Die Gründe für den Parther-Feldzug des Marcus Antonius: Rom und das Partherreich (German Edition)

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On this boundary, see J. For the senate at least the boundary between the two provinciae was a live issue. The common element which links these three passages from Livy is that in each case the boundary of the provincia sets a limit on exercise of power by the magistrate or pro-magistrate to whom it is allotted. This is also the import of one other more generalised passage in Livy which refers to the boundaries of provinciae.

Livius Salinator in the north. Cassius Longinus, from the provincia Gallia into Macedonia, which was held by his colleague, P. That, after all, is what might be expected at a period when a provincia was seen as the task assigned by the senate to a holder of the essentially unrestricted power given to a magistrate or pro-magistrate, not least to avoid problematic clashes between two such imperia. It would appear that the boundaries of a provincia in the earlier second century bc were limits on the imperium of its holder. To move forward, what was the situation in the first century? The obvious place to look is in the works of Cicero and his usage of the terms fines and termini with regard both to imperium and provincia.

It is worth noticing in passing that, of course, there are other sorts of limits to imperium than territorial ones: An interesting instance, which reveals precisely this ambiguity, is in pro Murena, where Cicero is contrasting the legal activity of the prosecutor, Ser. Sulpicius, with the military functions of Murena. What it does show, however, is that for Cicero and his hearers the ambiguity was a live one, and that the meaning of fines was not settled.

It is interesting to note, however, that he rarely refers to the boundaries of provinciae, and only speaks of fines provinciae in one speech, that against L. Gabinius, and about Caesar, following his victories in the Civil Wars. Macedoniam praesertim, quam tantae barbarorum gentes attingunt ut semper Macedonicis imperatoribus idem fines provinciae fuerint qui gladiorum atque pilorum.

Indeed, although in principle and in origin a provincia can only exist if there is a magistrate or pro-magistrate whose provincia it is, for Cicero it can also have an on-going existence in the absence of an imperium-holder. It is then to be expected that the meanings of fines imperii and fines provinciae show consonant changes. In fact fines provinciae occurs rarely. This does not mean that the older ideas of imperium had disappeared. Throughout the period there are still references to the imperium of the Romans as encompassing the entire world.

Omnium provinc[iarum populi Romani], quibus finitimae fuerunt gentes quae n[on parerent imperio nos]tro, fines auxi. On the limits of this understanding, see C. By the time we have reached the first century ad, then, the boundaries, the fines, of the provinciae and of the imperium certainly exist, and what they bound are pieces of territory. But it was not ever thus. The change that I have sketched out in this paper, from limits on power and responsibility to lines on a map, marks a change; and the change, I would suggest, is not just one of language but of mentality, a change in what the Romans thought their empire was.

I extended the borders of all those provinces of the Roman people on whose borders lay people not subject to our government. I brought peace to the Gallic and Spanish provinces, as well as to Germany, throughout the area bordering on the ocean from Cadiz to the mouth of the Elbe. My fleet sailed through the ocean eastwards from the mouth of the Rhine to the territory of the Cimbri, a country which no Roman had visited before either by land or sea, and the Cimbri, Charydes, Semnones and other German peoples of that region sent ambassadors and sought my friendship and that of the Roman people.

Special thanks are due to Benjamin Isaac for his willingness to comment on a paper many of the views of which he does not share; I profited greatly from his critical remarks and he made me reconsider some of my opinions or put them forward in a more nuanced way. Alasdair MacDonald was kind enough to correct my English. Omnium provinciarum populi Romani quibus finitimae fuerunt gentes quae non parerent imperio nostro fines auxi. Gallias et Hispanias provincias, item Germaniam, qua includit Oceanus a Gadibus ad ostium Albis fluminis pacavi.

Classis mea per Oceanum ab ostio Rheni ad solis orientis regionem usque ad fines Cimbrorum navigavit, quo neque terra neque mari quisquam Romanus ante id tempus adit, Cimbrique et Charydes et Semnones et eiusdem tractus alii Germanorum populi per legatos amicitiam meam et populi Romani petierunt; tr. However, Augustus and his contemporaries seem to have had a different concept of Roman territory than modern historians. The Romans still adhered to the idea of an imperium sine fine. Actual conquest, occupation, and provincialisation were apparently not necessary to let them consider Germania as part of the world under Roman imperium.

This attitude has consequences for how the Romans perceived frontiers or borders in the early imperial period. The concept of an imperial frontier seems to have had little meaning and the Romans in the early Empire seem not to have been accustomed to thinking about frontiers as physical and static boundaries. Four centuries after Augustus, the new consciousness of limits to Roman territory is well expressed by St. Territorial concessions had to be made: The usual Roman term for land boundary is limes.

