 'The Temptation of Christ.

Houghton Mifflin, , 1: Philips, Sampson and Co. In a letter to Theo of July , Van Gogh would write: Two other events of interest to this study also occurred in Renan had married, in , Scheffer's niece and was intimately familiar with her uncle's various characterizations of Christ, something which perhaps did not escape Marcel Proust, who admired The Life of Jesus but nevertheless was compelled to opine that "Renan felt bound to invest all his best passages with a pomp very much Ary Scheffer. Minnesota Historical Society, , Augustana Book Concern, —31 , In , Karl Marx asked, "What is the Commune, that sphinx so tantalizing to the bourgeois mind?

The government tried to hide obvious physical markers of the revolt beneath an intensive program of Republican monument building. Beneath the official rhetoric, vestiges of the Commune manifested themselves acutely in the city's memorial spaces, and filled the urban sphere with competing understandings of the revolt. Accordingly, no universal memory developed and the Commune could not be historicized into a finished event of the past. Scholars such as Maurice Agulhon, June Hargrove and Jacques Lanfranchi have long noted that the last quarter of the nineteenth century was a golden age of monument building.

By strictly censoring the public works that it commissioned, the Third Republic hoped to mitigate the potentially subversive impact of the revolt. By negating the Communard iconoclasm, it reclaimed dominion over the historically significant space that the Column occupied and restored the continuity between past and present. The government's transparent program of minimizing an official Commune memory did not succeed in imposing a form of Commune amnesia.

Often, it was the location of monuments—or in some instances buildings—that helped trigger memories of the Commune. Most monument inauguration speeches did not contain the bombastic rhetoric of Rohault de Fleury's talk. In his address, Oustry celebrated the tradition of French liberty, and in a thinly veiled reference to Communards' destruction of Paris, he suggested that the time for tearing down had passed.

The inauguration of the monument, he proclaimed, marked a new era during which the French would rebuild and perfect the structures of republicanism. To configure a national image of social cohesion, civic calm, and Commune amnesia, the Municipal Council mandated that sculptors like the Morices cull their iconographic programs from the republican rhetoric of the past.

The crowning figure of the monument is a static representation of the Republic holding an olive branch and leaning on fasces. As Margaret Iversen points out, Jean-Jacques Rousseau and his contemporaries had deemed this type of representation appropriate for a republic because the image could simultaneously command the people's respect, inspire noble acts for the public good, and cultivate social cohesion.

Around the drum of their monument, the Morices placed allegorical figures representing Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity. Carved in a classicizing manner, these sculptures too recall earlier models from the late eighteenth century include the figures of The Republic and Liberty fig. It is difficult to imagine that government officials believed that by simply changing street signs and installing conservative monuments they could erase site-specific Commune memory. It seems more likely that the government was concerned with symbolically controlling the physical space, and dictating the history presented therein.

Young writes, the goal of public monuments is not to deny the possibility for divergent memories. Instead, a public monument produces a shared space into which disparate ideas may be channeled and an "illusion of common memory" can subsequently be fostered. Young's writing about public monuments is rooted in Pierre Nora's theory of sites of memory.

In fusing his ideas with those of Nora, Young suggests that monuments can take the pressure to remember away from individuals. Without this burden, people may look towards the future, returning to the past only through sites. Memory may then function in a manner akin to history—as a representation of a completed event.

The formal qualities of the sculpture and the narrative of the relief panels suggest an almost seamless transition between republican governments. It thereby mitigates the impact of the civil uprising while promoting a future unburdened by the recent past. However, the monument landscape of Paris is not a collection of individual sites that function solely in their own sculptural spaces.

Instead, it is a network of interconnected monuments and buildings that, in their architectonic conversation, communally inform the memorial spheres of the capital and the nation. It subsequently renamed the installation site Place de la Nation. The central grouping of two lions pulling an ornately decorated chariot imbues the monument with the grandeur of France's Baroque past, while maintaining a modern energy appropriate to the early decades of the Third Republic.

The Genius of Liberty, with his idealized male body, guides the group's path from his position on the back of the lions. The sculptor positioned allegories of Justice and Labor fig. In the rear of the ensemble, Dalou included an exuberant female nude—the figure identifiable as both Peace and Abundance—distributing flowers in the wake of the group. Unlike the Morices' stolid version, Dalou's figure brims with controlled movement and corporeal expressiveness; her gown clings to her body and exposes her sensual curves.

