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A European league, following a similar model, could actually have positive side effects. More money could be generated with fewer games, and the top teams wouldn't be so overloaded with star players. That, in turn, would benefit all those talented but embittered players riding the bench. A Europe-wide league with a fair distribution model could also bring respected but — because of their small domestic markets — globally unimportant clubs bring back into play.

Think Celtic, Benfica, Ajax, etc. Lastly, a united European soccer league would create possibilities for stricter and universal transfer controls. All teams would have to follow the same calendar, meaning the "window of opportunity" for buying up talent would close before the start of the season. The irksome uncertainty of the preseason would cease to exist. Other rules, like the prohibition on speaking to players without the knowledge of the club, could be enforced.

What's so hard about all that? A Euro league, in other words, wouldn't be the end of soccer. It would be a chance for a fresh start, and one that would actually protect many traditions. Everything should be up for discussion. It's easy to demonize modern soccer. But unless we actually do something about it, nothing will change — and the obscene signings and other unsavory aspects of the current crisis will only multiply in the future.

Es war Montag, der Alle sechs trugen schwere Sporttaschen. Dennoch fielen sie keinem Wachposten auf. Doch in ihren Sporttaschen hatten sie Kalaschnikows und Messer.

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Die sechs hatten sich gut vorbereitet. Sie wussten offenbar, dass immer montags besonders viele Touristen hierherkommen — am Wochenende war An- und Abreise der Pauschalreise-Veranstalter aus Westeuropa und Fernost. Japaner, Schweizer, Briten, Franzosen. Viele Touristen standen auf einmal im Kreuzfeuer. Es war ein unbeschreibliches Durcheinander.

In dem vollkommenen Chaos war das nicht mehr auseinanderzuhalten. Ihr Anschlag beruhte darauf, dass sie ihr Leben opferten. November begann die moderne fundamental-muslimische Gewalt. In dieser Tat verbanden sich mehrere Elemente, die seither das Leben in fast der ganzen Welt unsicherer machen. Bei manchen Veranstaltern wurden bis zu 80 Prozent der Buchungen storniert. Translation - English The murderers arrived in a bus on a Monday in November: All six were carrying heavy sports bags. Still, they slipped past through three security checkpoints on the bus. Then, on foot, the group made its way to the Mortuary Temple of Hatshepsut.

No one asked to see their identification; the guards just assumed they were security personnel. But in those sports bags were Kalashnikovs and knives. On that November day, exactly 20 years ago, fundamentalist-Islamic violence — as we know it today — began. The six had prepared well, and knew that many tourists came to the temple on Monday mornings.

Tourist groups from around the world were in the main gallery shortly after 9 a. It was around 9: When police and soldiers from the security checkpoints in front of the temple returned fire, the terrorists withdrew into the temple to continue the onslaught, partly with daggers and machetes. A guide, who sustained minor injuries, recalled: Many tourists were suddenly caught in the crossfire. Members of a local militia came down from the mountain and fired into the valley. It was indescribable chaos.

In the end, 36 Swiss citizens, ten Japanese, six Brits, four Germans, two Colombians, and four locals were killed. And, of course, the six terrorists, ultimately shot by security forces as they half-heartedly attempted to flee the scene of the crime. They did not prepare for any exit route. Sacrificing their lives was part of their plan. In the Luxor attack, on Nov. Islamic terrorism has metastasized in most countries over the past two decades — in New York, Bali, Barcelona, London, Brussels, Berlin and elsewhere.

Neither religiously-motivated terror nor Islamic perpetrators were new in On the contrary, this history reaches back at least to the Middle Ages.

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In , terrorists had targeted the World Trade Center in New York, murdering six; and a series of bombings in Paris in killed eight. In Luxor, however, these three elements were brought together for the first time on an unprecedented scale: The perpetrators were radical Muslims, who willingly sacrificed their lives in order to generate sheer panic by killing Europeans and citizens of other industrial states. Premeditated savagery became a deliberate means.

After the attack, rattled vacationers fled Egypt in droves. But time and again, the travel industry, which is essential to the Egyptian economy, recovered. Even further Islamist attacks on tourists, such as in Sharm el Sheikh or Dahab or, more recently, in Hurghada , have not stopped the flow of travelers. The risk has just been factored into the price. The other costs may be harder to quantify.

Social Sciences Detailed field: Curvy Frauen laufen hier durch Gras. Curvy Frauen drehen hier Runden. Endlich kein Kampf mehr gegen sich selbst. Wer curvy ist, muss sexy sein. Im Namen der Sexyness. Wer ist das beste Lustobjekt? Jury-Mitglied Angelina Kirsch betont, dass es bei dieser Sendung von allem mehr gebe: Eine junge Frau sagt, sie wolle ihre Mutter stolz machen. Die machen einen ganz anderen Shape. Es ist die erste Frage an die schwarze Frau. Sie sagt, sie komme aus dem Senegal, woraufhin die Jury entgegnet, dass sie selbstbewusst sein solle. Denn sie sei curvy.