Originally, the word was used by land surveyors to indicate the boundary or limit between fields, consisting of a path or a balk. Subsequently, the term was also used to indicate the actual path or a road. Like the Roman concept of territory the meaning of limes changed over time in the Roman imperial period, and can have several meanings: It was seen as a dividing line between the civilised and the barbarian. In accordance with this line of thinking the limes was therefore used as referring to the Roman defence system along the border of the empire, with permanent defensive structures such as garrison camps, watch towers, patrolling river fleets, and even walls of which the main purpose was to keep the ubi hodieque persistent.

However, there was a clear sense of reality that there were actual limits to the empire; see J. Lee, Information and Frontiers. Whittaker, Frontiers of the Roman Empire. Williams, The Reach of Rome. Mattern, Rome and the Enemy. Whittaker, Rome and its Frontiers: Even though many scholars have nuanced this one-sided meaning of limes, the term is still often associated with a frontier of military character, demarcating Roman territory from that beyond, and meant to keep outsiders out of the Roman Empire, or at least to regulate the crossing of the border by outsiders entering the empire.

According to Isaac, however, in sources from the fourth century onwards, when the term occurs more often than in the earlier writings, the meaning of limes had changed. Isaac bases his argument on a close examination 11 E. It is not a term that describes physical structures, forts, defence works, roads and related features, but a term indicating army bureaucracy. Contrary to what Isaac argues, Ammianus in a few cases may even refer to limes as a constructed defence-line with military installations.

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That it can have that meaning or was associated with military defence is plausible and understandable: The aim of this article is threefold. Firstly, I examine the use of the word limes by Ammianus Marcellinus and the different meanings it can have in his work. Secondly, I briefly deal with rivers as demarcation lines, and finally I succinctly discuss the frontier as an intercultural contact zone, as displayed in the work of Ammianus. Isaac, The Limits of Empire. Isaac is absolutely correct in arguing that limes generally indicates a frontier zone or territory in the frontier regions, in particular when it is used in its plural form.

In this sense Ammianus uses the word twentytwo times. This zone could either be situated on the Roman side eighteen instances or on the non-Roman side four instances. Frontier Zones within Roman Territory orientis vero limes in longum protentus et rectum ab Euphratis fluminis ripis ad usque supercilia porrigitur Nili laeva Saracenis conterminans gentibus, dextra pelagi fragoribus patens.

Austin, Ammianus on Warfare. These interiores limites should be seen as the territory on the Roman side of the boundary between the two powers. The word finis refers to the actual border line between the two empires. Although Ammianus did not compose a work about the administration of the Roman Empire but a political and military history, it is nevertheless noteworthy that he has only one instance of what according to Isaac is the main meaning of limes, namely a border district under the supervision of a dux limitis.

In seven cases Ammianus is likely, even though we cannot be entirely certain, to refer to an actual border or demarcation line. In these instances he uses limes in its singular form. According to Isaac, limes never refers to a border defence line consisting of military installations. However, the impression gained from five passages in Ammianus is otherwise.

In these passages the term limes carries clear undertones of a line of demarcation of military character. Constantius, metuens expeditiones Parthicas. The most current meaning is that of frontier zone or tract along the frontier both within and outside Roman territory. Ammianus seems to use the word limes also when referring to a physical border line or even to a militarily defensive frontier. Would this emperor have started implementing the advice of the anonymous writer of the De rebus bellicis, a work generally agreed to have been composed 31 Ms V reads verius milite.

According to this author it was necessary to solve the problems at the frontiers by creating a continuous line of castella, situated every thousand feet and linked by a solid wall with strong watchtowers. Rivers Rivers and mountain ranges are effective barriers and lines of defence, and were used as such by the Romans. Evidently, the river Tigris was considered the line of demarcation between Roman and Persian territory. Est praetera inter commoda rei publicae utilis limitum cura ambientium ubique latus imperii; quorum tutelae assidua melius castella prospicient, ita ut millenis interiecta passibus stabili muro et firmissimis turribus erigantur.

Nicasie, Twilight of Empire. Frontier Zones and Intercultural Exchange Although it seems that some parts of the Roman frontier, in particular in the Rhine and Danube areas, were closed to outsiders, or at least intended to keep interlopers out, in most cases Ammianus refers to limes as a frontier zone. This strip of land, the furthest extent of the empire, should be seen as a demarcation region between Roman and non-Roman societies. The frontier zone was typified by a gradual transition from Roman to non-Roman society and it was by character permeable, dynamic, and fluid.

They may therefore also be designated as contact zones. The concept of contact zone may, I would argue, be fruitfully applied to the frontier zones in late Roman times.

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However, a distinction should be made to the frontier zones in the north and the east—Roman Africa will be left out of the discussion. The relations between Romans and Germans were often of an asymmetrical kind and Roman culture dominated over that of the Germans and clearly influenced Germanic culture, in particular through the military service of Germanic peoples in the Roman army.