At the same time, her position atop the globe, her confident stride, and her distant gaze affirm the Republic's virtue. Remaining chaste and determined while sensually enlivened, she represents a modern, forward-moving republic. The unidealized figures of Justice and Labor suggest an innovative Republican program based on the socialist-republican rhetoric of and The image of Labor as a guiding force for the Republic is perhaps the most striking aspect of the monument.

As John Hunisak notes, with this monument Dalou became the first French artist to depict the urban worker unsentimentally in sculpture. Instead, the heavy surface modeling that Dalou used to create the bulges of muscle and flesh on the worker's back, as well as the work-worn face, emphasize formally the reality of the urban laborer's condition. By including the figure as a guide for the chariot's path, Dalou elevates physical labor to an agent fundamental for the nation's progress in modernity.

This declaration of the worker's essential position in the Republic reflects the view that many Communards held about the proletariat's place in society. Throughout the uprising Communards referred to each other as "Worker," not as "Citizen"—the traditional form of Republican address from the Revolution. The Republic that Dalou modeled specifically recalled Commune politics and therefore posed problems for a government that sought to eliminate urban references to the revolt.

When they first inaugurated the group in , Third Republic leaders were careful to keep the ceremony from evolving into a celebration of the worker or of socialist-republican principals. Like the government, radicals had a stake in preserving this site of Commune memory—not as a site of failed rebellion but as a place of martyrdom. In her discussion of the Third Republic's urban program, Janice Best maintains that the narrative and formal qualities manifest in monuments and memorial spaces contained "the very traces of the era's debates about efforts to commemorate or eradicate the memory of the Commune.

Because the fractured messages in the memorial spaces maintained Paris in a state of eternal present, to live in this space was to constantly face existential questions that the Commune had prompted about national identity. Because the discourse between Parisian sites of Commune memory dominated the urban structure of the city, it drew other monuments, which seem merely tangential to the Parisian uprising, fully into the web of Commune memory. June Hargrove and Michael Dorsch have argued that the government erected a series of Franco-Prussian War memorials that addressed their own set of concerns unrelated to the Commune insurrection.

Carved into an Alsatian mountain between and , Bartholdi's Lion of Belfort symbolized the glorious French defense of the Alsatian city during the Franco-Prussian War. When the Municipal Council commissioned Bartholdi to make a copper version for Paris inaugurated September 21, , its installation at the center of Place Denfert-Rochereau fig. Because Place Denfert-Rochereau adjoins the Butte aux Cailles—a neighborhood in which the Communards had repeatedly repulsed the Versailles army—the space invests the work with a reminder of the nation's recent fratricide.

However, the implicit reminder of the violence that the government carried out against Parisians tempers a wholesale glorification of the state and corresponding damnation of the capital. These representations of Parisian women affirmed—for bourgeois audiences—the vile and lawless character of the Communards.

Moreover, they implied that the government's harsh intervention against the rebels was necessary for the safety of the nation—both physically and morally. The sculptor modeled a curvaceous modern woman of the capital protecting a fallen national guardsman and pitiable young girl. Barrias denies the viewer sensual access to his figure of Paris through the rigidity of the fabric that covers her torso. In the decades following the Commune, the French government used public monuments such as Barrias's in an effort to connect the legacies of a noble past and examples of military fortitude with the expected grandeur of the future.

However, the campaign was in vain because memories of the Commune, which the Third Republic tried to eliminate from the memorial sphere, permeated the landscape and disrupted the new Republic's narrative. Though Frenchmen could date the Paris Commune to the spring of , the social tensions that led to the Commune could not be temporally bound; they existed before the assassinations of Generals Thomas and LeComte and did not die at the barricades during the bloody week.

Blurring the spaces and events of the three-month uprising neither dissipated the underlying conflicts that had caused it, nor sutured the wounds that the fratricide had inflicted onto the social fabric of the nation. In his writings on historical time, Reinhart Koselleck asserts that historical continuity is dependent on the "space of experience" being a reasonable predictor for the "horizon of expectations.

Such was the case in the early Third Republic, and this angst manifested itself in the monument sphere. Because the divergent memories of the Commune so muddled the literal space of experience, the monuments that the government erected reflected a type of urban anxiety. They were forbidden from directly confronting the recent past and, therefore, the future of national glory and social cohesion that they predicted seemed quixotic.

Accordingly, Third Republic monuments evoked Commune memories that continuously rebounded against each other while remaining detached from a broader historical narrative. This prevented a universal Parisian history from developing, and thus made the urban landscape a tortured environment of memory in an eternal present. As Edward Soja wrote, urban space is not simply a "container" in which society functions, but it is a "structure created by society. In the capital's monumentscape that subversively manifested the national ambivalence about the Commune, the tormented national consciousness gained a voice.