Bitte zieh' dir etwas an, Thorsten! Sie wurde immer Thorsten genannt. Aber keiner fragt sie aus welchem Land sie kommt. Sie wird nicht weinen. Das ist ihr Kampf. Sie solle doch einfach ein Kleid tragen! Hatte sie das nicht an? Es muss anders aussehen, anders als ein Netzkleid, also an ihr.

Now she is back in her homeland working for an organization that deals with "the promotion of patriotic education and young entrepreneurs. Duke University Press, , pp. Then, on foot, the group made its way to the Mortuary Temple of Hatshepsut. His defence of such exiles stems from a different narrative than the Cold War anti-Americanism which incites his criticism of them, namely a narrative of national belonging and collective suffering. The "Putin Youth" from the Nashi movement burned books by opposition leader Boris Nemtsov and author Vladimir Sorokine in Moscow, and attacked critics of the government. His perspective is still heavily determined by top-down schemes of the way in which ideology works. The novel describes the building of massive new sports facilities and other buildings, and the enthusiasm the population of East Berlin shows for them.

Und dann dreht sie sich um, da ist ihr Po wieder im Bild, und Jana Ina ruft: Sie war im vergangenen Jahr schon dabei. Nun solle dieser aber fester sein. Denn sie trainiert und trainiert. Sie strahlt und sagt: Doch dazu kommt sie nicht mehr - sie ist raus. Sie muss da durch. Unter ihrem Namen steht: Translation - English Of course, it begins on a racecourse. Curvy women run around until they obtain a golden ticket, just like in Charlie and the Chocolate Factory. Giving up isn't an option.

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One of them will become the new "Curvy Supermodel", a leader of the Body Positive movement, a fresh face of the Body Revolution. At least, that's what's promised by the voiceover on the television show Curvy Supermodel, which is broadcast on Germany's RTL 2. Body positivity is about accepting your body as it is, whether you're skinny, fat, or something in between, the voiceover says.

It's apparently something these women have struggled with their entire lives. And "curvy" as used in the English language means more than curvy here. It also means sexy. And that's very important.

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A curvy woman must be sexy. No surprise there, of course, since women always have to look sexy on TV anyway. What's more, they must do what women always do on TV — fight other women. In the name of sexiness. Who is the most alluring object of sexual desire? Now it includes those bigger than size Jury member Angelina Kirsch, a "curvy model", stresses that, on this show, there's more of everything: She actually wants to hide them a little, but they simply keep attracting attention.

Following Kirsch's advice, the "Curvy Supermodel" contender puts on a minimizer bra, thereby reducing her breasts by two sizes. She then moves her body before the jury. A model agent speaks to a contestant: Which country are you from? She responds that she's from Senegal, to which the jury says that she should be confident. Curvy, the viewer now learns, isn't just something you are. It is, first and foremost, something you're daring to be. The next young woman explains that she was bullied at school. She is 17 years old and white. But no one asks her which country she comes from.

It could be anywhere but it doesn't interest anyone. She is wearing a fishnet dress over a black bodysuit. As she turns around, the model expert and jury member Jana Ina is shocked by her bottom. She knows what bullying is. The pain sits deep inside her, but she takes it. The rest of the jury is more forgiving now.

She should just wear a dress, they advise. The student could be forgiven for feeling confused after such advice. Wasn't she, after all, wearing a dress? It has to look different, they say. Not a fishnet dress, at least not for her. And then she turns around, and there is her bottom on the screen again.

The viewer is still struggling to come to grips with what just happened when another young woman comes in and, hastily anticipating potential criticism, calls herself "Miss Pudding. But because of her body, which was called "Wackelpeter" — a gelatinous German dessert — she didn't make the cut that time. But it should all be firmer this year.

She's been training hard. She looks confident on the catwalk in her shiny silver leggings. The curves are not at all where they should be. But the model agent immediately adds that, unfortunately, the curves are not at all "where they should be".

She could say that the rules are stupid. But she won't get that opportunity. Ina, the model expert, nods. The next candidate is sporty and muscular. She's barely a size The young woman is wearing nothing but underwear. Thus, in a speech which immediately serves particular SED policies towards West Germany, Herzfelde alludes to his divergent aesthetic positions. This allusion functions on the one hand as an attempt to influence aesthetic discourses from within, on the other it demonstrates to the West German audience the possibility of critical discussion in the GDR.

Addressing an audience mainly consisting of East German intellectuals, the article in Aufbau is more pronounced in its negative imaging of West Germany and in praising the GDR leadership than the speech at the Ibid. It criticises West German visitors who complained that the political propaganda they encountered at the border was a breach of their freedom: It replicates the criticism of Western capitalism in his lectures, which is central to his critique of the West, claiming it offers only a fictitious form of freedom.