Historians still tend to speak in this case of romanisation. Romanisation is not an adequate term since it suggests a top-down and one-way process, in the course of which non-Roman societies adapted to and adopted Roman culture. Also Roman culture, in particular in the frontier zone, adapted to and adopted Germanic cultural features. Throughout imperial times, Roman-Germanic contacts of various kinds continued with an intensification in Late Antiquity. In Late Antiquity the number of Germans who fought in the Roman armies increased considerably and many Germanic leaders 44 M.

See now also A.

Ammianus mentions many of them. The first example concerns a certain Charietto. He came from the right bank of the Rhine and was possibly of Frankish descent. Ammianus reports about Vadomarius that he was familiar with Roman affairs because he lived near the frontier. Vadomarius clearly accommodated to and adopted Roman culture, contrary to his son Vithicabius who remained hostile to Rome till the end of his life.

These two examples can easily be multiplied. The situation was different in the East. There Rome found a superpower like itself at its borders: There existed a more symmetrical relation between Rome and Persia than between Rome and the peoples in the Rhine and Danube regions, as a consequence of which both cultures influenced one another and a sort of mixed Roman-Persian culture could develop in the borderlands, in particular in the northern Mesopotamian plain.

Antoninus was very well known in Mesopotamia; he had been a merchant 46 See in general M. Vadomarius vero nostris coalitus utpote vicinus limiti. Without difficulty, he was able to continue his life at the other side of the border and even to pursue a career in the service of the Persian king. Antoninus and Cragausius are clear examples of the symmetrical cultural adaptability that characterised relations and conduct in this frontier zone between the two empires.

I hope to have shown that limes as it is used by Ammianus Marcellinus has more meanings than only a frontier district commanded by a dux or a frontier zone, as Isaac argues. It can have these denotations, but Ammianus also uses limes in the meaning of boundary line and probably even in the sense of a militarily defended border. Finally, Ammianus provides examples for the frontier region as a contact zone where different cultures meet and acculturate—sometimes symmetrically, at other times asymmetrically.

Nam propter initia et fines duobus istis diis duos menses perhibent dedicantes praeter illos decem, quibus usque ad decembrem caput est Martius, Ianuarium Iano, Februarium Termino. Ideo Terminalia eodem mense Februario celebrari dicunt, cum fit sacrum purgatorium, quod uocant Februm, unde mensis nomen accepit.

Oppida condebant in Latio Etrusco ritu multi, id est iunctis bobus, tauro et uacca interiore, aratro circumagebant sulcum hoc faciebant religionis causa die auspicato , ut fossa et muro essent muniti. Terram unde exculpserant, fossam uocabant et introrsum iactam murum. Post ea qui fiebat orbis, urbis principium ; qui quod erat post murum, postmoerium dictum, eo usque auspicia urbana finiuntur. Cippi pomeri stant et circum Ariciam et circum Romam.

Quare et oppida quae prius erant circumducta aratro ab orbe et uruo urbes ; et, ideo coloniae nostrae omnes in litteris antiquis scribuntur urbes, quod item conditae ut Roma ; et ideo coloniae et urbes conduntur, quod intra pomerium ponuntur. Je ne vais retenir que deux aspects qui me semblent susS. Et pomerium Vrbis auxit Caesar, more prisco, quo iis qui protulere imperium etiam terminos Vrbis propagare datur. Nec tamen duces Romani, quamquam magnis nationibus subactis, usurpauerant, nisi L.

Sulla et diuus Augustus. Regnum in eo ambitio uel gloria uarie uulgata. Sed initium condendi et quod pomerium Romulus posuerit, noscere haud absurdum reor. Igitur a foro boario, ubi aereum tauri simulacrum aspicimus, quia id genus animalium aratro subditur, sulcus designandi oppidi coeptus, ut magnam Herculis aram amplecteretur ; inde certis spatiis interiecti lapides per ima montis Palatini ad aram Consi, mox curias ueteres, tum ad sacellum Larundae.

Mox pro fortuna pomerium auctum. Pomerio autem neminem principum licet addere nisi eum, qui agri barbarici aliqua parte Romanam rem p ublicam locupletauerit. Ogulnii aediles curules aliquot feneratoribus diem dixerunt ; quorum bonis multatis ex eo quod in publicum redactum est aenea in Capitolio limina et trium mensarum argentea uasa in cella Iouis Iouemque in culmine cum quadrigis et ad ficum Ruminalem simulacra infantium conditorum urbis sub uberibus lupae posuerunt semitamque saxo quadrato a Capena porta ad Martis strauerunt. Romanae spatium est Vrbis et orbis idem.

Cum uero adtenderem te non solum de uita communi omnium curam publicaeque rei constitutione habere, sed etiam de opportunitate publicorum aedificiorum ut ciuitas per te non solum prouinciis esset aucta, uerum etiam ut maiestas imperii publicorum aedificiorum egregias haberet auctoritates. Rerum gestarum diui Augusti, quibus orbem terrarum imperio populi Romani subiecit, et impensarum quas in rem publicam populumque Romanum fecit, incisarum in duabus aheneis pilis, quae sunt Romae positae, exemplar subiectum.