This environment retarded the Republic's ambitious urban program as French society struggled to carve a new model of national identity from the imprisoning stone of the Commune's past. This project has benefited from Professor June Hargrove's tireless attention and her encouragement. Finally, I am grateful to Professor James Hargrove for his remarks on this article as it evolved. Unless otherwise noted, all translations are my own.

Lucien Sanial New York: New York Labor Company News, , Republican-socialists shared a different view, often remembering the Commune with political idealism. Still others, like Victor Hugo, chose not to remember the Commune as either all good or all bad. Hugo believed in the Republican principles that he saw at the center of the movement, but questioned whether the revolt's leaders were the right men to lead it.

For more, see Peter Starr, Commemorating Trauma: Fordham University Press, Nora writes, "Memory and history, far from being synonymous, appear now to be in fundamental opposition," 8. Flammarion, ; Maurice Agulhon, Marianne au pouvoir: By the latter part of the century, German nationalism and French pride came into conflict as the Prussian state exerted more authority in European affairs while France's Second Empire was slipping from its position at the head of the continent. The Commune, on the other hand, emerged from the ashes of the workers' Revolution of and the growing internationalist workers' movement of the s.

The French, — Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, Rimbaud and the Paris Commune Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, , 6—9.

Vintage Books, , Colette Wilson has made a similar case for the absent presence of the Commune during the World's Fair and in the popular literature and journals of the s. Manchester University Press, University of Chicago Press, , 3— Archives de Paris, Arthur Goldhammer New York: Columbia University Press, , — Swan, Sonnenschein, and Company, , — In March's words, the last week of the Commune the Bloody Week , when the Versailles troops increased their assault on the city in order to break the Commune, saw "Deaths, wounds, and human carnage generally, alas were but every day and almost every hour occurrences in the most bloody week!

The Council asked sculptors to create a "traditional" image of the Republic, mounted on a pedestal and surrounded by allegorical figures. Contemporary Parisians derided the charge, which critics believed would inhibit artists from any formal or thematic innovations. For a discussion of the Morices' conspicuous avoidance of the Revolution of in their monument, see Best's discussion of the relief panels around the drum.

Best, "Statue monumentale," Oxford University Press, , Peter Hulme and L. Routledge, , — Yale University Press, , 6. The Morices' monument, which the state had yet to inaugurate, figures prominently in the background of the scene. Like the holiday itself, Roll's image and the Morices' "traditional" monument suggest that the urban spaces of Paris were witness to a largely unbroken and peaceful history of nineteenth-century Republicanism. These sites, he writes, are the places where memory, "crystallizes and secretes itself.

As it is the only large-scale figure that does not guide—psychologically or physically—the chariot, but instead trails the group, it is likely that Dalou meant to suggest that peace and abundance would be the products of a rightly guided France. Proudhon's contention would have been familiar to Dalou, who mounted the Parisian barricades as a ten year-old during the Revolution of and who was an avid reader of socialist-republican writers including Proudhon and the labor-centric poet Pierre Dupont. Librarie Delagrave, , 10— In the artist's Fraternity of , John Hunisak identifies a figure of Justice with a mace.

Garland Publishing, , In the sculptor's monument to Senator Auguste Scheurer-Kestner, one of the senators largely responsible for securing full amnesty for the Communards in , a figure representing Justice holds the sword. Thus, the traditional attributes of Justice were within Dalou's post-exile sculptural vocabulary.

The break from the traditional representation of Justice on Triumph of the Republic suggests that the artist intended to express a slightly modified message. Moreover, his turn to a Freemason's symbol—the triangle with a plumb line—may also refer to the much remarked solidarity between Freemasons and Communards during the last weeks of the uprising.

Special thanks to Professor Chu who reminded me of the freemason origin of the triangle symbol. The Naturalism and the heavily modeled quality of Labor demonstrate the artistic principles that Dalou held to be the most democratic. Sculptor of the Second Empire New Haven: Yale University Press, , 29— Dalou suggests his own place among the class of urban workers by filling Labor's satchel with artists' tools. Penguin Books, , — In his chapter on the Commune, Christiansen repeatedly cites Commune posters that addressed fellow Communards as "workers" rather than citoyens.

Harvard University Press, , Burbank points out that the first French constitution created multiple levels of citizenship. The sculptor would have preferred to wait until a bronze cast was complete, but acceded to the wishes of the state.