But the article also makes an appeal to non-communists, this time by reaching out to Christians in East and West. He relates the astonishment of Western guests about the lack of restrictions at this event — symbolised by banners with biblical quotations hanging all around the city. Herzfelde draws attention to such charges, again playing the national card to reach out to West Germans while dismissing the FRG government. This, Herzfelde claims, is precisely the attitude needed for the profoundly desired exchange of ideas between the German states. Touching on the question of German guilt, Herzfelde warns against a generic, indiscriminate condemnation of all Germans, which he argues would actually favour new chauvinism and imperialism.

Such a collective condemnation would conceal the necessity of social change and justify taking sovereignty away instead of bestowing it upon the antifascist working-class movement. The texts on Becher and Brecht cited above also contain examples of such a connection between antifascist- socialist engagement and the patriotism ascribed to communist exiles. The poem concludes by stating that to contribute just a single tone to this song would ensure a meaningful life — making clear that the individual is subordinated to the socialist cause.

Deutschland, deinen Kindern bleibe erspart der Krieg. Den Krieg zu verhindern, sei unser Sieg! Waxmann, , pp. Verse aus vierundvierzig Jahren Berlin: Reprinted with a slight adaptation in Blau und Rot: Insel, , pp. The march closes with an internationalist outlook: The ballad revolves around a proletarian couple whose dreams and ideals are shattered by the Nazis.

Es hat, wer dich verletzt, auch uns verwundet und Freund ist uns wer Freundschaft dir bekundet These lines are especially significant bearing in mind the repressive measures against intellectuals two years before the writing of this poem, as they put the interests of the young state clearly above the individual. The lyrical voice of the proletarian couple constitutes them as subordinate parts of the state. A threat to the superior state is one to the individual as well.

As in two poems cited above, children symbolise the future and are looked after by the paternalistic state which takes over the role of the parents who fought and suffered to realise this state. In the final two stanzas, the narrator presents the fulfilment of this dream as imminent: Reconciliation is also a theme in the narrative of homecoming, when Herzfelde envisioned reconciliation with the victims of Nazism as the precondition of creating a new Germany.

He moreover takes account of the difficulty of identifying with the German nation in view of its complicity with Nazi crimes. In the ballad however, the imminent fulfilment of socialism restores the nation. It unfolds a patriotic legitimatory narrative of the GDR. Moreover, the attempts to intervene in public debates affirmed the discursive consensus.

But Herzfelde was vulnerable himself, as he was attacked at a local Party meeting in February. In this context, Herzfelde stopped short of taking dissenting positions and defended political and cultural orthodoxies, as two of his students, Loest and Adolf Endler, recall. Die leben in Sibirien, aber nicht im Lager. Connelly makes the same point in: Wallstein, , p.

Failing to meet such expectations, Herzfelde must have made a more dogmatic impression on Endler: Even though Herzfelde was reinstated as a Party member in July , Loest calls the idea that he would have opposed the dogmatic director Kurella unthinkable. During their discussions they agreed on their disapproval of Ibid. Aside from the fear Loest and Endler point at, this absence of criticism outside the inner circles of Party comrades can also be seen as a consequence of the strategy Herzfelde adopted after his return to Germany, which becomes most apparent in his aesthetic texts, namely to shape public discourses and alter them from the inside, through participation in them.

Such a tactic meant voicing dissent only in particular contexts and using particular vocabulary. Two articles on authors he also wrote about in the early years, Brecht and Becher, indicate a continuity to these texts. Moreover, he directly counteracted Party directives when he pushed forward a publication which the SED Kulturabteilung sought to prevent in late , which led to his being removed from his position at NDL.

Taking the middle ground in these debates attests both to his cautious positioning as well as to his tactics of alteration through affirmation. Victor was reprimanded by Wilhelm Girnus who claimed literary mastery without ideological clarity was impossible. Aber immer noch drang sein dichterisches Wort kaum weiter als bis in die Reihen der literarischen und politischen Avantgarde. This assertion corresponds to the condemnation of leftist art movements from the s, such as Proletkult, that allegedly abandoned traditional established bourgeois aesthetic forms and therefore fell short of their goals.

Moreover, he rejects expressionism without trying to legitimise it as part of the socialist cultural heritage. This confirms the supposition that he kept adapting his stances to different historical and institutional contexts. It is a discussion by a number of authors of the addresses of Kuba and Abusch at the 32nd plenary meeting of the Central Committee in July , where the leading cultural functionaries insisted on the doctrine of socialist realism and assigning arts and literature the task of spreading Party propaganda.

Zum Werk Johannes R. Zweites Sonderheft Johannes R. Becher , The conference of Ibid. Herzfelde sought to temper the discussion. Conclusion After Herzfelde came to East Germany in , the ambiguity towards communist cultural policies that was characteristic of his position during the s and s, remained in place. He worked in essential agreement with official GDR political discourses, as suggested by the legitimatory narratives which he constructed.