Aigner Foresti et al. Si cum finitumis de finibus bellum gererent, si totum certamen in uno proelio positum putarent, tamen omnibus rebus instructiores et apparatiores uenirent ; nedum illi imperium orbis terrae, cui imperio omnes gentes, reges, nationes partim ui, partim uoluntate consenserunt, cum aut armis aut liberalitate a populo Romano superati essent, ad se transferre tantulis uiribus conarentur.

Ita late per orbem terrarum arma circumtulit, ut qui res illius legunt non unius populi, sed generis humani facta condiscant. Bowersock, Mosaics as history. En ne retenant que deux mises en contexte: In nomine domini nostri Iesu Christi. Imperatoriam maiestatem non solum armis decoratam, sed etiam legibus oportet esse armatam, ut utrumque tempus et bellorum et pacis recte possit gubernari et princeps Romanus uictor existat non solum in hostilibus proeliis, sed etiam per legitimos tramites calumniantium iniquitates expellens, et fiat tam iuris religiosissimus quam uictis hostibus triumphator.

Ianus igitur, a quo sumpsit exordium, quaero quisnam sit. Breuis haec plane est atque aperta responsio. Nonne omnia, quae in hoc mundo fieri dicunt, in hoc etiam mundo terminari fatentur? Quae est ista uanitas, in opere illi dare potestatem dimidiam, in simulacro faciem duplam? Nonne istum bifrontem multo elegantius interpretarentur, si eundem et Ianum et Terminum dicerent atque initiis unam faciem, finibus alteram darent?

Vnde necesse est a memoria respiciente prospiciens conectatur intentio ; nam cui exciderit quod coeperit, quo modo finiat non inueniet. Quod si uitam beatam in hoc mundo inchoari putarent, extra mundum perfici, et ideo Iano, id est mundo, solam initiorum tribuerent potestatem: Quamquam etiam nunc cum in istis duobus diis initia rerum temporalium finesque tractantur, Termino dari debuit plus honoris. Maior enim laetitia est, cum res quaeque perficitur ; sollicitudinis autem plena sunt coepta, donec perducantur ad finem, quem qui aliquid incipit maxime adpetit intendit, expectat exoptat, nec de re inchoata, nisi terminetur, exultat.

Censu perfecto quem maturauerat metu legis de incensis latae cum uinculorum minis mortisque, edixit ut omnes ciues Romani, equites peditesque, in suis quisque centuriis, in campo Martio prima luce adessent. Ibi instructum exercitum omnem suouetaurilibus lustrauit, idque conditum lustrum appellatum, quia is censendo finis factus est.

Milia octoginta eo lustro ciuium censa dicuntur ; adicit scriptorum antiquissimus Fabius Pictor, eorum qui arma ferre possent eum numerum fuisse. Ad eam multitudinem urbs quoque amplificanda uisa est. Addit duos colles, Quirinalem Viminalemque ; Viminalem inde deinceps auget Esquiliis ; ibique ipse, ut loco dignitas fieret, habitat ; aggere et fossis et muro circumdat urbem ; ita pomerium profert. Pomerium uerbi uim solam intuentes postmoerium interpretantur esse ; est autem magis circamoerium, locus quem in condendis urbibus quondam Etrusci qua murum ducturi erant certis circa terminis inaugurato consecrabant, ut neque interiore parte aedificia moenibus continuarentur, quae nunc uolgo etiam coniungunt, et extrinsecus puri aliquid ab humano cultu pateret soli.

Antiquissimum autem pomerium, quod a Romulo institutum est, Palati montis radicibus terminabatur. Sed id pomerium pro incrementis reipublicae aliquotiens prolatum est et multos editosque collis circumplexum est. Habeat autem ius proferendi pomerii, qui populum Romanum agro de hostibus capto auxerat. Propterea quaesitum est ac nunc etiam in quaestione est, quam ob causam ex septem urbis montibus, cum ceteri sex intra pomerium sint, Auentinus solum, quae pars non longinqua nec infrequens est, extra pomerium sit, neque id Seruius Tullius rex neque Sulla, qui proferundi pomerii titulum quaesiuit, neque postea diuus Iulius, cum pomerium proferret, intra effatos urbis fines incluserint.

Huius rei Messala aliquot causas uideri scripsit, sed praeter eas omnis ipse unam probat, quod in eo monte Remus urbis condendae gratia auspicauerit auesque inritas habuerit superatusque in auspicio a Romulo sit: Sed de Auentino monte praetermittendum non putaui, quod non pridem ego in Elydis, grammatici ueteris, commentario offendi, in quo scriptum erat Auentinum antea, sicuti diximus, extra pomerium exclusum, post auctore diuo Claudio receptum et intra pomerii fines obseruatum.