Ten years later, the government inaugurated Dalou's finished bronze in a ceremony that included a parade of laborers. See, Maurice Dreyfous, Dalou: Librarie Renouard-Henri Laurens, , This monument, and specifically this second inauguration ceremony, is a subject in my ongoing research.

I believe the second ceremony, during which the real laborer and the allegorical representation of the laborer were both feted in the name of the Republic, signals that a profound shift was occurring in the relationship between the Third Republic and the memory of the Commune at the turn of the century. Speaking to Jean Tild, Dalou complained, "Where was the army of labor hiding during this old-fashioned gala? Where were my praticiens practitioners , my ajusteurs metal-workers , my casters, and my plaster workers?

Or the millions of arms which create? Gallimard, , 1: Editions Champ Vallon, , Images of the Commune Ithaca: Cornell University Press, Two Historical Categories," in Futures Past: On the Semantics of Historical Time , trans. Keith Tribe New York: Emphasis in the original. Faure trained and graduated as a medical doctor at the Faculty of Medicine in Paris, but at the turn of the century began writing about art for Parisian journals, including L'Aurore , and after the middle of the decade increasingly turned his attention to the arts.

These lectures were the basis for his survey of global art, Histoire de l'art , composed of five volumes: Through Walter Pach's translations, which were republished into the s, they made an impact in the English-speaking world as well. Pach suggested that Faure's survey was highly regarded because it moved beyond art and chronicled the development of humanity.

He also stated that the History of Art was the first global art survey, and although this is not true, Faure's optimism and his open-minded attitude towards non-western art did attract many readers. Faure's History of Art and Theories of Evolution Faure's History of Art is most notable for his effort to reconcile his two interests—science and art. Faure applied evolutionary theory to the development of art styles. Forms, natural or manmade, organic or inorganic, are, he claimed, shaped by evolutionary laws. He proposed that evolutionary forces directed both species transformation and cultural transformation.

When Faure discussed the formal element of rhythm, for example, he went far beyond describing a repeating pattern, and saw instead a reflection of the "great rhythm" of the universe. He emphasized that common patterns and styles in art from around the world indicated a united universal movement. This universal movement or "great rhythm" in art provided a visual representation of the driving force of evolution, and thus of the cosmic order. Faure's conception of a developmental evolution, driven by a force and heading towards a state of unification, is not based on Darwinian evolutionary theory, which emphasizes the randomness of natural selection and survival of the fittest.

Instead, the progressive elements in Faure's theory are neo-Lamarckian. Science historians have long demonstrated that Darwin was not the dominant influence on French biologists. It was only after Darwin's On the Origin of Species by Means of Natural Selection achieved recognition in the s that Lamarck's evolutionary theory was revived and promoted in France. This article will focus on how neo-Lamarckian evolutionary theory colored Elie Faure's History of Art. The privileging of Lamarck over Darwin was not uncommon in late nineteenth century France, and it prevailed in Faure's scientific-artist circles.

Faure's teacher of philosophy, Henri Bergson, is possibly the best-known neo-Lamarckian philosopher. These men emphasized cooperation over survival of the fittest, and proposed a connectedness between organic and inorganic forms, all of which implied a united cosmos. After the loss of the Franco-Prussian war , the emerging Third Republic — encouraged nationalism in all areas of cultural, social, and scientific endeavor. As a result, the leaders of the National Natural History Museum in Paris began to promote Lamarck as the founder of evolutionary theory, and not merely a precursor to Darwin fig.

This less adversarial mechanism of adaptation encouraged neo-Lamarckians to think that evolution enhanced cooperative instincts. Like social Darwinism, social Lamarckism had widely varying applications, ranging from the sexual regulation and eugenic manipulations proposed during the Third Republic, [23] to the anarchist's notion of mutual aid, [24] all under the banner of reform. The agency of Lamarck's original theories encouraged social Lamarckians to shore up their brand of civil morality and reform with the seemingly natural laws of biology.

According to Persell, by the early twentieth-century neo-Lamarckism moved from being a legitimate scientific theory to guiding social policy for Republican reformers. Natural History and Art History: How Faure applied Neo-Lamarckism to the Development of Art The titles of Faure's books Forms and Forces and The Spirit of Forms demonstrate that he followed the Lamarckian premise of developmental, purposeful evolution and applied it to the "progression" of both art and society. Retrieved June 30, Archived from the original on Retrieved 26 November Retrieved October 22, Five College Radio Astronomy Observatory.

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