His failure to take the reformist impetus of his engagement for socialism to the wider public sphere in , as well as his support for day to day politics in the Cold War context, reflect this engagement for the socialist state. Yet there was no place for his modernist aesthetic ideas in official SED cultural discourses. The fundamental disagreement with official Party cultural policies from the Weimar years had not disappeared. While his modernist credentials were under scrutiny, he sought to integrate modernist art movements, expressionism and the Weimar avant-garde, into dominant discourses on the cultural heritage a socialist national culture should build upon — as complementary, not in opposition to the official canon.

His complex negotiating strategy was to employ authority figures and quote core aspects of official discourses in order to justify controversial ideas and express approval for outsiders such as Grosz. In this respect it is worth noting that the essays on aesthetics from the early s, which contained critical interventions, were directed at an audience consisting of East German intellectuals and Party functionaries, and that he was more consistently affirmative when addressing an audience of outsiders. In order to be heard, he had to continuously affirm the ever changing consensus, which meant becoming ever more restricted to official terminology in the context of the radical turn taken with the announcement of the formalism campaign in Although his interventions became less frequent after his first years in East Germany, a shift which must be seen in the context of the increasing restrictions on aesthetic matters, as well as his threatened status as a returnee from Western exile, his strategies remain similar over the years.

His tactic of alteration through affirmation was increasingly restricting him to the official language. This led to a restriction which was possibly self-imposed, but it is worth asking what choice a communist intellectual had if he wanted to have a voice in these debates. Instead of simply conforming to the ruling discourses, he tried to alter them from the inside, but this simultaneously required a willingness to adhere to them. Erich Loest Dissidence and conformity 1. Steidl, [first edition Leipzig: Volk und Buch, ]. Whereas the imprint of the first edition displays the year , the book was actually published in late Erich Loest und seine Romane Leipzig: Linden, , p.

Volk und Buch, ; Sportgeschichten Halle: Herzberg, Anpassung und Aufbegehren, p. Investigating how Loest functioned as a writer in the East German public spheres of the s, this chapter argues that his and conflicts with Party policies cannot be seen in isolation from his more affirmative or consensual texts. Hence this analysis breaks with binaries of opposition and obedience, which currently prevail in research on East German intellectuals. Research on Loest often fails to move beyond the autobiography and to take primary texts from the s into account.

Der politische Loest Leipzig: Thelem, , pp. To examine this complex interplay, this chapter works with a set of texts which have been largely ignored by research on Loest: These sources are complemented by his autobiographies, especially the two books which culminate in his imprisonment: Subsequently, I will explore the narratives Loest constructed in three texts about the political situation in contemporary Germany: Entertainment, positive heroes, factography Unlike Wieland Herzfelde and Peter Hacks, Loest did not write essays dealing directly with aesthetic questions.

An analysis of his texts will also reveal his writing strategies. In response to what he regarded as a tendency towards uninteresting, shallow narratives in GDR literature, he advocated a form of socialist realism, which he conceived as entertaining literature depicting the diversity and totality of life and inspiring its readers. Drawing on standard terminology of official aesthetics, Loest wrote about this prestigious project: Aus dem Referat auf der II. Dietz, , pp.

The novel itself depicts the type of positive heroes that Loest puts forward in the programmatic scene. The teacher asks the students why Seghers has chosen Georg Heisler as her hero, considering that Wallau is a more intelligent and reliable character. Advertising in Twentieth-Century Germany, ed. This negative character champions the conception of the impeccable positive hero, which the narrative thus opposes. Nun meldete sich Inge Teubner. Und jemand, der langweilig ist, kann doch niemals Held sein.

The narrator states that she is delighted with this lively discussion, as literature classes are usually dry, because they are approached as a social science. Dieser wollte ja gerade das Leben in seiner Vielfalt darstellen. Ein Kriterium des positiven Helden sei es doch, auf die Leser begeisternd zu wirken. Particularly the stories with contemporary settings, depicting the transition to socialism, often have average characters as their protagonists, whose maturing political consciousness is narrated. Ardis, , p. These new educational institutions were established to give working-class youths the opportunity to study and as a consequence create a proletarian intelligentsia.

Especially the former objective constituted a legitimatory function of the ABF in official discourses. Links, , p. For example, in his novel about the Stalinallee, Harych derived his characters, events and plot lines directly from the many newspaper articles that he collected. Drawing on real events of that year, the novel attempts to give a comprehensive view of divided Berlin in , which results in a clear contrast: An example of how Loest put his own demand for exciting literature into practice, he based this novel on a widely known crime story.

The plot revolves around the case of the young gangster Egon Kamm, whose criminal behaviour is envisaged as a direct result of American cultural influences. The character Kamm is based on the example of the adolescent criminal Werner Gladow, who operated in Berlin in This spatial shift presents crime as a product of Western capitalism. Held in August, this sports event for communist youth movements from around the world was seized upon by the GDR leadership as an opportunity to present their state as young, peaceful, and forward-thinking.

It regularly stresses the variety of nationalities among the guests, all of whom are presented as heroic peace activists. Defining an international gathering of communist youth movements as a demonstration for peace, complies with SED discourses claiming the peace movement exclusively for the GDR and its allies.