Ut enim in membris alia sunt tamquam sibi nata, ut oculi, ut aures, alia etiam ceterorum membrorum usum adiuuant, ut crura, ut manus, sic inmanes quaedam bestiae sibi solum natae sunt, at illa, quae in concha patula pina dicitur, isque, qui enat e concha, qui, quod eam custodit, pinoteres uocatur in eandemque cum se recepit includitur, ut uideatur monuisse ut caueret, itemque formicae, apes, ciconiae aliorum etiam causa quaedam faciunt.

Multo haec coniunctius homines. Itaque natura sumus apti ad coetus, concilia, ciuitates. Mundum autem censent regi numine penser la limite: Ut enim leges omnium salutem singulorum saluti anteponunt, sic uir bonus et sapiens et legibus parens et ciuilis officii non ignarus utilitati omnium plus quam unius alicuius aut suae consulit. Nec magis est uituperandus proditor patriae quam communis utilitatis aut salutis desertor propter suam utilitatem aut salutem.

Quoniamque illa uox inhumana et scelerata ducitur eorum, qui negant se recusare quo minus ipsis mortuis terrarum omnium deflagratio consequatur— quod uulgari quodam uersu Graeco pronuntiari solet—, certe uerum est etiam iis, qui aliquando futuri sint, esse propter ipsos consulendum. Equidem me cognosse admodum gaudeo.

Sed illud tamen quale est quod paulo ante dixisti, hunc locum—id enim ego te accipio dicere Arpinum—Germanam patriam esse uestram? Numquid duas habetis patrias, an est una illa patria communis? Nisi forte sapienti illi Catoni fuit patria non Roma sed Tusculum. Ego mehercule et illi et omnibus municipibus duas esse censeo patrias, unam naturae, alteram ciuitatis: Dulcis autem non multo secus est ea quae genuit quam illa quae excepit. Itaque ego hanc meam esse patriam prorsus numquam negabo, dum illa sit maior, haec in ea contineatur. While it is more or less clear how provinces were accumulated—from inheritance through conquest to acquisition—it is much less clear what they were for.

Not one single ancient source describes the rationale behind the definition of territorial provinces, nor the reasons behind the transfer of territory from one to the other. Our only reference is the unreliable testimony of Lactantius that Diocletian chopped up the Empire to give more jobs to his cronies. Some of this territorial knowledge is preserved in a variety of ways, somewhat better in the west than the east. Inscriptions are invaluable sources.

City or other territories can be defined by cadestrations or boundary markers. Green, Tabula imperii Romani: Eretz Israel in the Hellenistic, Roman and Byzantine periods: In theory then, the limit of territory dependent on each city was known, based on tax records of land holdings, and thus, the provincial borders were known fairly exactly, even if there was no physical marker. That the lines of provincial borders were known in antiquity, even if this knowledge has not survived for us, conforms with our understanding of the interest of Romans in boundaries of many types.

We know that Roman law was sophisticated enough to distinguish conceptually between the finis limit and limes boundary of land, and between land delimited by a natural feature and land measured out. Ad Fines in Dalmatia: The boundaries of the land were: Dilke, The Roman Land Surveyors: Distribution patterns of locally produced ceramics have long been recognized as significant indicators of local economic activity,17 and the opportunity exists to use this material to address the problem. The use of ceramic patterning to examine the extent, or nature, of imperial influence in provinces, has been used in pre-Roman Levantine studies, and in Meso-America.

The persistence of cultural regions in the southern Levant since the Neolithic has now been documented. Work on the distribution of distinctive pottery in pre- and Imperial Aztec polities is particularly relevant from a methodological perspective. Traditional studies have followed the written material, and only in recent decades has the larger, undocumented world of the uninfluential population been examined. In this respect, the vastly greater documentary evidence from the Roman empire, which includes, for instance, personal letters, epigraphy and sermons, has led to extensive examination of the non-elite, well before such issues have been raised in America.

On the other hand, possibly because scholars of the Aztec empire have been employed in anthropology rather than Classics departments, and because the written sources are so limited in central America, 17 K. Peacock, Pottery in the Roman World: In the Later Aztec Imperial period, the patterning changed to a much more homogenous marketing system, although some regional differences remained. Although the results are different from the archaeological data described below, they do indicate that material culture patterns can be related to political, as well as social structures, depending on the artifact class and level of quantification studied.

In the southern Levant, patterns of differing classes of ceramics seem to be showing an equally uneven distribution. The patterns are best explained not by topographic features nor by simple distance from production centres. They seem bounded by the approximate line of provincial borders, in the few places where these can be reasonably reconstructed. The most likely explanation is the imposition on major provincial borders of a customs duty.

