Max Weber. Leben, Werk, Wirkung. (German Edition)

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Die Leidenschaft des Denkens. Die Grenzen der naturwissenschaftlichen Begriffsbildung.

Eine logische Einleitung in die historischen Wissenschaften. Loening, 2nd enlarged edition, Band V, Loening, 2nd enlarged edition, Band VI, Nach der materialistischen Geschichtsauffassung. Eine sozialpolitische Untersuchung, 2nd improved edition. Systematische Rechtswissenschaft, 2nd improved edition. In Die Christliche Religion. Revolution, in other words, was always less straightforward than it might have seemed from the perspective of the Communist Manifesto.

An Outline of Interpretive Sociology, ed. Guenther Roth and Claus Wittich, trans. Ephraim Fischoff et al. Essays in Sociology, trans and ed. Guenther Roth New Brunswick, N. Peter Lassman and Ronald Speirs Cambridge: Wells and Peter Baehr Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, , pp. Arbeiter und Arbeiterbewegung in der Weimarer Rpublik, Berlin: Dietz , pp. This, to be sure, was also the case immediately after the war: For any extraparliamentary movement on the left, the demand for revolution underestimated the complexities of political life.

‘Methodological Pestilence’: Max Weber’s Devastating Critique of Stammler

This was the point at which theory and practice intersected. There are two points to be made. Wirkung, Wahrnehmung, Analyse, 2nd edn.

Gert Weber – Life & Work

Piper, , pp. To be sure, this was not a strictly speaking German phenonmenon, but can also be observed in France.

The difference is, however, that the swift response of the French state limited any possibility of such protests to gain revolutionary traction. Oldenburg, , pp. Promise and Tragedy Princeton, N. Princeton University Press, , p. Oxford University Press, , pp. Crisis was not a sufficient condition to render revolution successful.

It requires the deployment of skills and forms of judgment that cannot easily be imparted by simple speech, that cannot be reliably codified or routinised, and that do not come automatically with the mastery of certain theories. Harvard University Press, , pp.

Quentin Skinner and Russell Price Cambridge: Always open for discussion, and unusually willing to reach across the political and ideological faultlines that marked the German situation between and , Weber also adopted, however, a form of political realism that was marked by deep skepticism: In this respect, they also provided insight into the possible future of a limited and parliamentarily organized liberalism in Central Europe.

Pocock, The Machiavellian Moment: Princeton University Press, , pp. Perception and Prejudice, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. University of Chicago Press, , pp. Would the course of Weimar Germany have been different if, say, the first government under Social Democratic leadership had not been forced to rely on, explicitly as much as implicitly, right-wing paramilitary groups? Leaving such counterfactuals aside, the danger that the parliamentarization of the German Reich faced came from the extreme ends of both sides of the political spectrum, but before the ratification of the Treaty of Versailles the call for revolution was a more immediate threat than the right-wing agitation of disillusioned Freikorps soldiers and Pan German associations, from the older Alldeutscher Bund to the new Vaterlandspartei.

After Versailles, however, revolutionary movements on the extreme right posed a graver threat, in particular since the emotional public perception of the treaty as a humiliation of Germany—burdened by the heavy symbolism of considerable reparations and the war-guilt clause—did not accurately reflect the actual situation Germany was in by Peukert, The Weimar Republic, trans. Richard Deveson New York: Hill and Wang, , pp. For Weber, the question of the war guilt, needless to say, was of crucial importance. Johannes Winckelmann 5th edn. Berg, , pp. Penguin, , pp. University of North Carolina Press, , pp.

Although the dynamics on the extreme end of German conservatism in the period immediately ater the First World War is more complex than this, it certainly seems that the extreme right took longer than the socialists and communists to enter into coherent political action, as violent and unwarranted as the latter certainly was. It would be interesting to ask how Weber would have viewed the increasingly organized revolutionary movements on the extreme right during the s. His intense interest in foreign policy, and more specifically: About half-way into one of his most important political writings, we can find a sentence that comes as unprepared as it is out of context: One could easily be mistaken to assume that this is a quotation from that famous lecture he gave in in revolutionary Munich for the Freistudentische Bund, but the remark comes from an entirely different treatise, first published as a series of articles in the Frankfurter Zeitung between April and June in which he began to explore the political and economic future of a German state, Parliament and Government in Germany under a New Political Order.

Variations on a Realist Theme Oxford: Transaction Publishers, , pp. It is in this lecture that Weber defined the task of political economy, as an academic discipline, in much the same way as he was going to understand understand, more than twenty years later, the task of a theory of the modern state: Weber, in other words, was more than happy to reflect on the contemporary political situation in ways 22 See Carl Schmitt, Legality and Legitimacy, trans.

Duke University Press, , pp. Walter de Gruyter, , pp.

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Sachlichkeit as the only means of genuineness and the development of a sense of shame—in the face of the loathsome exhibitionism of those inwardly broken down—which is the only thing that can give one Haltung. It is important to point out, however, that the habitus of civil servants was characterized by profound regional differences: What is at stake is an ethic of responsible action, that is, a consequentialist ethic able to hold in check the politics of conviction which, by , can be found on both sides of the political divide.

Since the actualization of guilt is dependent on the possibility of external penalties and punishments, while shame seems to be more self-regulative, the latter emphasizes the autonomy of the individual. Political realism, today as much as in , is all too easily understood in terms of Realpolitik and Machtpolitik.

The problem with political realism, it seems, is that it does tend to have an unfortunate reputation. A strong program of political realism is necessarily grounded in the seemingly simple denial that ethical considerations of any kind should influence political decisions—a view held, to some extent, in the area of foreign policy by Hans Morgenthau and, to a lesser degree, by George Kennan. Cornell University Press, , pp.

Essays on Ethics Cambridge, Mass.: University of Chicago Press, From the point of view of the intellectual historian concerned with the problem of political realism, Weber can be seen as relevant for precisely two reasons: This does not mean that Weber, unlike a younger generation that was born in the s, did not see the crisis of as a unique chance for social and cultural innovation.

Runciman, Social Science and Political Theory, 2nd edn. Cambridge University Press, , p.

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