Erkundungen im Alltag der DDR, ed. The novel describes the building of massive new sports facilities and other buildings, and the enthusiasm the population of East Berlin shows for them. The scene in which the inhabitants of a house in Prenzlauer Berg prepare their attic as accommodation for international guests, is taken from a report in the Berliner Illustrierte Zeitung: Ein munteres Treiben wird auf dem Dachboden herrschen. Die ganze Hausgemeinschaft will sie gemeinsam aufs beste betreuen, um so einen Beitrag zum Gelingen der Weltfestspiele und somit auch zum Erfolg der Friedensbewegung zu leisten.

Praeger, , p. The result of these combined techniques is a thrilling novel that gives the reader a sense of direct involvement, even if its embellishment of the reported events is obvious. Finally these stories show how Loest put his demand that socialist realist literature be entertaining into practice: In doing so, Loest tackles the actual economic situation of the Western zones and FRG in the late s and early s, where unemployment remained high in spite of economic growth.

After many miserable months, he receives two letters from his army comrade Willi Brenzat who returned to Merseburg in the meantime and whose parents Heinke visted in the first scene. Brenzat writes about his successful reintegration in the swiftly developing East German society: Ich habe mich erst vierzehn Tage lang ausgeruht. Jetzt arbeite ich im Chemiewerk Leuna, in meinem alten Beruf. Mit Wohnung ist es hier schlecht. Es war auch viel kaputt. Seit drei Wochen ist der Willi zu Hause […] und schon hat er Arbeit. Rede Otto Grotewohls zur Kulturverordnung , gehalten auf der Tagung der Volkskammer, The sense of belonging in the Ruhr Area becomes problematic in the light of the deprived situation of the protagonist, which is caused by capitalism.

The border in the title of the story not only separates the protagonist from his friend, but also Western unemployment from Eastern economic construction, which secures jobs for all. His deprivation is contrasted with the situation of workers in the East, represented by the friend from Merseburg and his job at Leuna. Following the announcement of the construction of socialism in July , it emphasises the socialist nature of the GDR more strongly and in a jubilant manner. In so doing, he upholds the unity of German sports against alleged FRG efforts to split it.

In the scene where the hero is encouraged to travel to Leipzig by his uncle Willi, the connection with the Aufbau narrative defining the nature of the GDR becomes clear: Masculine images of the heroic working class thus affirm a certain, patriarchal image of socialist construction. Referat Walter Ulbrichts auf der II.

Parteikonferenz der SED, 9. The focalisation through Klepsch prevents the audience from learning what Schimmel is looking at: After Schimmel wins the confrontation, the narrative portrays the hero from the perspective of one of the girls: The admiring female gaze affirms the heroic masculinity attained in winning the poolside confrontation, asserting that Schimmel was not a proper man before he decided to resist the Leska family, i. His newfound working-class consciousness provides Schimmel with a sense of empowerment.

In solving this inner conflict, Schimmel asserts his working-class superiority. The narrative conceives of the proletariat as a force which is stronger than the individuals involved. Towards the end of the story, the younger Leska realises that he is helpless in his fight against the proletarian hero Schimmel: Drawing on the apparently natural authority of older proletarian male activists, such as Onkel Willi, the story utilises a patriarchal working-class family narrative. This narrative is introduced in the scene in which Schimmel tries to persuade his petty-bourgeois team-mate Weigel to join the trip to Leipzig.

Due to his class background, Schimmel imagines, Weigel would not understand the affection members of the working class almost naturally have for socialism: Authority lies with the older male family members. Sieh dir das an! Denk an deinen Vater und sieh dir das an! Dein Vater wollte das so… Sperr die Augen auf, Junge!

Sperr die Augen ganz weit auf! Consequently, the narrative evokes the dead father as an antifascist martyr, lending double authority to this exaltation of paternalistic GDR socialism. The main negative character in the story is the factory owner Leska, who embodies the ruling class of the FRG. Being its sponsor, Leska has great influence on the swimming club and dictates its political line.

The narrative presents Leska as morally flawed: After the national cause was betrayed by the declining bourgeoisie, SED discourses at the time argued, the proletariat became its rightful champion. Indeed, their hostility to communism disqualifies the Leskas — and with them the ruling class in West Germany — as patriots. Their fury at discovering the plan to go to Leipzig illustrates the dishonesty of their patriotism. As emerges from the thoughts of the young Leska, these capitalists deliberately seek to destroy national consciousness: It is implied that Leska and his class are plotting another war to liberate East Germany from what they contend is Soviet occupation.

The narrative presents the idea that the East German people are terrorised and suppressed as a lie spread by the Western press, intended to destroy national and class consciousness, and to prepare West German minds for a new war. The hero Schimmel and the masculine working-class activists surrounding him are the true patriots in the story, upholding German unity. Weigel reflects on a conversation with Schimmel: Dabei ist Schimmel gar nicht laut und roh, ungebildet und schmutzig.