Römisches Palästina – Wikipedia

By making it uneconomical to import local ceramics from neighbouring provinces, the duty distorted trade patterns. This distortion can be harnessed to map the location of the unknown sections of the provincial borders. The Borders of Arabia and Palaestina BAP project, a case-study in an area overlapping part of the border between Palaestina Secunda and Arabia, is developing an archaeological methodology to allow a more precise definition of provincial territory based on this distortion to ceramic trade.

Goffart, Caput and Colonate: The overall corpus from each site will be categorized by reference to the known corpora from Pella Palestinian and Jarash Arabian. The border must lie between the Palestinian and Arabian sites. Sites selected for sampling had previously been identified in earlier surveys of north-west Jordan, although in most cases little or no pottery had been published.

However, of the twenty sites sampled, only around ten will produce reliable statistics because of collection difficulties. There were fewer sites in the eastern half of the sampling area, and many of these had significant modern or mediaeval occupation over the entire area. The focus of processing to date has been on the coarse ware body sherds—exactly those ceramics normally unsampled or discarded in conventional survey. It is this which distinguishes the project from the methodology used, for instance, by Hodge and Minc to discuss market types and integration in the Aztec Empire.

It is only at the level of bulk trade in low-profit common wares that the distorting effect seems to appear. Processing of the material still continues, and only preliminary results are presented. One reason coarse or common wares are not prioritized in conventional survey or sampling is the tremendous difficulty of close dating, particularly when corrective data from excavations is unavailable.

The BAP project therefore has been using very broad date ranges, and there are clearly potential problems for interpretation, given the known history of border changes at more frequent intervals than we may be able to detect ceramically. Leakage of ceramics across the border has also been anticipated, particularly since we have sampled sites quite close to the hypothetical border line, and it is quite feasible that small quantities of material crossed over.

However, the identification of a corpus as Palaestinian or Arabian will depend on general ratios of wares across the entire sample, rather than the presence of a few distinctive pieces. As so few sites in the case study area have been excavated or published, our treatment of the coarse wares must remain very general. However, it appears from the initial results that the methodology is able to indicate differences in corpora, and these correspond to the presumed provincial allocations of each site.

Given that the same circumstances exist across the Empire—abundant coarse ware ceramics and a customs duty on major borders—this methodology should be applicable elsewhere in order to more precisely define the line of a provincial boundary. Only those sites where over a thousand sherds of the Byzantine period have been catalogued have been included in these preliminary results.

Rome and Persia in Late Antiquity: Neighbours and Rivals

With the same processing protocol for each site, and with the largest possible quantities collected in the time available, we believe that minor fluctuations in cataloguing will be evened out. Bodysherds in each category have been counted and weighed. The final processing of diagnostic sherds will help in some way to gauge the bodysherds, although it is not possible in many cases to tell if rim sherds come from ribbed or unribbed or ribbed and unribbed vessels.

Sittat had large numbers of small sherds, whereas Maqati" and Ba"un had large numbers of large sherds. These results will help characterize each site, and are used to normalize results. Sites have been grouped based on supposed provincial affiliation: Of the eleven sites plotted, seven have similar profiles—the most common wares are the orange terracottas, followed by brown, pale and grey.

Nasar is one of the closest settlements on the main road to the border crossing from Palaestina to Arabia. This would explain the quantities at Ba"un, the first major settlement in Arabia across the Palaestinian border along the major trade road to Jarash. However, if the proportions of the two main ware groups, orange and brown terracottas, is compared, the pattern is clear.

The position of Dohaleh is equivocal. The site has been excavated by Saleh Sari, and some of the pottery published. Husn was a dependent village of Irbid ancient Arbela , and so it seems likely that the border was much further west than Avi-Yonah suggested. Recalculating the averages of the ratios of orange to brown wares with 30 S. Sari kindly gave permission for the BAP team to sample Dohaleh—sampling squares were placed away from the Yarmouk University trenches.

As Dohaleh is the only site sampled by the BAP project in this conjectural zone with usable quantities of Byzantine ceramics, the question of the border line must rest until full processing of the site is complete. However, even these preliminary and incomplete results indicate the value in the time-consuming process of intensive cataloguing of body sherds, and the potential data which can be obtained from them.

Organisation of Eastern Trade D. Nappo The aim of this article is to investigate the role of the Egyptian Eastern Desert as a fiscal frontier of the Empire. It is already well known that this area played an important role as a commercial route connecting the Roman World and the Far East. This gap in our documentation has been reduced dramatically over the last few years, thanks to a number of ostraka found in Berenike, a port located in the area of Ras Banas, the southernmost Roman settlement in Egypt and a terminal of the route connecting South India to the Roman Empire. On the arabarchs and their organisation, see D.

Verhoogt, Documents from Berenike. The documents cited from these two volumes are hereafter referred to as O. They served as let-pass orders for goods going through the customs station of Berenike, on their way to ships destined for locations along the African or Indian coast. Although some of these goods could have been used for personal consumption by the crew of the ships, most of them were in fact export wares.

Although the taxes were paid elsewhere i. We will now go through the structure of the ostraka to shed some light on the organisation of this control. We can divide the let-passes into four groups, according to their general structure: Epaphroditos slave of Delias slave of Aeimnestos slave of Caesar to NN, quintanensis, greetings; please, let pass for NN, slave of Delias slave of Aeimnestos slave of Caesar a X amount of some item As it can be easily recognised, groups one to three represent only slight variations on a general pattern, which includes a writer, who addresses to an officer to ask a let pass for people carrying some quantities of items usually wine, but also oil and vinegar.

Here follows an example for each group. For the first group, we have selected one from the dossier of Andouros O. It presents some quite distinctive characteristics, although within the general pattern seen for the first three: A detailed discussion on the overall function of this officer will be presented infra in the second part of this article. An even more exceptional characteristic of the dossier of Epaphroditos is that all the ostraka, apart from O.

Let pass for blank of those of Delias slave of Aeimnestos slave of Caesar, blank keramia of Ptolemaic wine. The issuer himself, Epaphroditos, is also qualified as a slave of the same Delias. This dossier allows us to speculate on the role of the imperial administration in the management of trade with the East. Epaphroditos and his men all belong to this group of slaves going back to the emperor himself. Although there are three layers of ownership of slaves, the hypothesis of a direct involvement of the emperor or his entourage in the Eastern trade cannot be ruled out.

In principle, it seems likely that the emperors would be interested in getting involved in such commercial activity, which could entail huge margins for profit. The terminus ante quem for the ostraka is ca. The last group of documents we would like to analyse here is the dossier of Sarapion O. The reason that this group of documents deserves its own analysis does not depend on its structure,15 but rather on the texts of the ostraka. In the first one Sarapion always addresses the quintanensis Andouros to ask a letpass for people carrying wine.

This difference leads us to think that we have here a new particular not present in the documents discussed before: This interpretation is supported by the papyrological evidence. The cargoes would leave Alexandria, the big emporion on the Mediterranean, to be convoyed to Koptos on the Nile and from there overland to Berenike.

As far as we know, the merchants would borrow the money for their commercial expeditions from wealthy people willing to finance such trade, and who reaped huge profits from these loans. At this point it is worth remembering that Roman coins found in India are virtually all denarii or aurei, i. See for example P. See also the works cited at n.

However, as the Roman denarii found in India did indeed arrive from Egypt, we are confronted with a seemingly insoluble contradiction. The coins necessary for the trade with the Indians would be collected in sealed bags with a standard number of coins and, consequently, of standard weight. This would form a guarantee for both financer and merchant: There is no reference to exile in T. The MSS read i bun, 'natural, original', which Malkhasean emended to tribun on the basis of the version of these events in Mkhit'ar Anets'i's Chronicle.

He subdues the rebels and establishes good order in the land of Vrkan. For Armenian episcopal organization, based on the nakharar families and not the cities, see the discussion in Garso'ian, 'City' Macler suspects something is wrong and suggests 'Persian' or 'victorious' [from the etymology].

It would seem simplest to suppose that this Peroz was a general who is not mentioned elsewhere in Sebeos. Mkhit'ar says that Smbat died in Tizbon. For a review of different opinions see Abgaryan n. He heaped gold and silver on him and robed him in expensive and splendid garments. He gave him the belt and sword that had belonged to his own father Ormizd.

He put under his control Persian and Armenian troops, and ordered him to go to the land of his appointment. At that time the lands called Amal, Royean, Zrechan and Tapara- stan had rebelled against the Persian king. He defeated them in battle, smote them with the sword, and brought them into subjection to the Persian king. He established prosperity over all the area of his marz- panate, because that land had been ravaged.

There was also there a group of Kodrik' who had been taken captive with our own men; and furthermore not a few from the Greek empire and from the region of Syria. The community of Kodrik' were infidels. They were confirmed in the faith and learned to write and speak their language. A certain presbyter among them who was named Abel was appointed to priestly rank in that land. Vrkan is to the south-east of the Caspian Sea. On Sebeos states that Smbat held the post for eight years: Whitby, Emperor Maurice accepts as the likely date of Smbat's appointment as marzpan; but see n.

For Amal and Royean see Eransahr ; for Zrechan, ibid. I take the sing, azg to refer to the captives [in the pi. Asolik, II 2, and Vardan, 60, add: Eransahr ], or the Kordrik' on the border of Asorestan? For the problem of the latter name see Hewsen, ASX In the second case 'infidel', anhawat, might point to their being Christians not in communion with the Armenians. Abel was already ordained, hence a 'presbyter', erets', and now appointed to an official status by Smbat.