The role of this female character is limited to illustrating the superficial consumerism of West German society, of which Weigel becomes aware. The British army training ground that the jobless steelworker Heinke encounters on his bored strolls through his hometown in the Ruhrgebiet, is a tangible symbol of Western militarism. It appears as a place where ruthless capitalists, corrupt politicians, and American imperialists are in charge.

In this regard it fits into a range of East German novels from the s portraying this city as an example of the desperate state of Western capitalism. The one-sided implementation of the separate Western currency reform of in West Berlin was indeed an important step in the division of the city. Erich Schmidt, , pp. Loest envisages the young gangster Kamm as a direct product of American cultural influences, particularly of Western crime fiction meant to distract the German youth from communist propaganda and to prepare their minds for the next war.

This accusation — implicit throughout the story — is finally pronounced after Kamm has been killed by police bullets: Die ihn dorthin gebracht haben, die laufen herum, die fahren in schweren Wagen, und denen tut keiner was. The fact that the two petty criminal main characters of the novel eventually die, indicates that they are effectively victims of capitalism as well, and underlines the fact that the true perpetrators are those in power in the West. In both texts, Loest seeks to maintain the unity of the German working class by reaching out to grassroots SPD members, while dismissing its leadership.

He introduces Schimmel to other working-class activists who help him organise the transportation for the relay team to travel to East Germany. One of them appears to be a member of the KPD: Das Scheitern einer Politik Frankfurt: Campus, , p. In so doing he proposes a grassroots unity of German proletarians, irrespective of their political party allegiance.

They come to this conclusion during one of the topical events that Loest integrates into his narrative: Mohr Siebeck, , p. The leadership of the SPD supported the prohibition, but many of its subdivisions did not. Such West German activists are valued highly, as the thoughts of their Eastern contact reveal: This corrupt and powerful SPD politician is a shareholder in the currency business. His riches contrast to the hardships of the common West Berliners portrayed in the novel.

These experiences and his cooperation with the East German Volkspolizei in the Kamm case open his eyes to the relationship between the high crime rate and the political system in West Berlin. Both are interested in crime fiction, and Ahlsen even joins Kamm on his first robbery. But whereas Kamm seeks adventure and puts his gangster fantasies into practice, Ahlsen falls in love with his colleague Margot Bornemann, an exemplary working-class girl: Moreover, the figure of Margot reflects the troublesome nature of his conversion, withdrawing her love when he remains a reluctant outsider who does not join the FDJ.

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Unhappy that he does not contribute his share to the new society he benefits from, Margot leaves Berndt: When he admits to his Italian guest Luigi that he is not a member of the FDJ, the narrative relates his feeling of shame. The two are described in a way similar to the conventional picture of a father taking his son to a stadium.

Loest describes the instance Schimmel realises that he is part of a community of masculine working-class activists as a moment of bliss. Becoming a proletarian is thus associated with becoming a man. As with the other examples discussed in this section, his change is guided by a more conscious and mature character: Onkel Willi, a paternalistic mentor and role model.

The reportage portrays the border guards as a collective of heroes protecting the GDR against the perceived Western threat. Read against the political background of the rejection of the Stalin Note of March , the text denounces the FRG as an illegal state under US occupation. In this context, Loest presents a Cold War narrative of a persistent Western threat against East Germany, emphasising the probability of provocations: Denn das alles ist schon gewesen.

Und wenn man mit den Offizieren der Deutschen Grenzpolizei in M. With this threat presented as very real, Loest describes night-time patrol at the border as a heroic sacrifice to defend the GDR, which, in view of the disqualification of the other state as occupied territory, emerges as the only legitimate German state.

When introducing an older border officer, who remembers of the even greater hardships the guards had to undergo in the early post-war years, the narrator describes him as a fatherly, assured, and steadfast proletarian hero. Er selbst war Mitglied des Kommunistischen Jugendverbandes. It is impossible to pinpoint what this might have been, but Loest would certainly have strongly focused on any form of resistance against the Nazis.

If this fatherly officer functions as the paternalistic, guiding hero in the reportage, the subsequent paragraph introduces the heroic image of the young male proletarian fighter: Following this pattern, the nation requires sacrifices from its members, who are conceived of as proletarian males and soldiers.

The soldiers show vivid interest in literature and great awareness of issues of socialist realism and the role of literature in a socialist society: The reportage presents the aesthetic-political programme of the SED as a genuine desire of the glorified collective of working-class heroes. Their endorsement grants it particular persuasiveness. The narrator demands that his audience be conscious of the achievements defended by the heroic border guards. Sie haben vieles nicht, was du hast.

Aber sie denken an dich. Furthermore, given that the voices of the reporter and the border policemen are mingled, Loest identifies his argument with that of his heroes, which bestows their authority on his narrative. The peaceful East is defended against the aggressive West through the heroic sacrifices of the border guards, who protect the working population. In an image of socialist society as an organic unity in which everyone contributes their share, work is presented as fulfilment, but moreover as an obligation to and demand of the antifascist-proletarian fighters at the border.

The comradeship of these heroes, as well as the mutual help of the guards and factory workers, symbolise the sense of community amongst the East German proletariat. With authority in the hands of the essentially military border guards, the narrative presents a vision of society which draws heavily on militaristic terminology and concepts.

Er steckte die Rote Fahne aus dem Fenster. Er nahm sie auch nicht herein, als sich eine Menschenmenge vor seinem Haus sammelte, er nahm sie nicht herein, als geschrien und gepfiffen wurde. Waren es die Bauarbeiter von der Stalinallee, die in diese Wohnung einbrachen? Unten wurde gejohlt und gepfiffen. Pfiffen alle hundert, die unten standen? Es pfiff ein knappes Dutzend. Waren das… Zum Teufel noch mal, ich kann nicht so weiter schreiben, so ruhig und mit der immer wiederholten rhetorischen Frage, ob das die Bauarbeiter der Stalinallee waren.

Aber was haben die Hunderte und Tausende gemacht, die all dem zusahen? Und was hat die Partei in dieser Stunde gemacht? Die Genossen haben diskutiert. He blames all the use of violence on provocateurs, whereas he perceives the East German workers and Party activists as peaceful. As his reportage demonstrates, he could not consider the possibility of violent protest by the construction workers from the prestigious Stalinallee.

His denial of this possibility needed no explanation: In the same manner, he presented the communists as non-violent. But he alleges that this non-violence of the workers and Party activists benefited the provocateurs. With his subsequent examples of FDJ and Party resistance against the mob, and the resolute action of the Soviets he advocates a militant defence of socialism and peace. This ambivalence is rooted in his invocation of a particular image of the decadent West.

Loest comments on the appearance of the provocateurs: Hence, the apparently uncontrollable mob is simultaneously a reliable militia threatening the rule of the working class in the GDR. The Leipzig SED leadership had denounced him as a fascist provocateur and urged his colleagues to oust him. Insel, , p. Aber die ehrliche Meinung dieses Mannes war kaum zu lesen. Kritik in der Presse war nicht gefragt. Aside from the lack of space allowed for such criticisms, Loest deplores the failed integration of groups with different political views: The jobless West German protagonist of the story reads a letter from his East German friend about the production norms: Both images show a red flag flying high above a restless crowd, and in both cases it is a journalist who raised the flag.

And since the essay points out that failures were made across all of the state and Party apparatuses, his criticism concerns the GDR regime as a whole. Die Schuld von Partei und Regierung, unser aller Schuld wurde erheblich verkleinert — und dies liegt am allerwenigsten im Sinne der Regierung und der Partei! Ich bin skeptisch geworden wie viele meiner Kollegen. As this quotation indicates, the authority of the male proletarian — as Loest had constructed in his stories and novels as well as in the two reportages — remained intact in his positions after the uprising.

The class struggle perspective becomes clear early on in the novel, when the group of students around which the story revolves, misbehaves. Das waren die Soldaten der Sowjetarmee, die die Freiheit nach Deutschland brachten. In this paternalistic family narrative, symbolic male ancestors oblige the working- class youth to carry on their struggle by contributing to the success of the GDR.

Similar narratives run through the novel, as the family background of the main characters are related. Both positions are products of a set of narratives and discourses that Loest brought forward, and can be found to a certain extent in each of his texts discussed here. He recalls that the public shaming of a student who owned a bible compelled him to write about the danger that communist values could be used for bullying and career making.

Unsurprisingly, Pronberg leaves for the West after his downfall. Their official criticism was reportedly approved by the entire forum: Aber Loest hat die Proportionen verschoben. To what extent he did so would need a precise comparison between his manuscripts and the published novel, which is impossible due to the fact that his manuscripts have not been made available yet, but it is clear that the derided plot was still very much present in the printed version of the novel.

The latter mistake was allegedly made by a range of authors writing about the present. It was particularly the narrative mode of internal focalisation through the protagonist, that sparked the criticism: Volk und Buch, The following section will show that there is no unambiguous answer to these questions, because these texts bear significant continuities with the stories and novels dealing with contemporaneous issues, especially in the conception of positive heroes as characters undergoing a development in their political consciousness.

They gain specific importance in the light of the SED political project to integrate former soldiers into society. Princeton University Press, , p. A example of such a narrative is Der Schnee von Podgonowka, the story about the inner struggle of a German soldier named Kuschat on the Eastern Front during the winter of As they are under attack, he disobeys his orders to fight, instead heroically protecting the youngest boy.

Interestingly, most of the story is characterised by a narrative mode of internal focalisation. In this respect there is a clear thematic continuity to the stories with a contemporaneous setting, two of which contain narrative patterns that can be related to this programme. The former option would bring him good money, but also certain death in the war planned by the imperialists; the latter would result in renewed poverty.

When he, jobless and miserable again, watches the British troops exercise, he realises that he made the right choice: He finally understands that flawed Western political and economic relations are the cause of his poverty, and decides in favour of the East. Weil sie keine Ahnung haben. Uns kann keiner mehr begeistern, bei dem, was wir durchgemacht haben.

Dittrich unravels his own pacifist argument: So nebenbei, so zwischen den Mahlzeiten — und wir essen mehr Fleisch, als in Westdeutschland gegessen wird. Das sind doch Erfolge! In the context of postwar shortages, the importance attached to meat consumption is evident from GDR policies to considerably raise the Ibid.

Dieses Bild wurde aufgenommen, als sie einen Kessel vierzehn Tage eher fertigstellten als vorgesehen war [ This narrative helps convince the protagonist Dittrich to reconsider his refusal to give the shooting training. Meiner Mutter sehnlichster Wunsch war es durch Jahre hindurch, sich einen Teppich zu kaufen. Autoren — Institutionen — Debatten, ed. Metzler , pp. The phone call to tell his FDJ leader that he agrees to give the firearms training completes his transformation from a traumatised ex-soldier whose judgements are blurred by the past to an exemplary socialist citizen willing to take on the political challenges ahead.

Its protagonist cannot be seen as a positive hero: He opts for the invaders and against his fellow villagers, who are governed by an exemplary communist mayor who is committed to rebuild the village and make sure there is enough food for its citizens. The narrative depicts the anti- This date is printed after the end of the story. Instead he detests the village leadership who has punished him for his collaboration with the Nazis. The SS band does not let him join their ranks; instead they capture his sheep and beat him to death, along with most other men from his village.

This message allows the story implicitly to sustain the programme of actively reintegrating former Nazi sympathisers into the community. Instead, the story contains an interesting perspective on efforts to make a distinction between die-hard Nazis and mere members of the Wehrmacht. The narrative has to be interpreted as a critical comment on a West German discourse which points at Wehrmacht resistance against Hitler, especially the failed plot of 20 July , to legitimise the continuity between the personnel of the Wehrmacht and the Bundeswehr.

He knows of a supposed order from Adolf Hitler to kill all such enemy troops, but his army comrades are unaware of this. This makes the British appear naive in the face of Nazi cruelty, as is also illustrated by a short conversation between one of them and Homola: Whereas the narrative cannot create a link between fascism and British troops still in alliance with the Soviet Union, it does construct a questionable image of the alleged British failure to stand firm against the Nazis.

Ich werde diesen Befehl nicht befolgen. As he eventually concludes that he cannot be held accountable for the order, he passes it on to his subordinate. Loest thus portrays this representative of the Wehrmacht establishment as too hypocritical or cowardly to uphold his self- proclaimed military values. It dismisses a positive evaluation of Wehrmacht officers, as it alleges their moral hypocrisy and obedience under Nazism. The hero of the story is a working-class boy who outwits the officers and endures the suffering they Debatten- und Diskursgeschichte des Nationalsozialismus nach Bielefeld: Transcript, , p.

In his analysis of the novel Pawel Zymniak seems to be unaware of its earlier version as a short story. They debunk a conservative view that Wehrmacht officers were not responsible for Nazi crimes, and hence are part of GDR discourses emphasising the continuity between West Germany and fascism. With these war stories, Loest contributed to official discourses on West Germany, which focused on its failure to break with Nazism.

As in the earlier texts, these war stories contain both affirmative and dissenting positions. His self-positioning in the crisis following the revelations at the Twentieth Party Congress of the Soviet Union also contains a simultaneity of both positions. Political opposition Loest was among the intellectuals who discussed the necessity of reforming GDR socialism after the revelations Khrushchev made at the Twentieth Party Congress, and in response to the political developments in Poland and Hungary.

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On 31 October , Loest opened his flat for a discussion evening with a Polish journalist about the developments in Warsaw. Shortly afterwards, Loest published an attack on the Leipzig Party leadership and its leader Siegfried Wagner. Moreover, he signals Loest, Prozesskosten, pp. Loest was criticised at a Leipzig Party gathering in January because of this essay. Rather, the dissident Loest cannot be seen in isolation from his compliant texts, and both positions contain elements of the other.

His stories and novels convey many narratives which legitimise SED rule and affirm certain policies. In a Cold War context, he writes about division from a decidedly Eastern perspective. His treatment of the SPD, dismissing the leadership, while reaching out to the rank-and-file, is informed by SED policies to reach out to allies in the West in order to maintain the unity of the working class. In these narratives, the paternalistic guiding figures of experienced male proletarian activists are important: Still the male characters dominate this novel as well.

The stories and novels generally conceive of the male proletariat as a source of authority and power. English Choose a language for shopping. Amazon Music Stream millions of songs. Amazon Advertising Find, attract, and engage customers. Amazon Drive Cloud storage from Amazon. Alexa Actionable Analytics for the Web. AmazonGlobal Ship Orders Internationally. Amazon Inspire Digital Educational Resources.

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