For further references to later information see HAnjB, s. The scattering of Vstam's army. The battle of the marzpan Smbat with the people of Gehim and his defeat. His forces were [posted] to right and left at a distance from him; and the king of the K'ushans, Pariovk, was in support behind him. Then the king of the K'ushans planned treachery. He came in front of him with a few men, and dismounting from his horse he did obeisance on his face seven times.

But he had laid a trap for him on the road. Pariovk said to him: While they were proceeding along the road talking, suddenly those in ambush emerged from their places, struck Vstam and killed him.

Pariovk, meeting his troops as arranged, immediately informed them. They rode in pursuit, came up and seized Vstam's wife [98] and all his baggage and goods, then rapidly turned back and departed. Later, after some days had passed, the news reached all the troops. They were discouraged, lost their mutual solidarity, and went off each to his own place. In like manner the Gelum army that was accompanying him went straightaway to the strongholds of their own land. Those Armenian men who had rebelled in Ispahan and joined Vstam, went Macler, ch. For Vstam's rebellion see Goubert Pariovk treats Vstam as his royal superior.

The Chronicon Anon- ymum 16, states that Vstam was killed by a 'Turk'. On this word see above, n. When they had reached the land called Komsh, which li es behind Vrkan on the far side of the range which crosses it, and had come to the village called Khekewand, they were opposed by Shahr Vahrich and Smbat, marzpan of Gurkan, with a large [force].

The army of the Gelumk' were not more than two thousand. There was a battle at that place. They defeated the Persian army, put them to flight and pursued them. Many they killed, and many they captured. Then they returned and camped near the site of the battle, those Armenians with them. Many died among the soldiers and among the Armenians who were with the marzpan Smbat. On this occasion the diakaputk' missed the leather bag, shagoyr mashkelen. Shagoyr, 'bag', is not attested elsewhere in classical texts, but is used in modern Armenian.

Smbat is more greatly honoured than all the marzpans. Smbat's coming to Armenia. The [ re-] building of the church of St Gregory at Dvin. The Catholicosate of Abraham Rshtuni. Smbat also gathered his own troops and attacked them in battle. The Lord God delivered the enemies' army into Smbat's hand. He put them all to the sword, and the survivors fled to their own regions. Now Yovsep' held his discovery in front of him [Smbat], described the vision, and told of the many signs which had been worked among the barbarians.

Then Smbat stood up and genuflected before it; taking hold of it, he signed himself with it. He entrusted it to a certain blessed man, Mihru, whom he had put in charge of his own house as a reliable servant; he was from the house of the Dimak'- seank'. He gave it to the church which the priests of his house served. He sent to him all [kinds of] serving vessels in gold, royal robes, gilded diadems, Macler, ch. Step'anos [96], who joined Vstam, had rebelled against Khosrov, not his marzpan Smbat.

His son, called Varaz tirots', whom he had raised as one of his own sons and was respected by the whole royal court, he appointed as butler, to serve wine to the king himself. The king bade him visit his own country in the 18th year of his reign. When the permission reached his country, he then made a request concerning the supreme cathedra, that they might appoint to it a bishop as guardian of the church and primate of its salvific role.

See EH , with bibliography. The young men of the same age were snndakits', as ; see also It is not clear how long Smbat was at court before returning to Armenia. Did his eight years as marzpan begin in ? Toumanoff s dates, [as n. See further Khatchatrian, L 'Architecture Armenienne Movses II had died in ; see 91 and Garitte, Narratio Teli could also mean 'position, rank. For that rank in the Armenian church see EH for the early history, and Thomson, 'Vardapet' for its later development. Tesuch' is 'overseer', i. Of its salvific role: But p'rkut'iwn means 'salvation', not 'restoration'.

For his career, see Garitte, Narratio He gathered master-stonemasons and set over them reliable superintendents, and commanded them to bring it to a rapid conclusion. The commander of the fortress and the marzpan wrote a letter of complaint to the king, declaring: The Armenian nobles who accompanied him. A small battalion ofPersians is surrounded by the K'ushans and defeated because of the disobedience of Datoyean. The killing of Datoyean. Smbat in single combat kills the king of the K'ushans.

The flight of the K'ushan army. The Persian army plunders their country. Smbat is summoned to court with great splendour. He went and presented himself to the king at the [place] called the Great Dastakert. He gave him Macler, ch. See further the article Daskara in E. Elsewhere Sebeos uses tanuter in an Armenian context, as For silver cushions, cf. So he raids westwards; and unexpectedly coming up they surrounded thtkomopolis, departed, reached the nearby land of his former command, Komsh, for the village had a strong wall encircling it.

He mounted his horse, went directly to the east. The who had taken refuge in the fort in the middle of Vram, lord of Golt'nik'; Sargis Dimak'sean; Sargis Trpa- tuni; and others of the village attacked the troops [of the enemy]. His troops were about 2, cavalry from that land.

He Now although Smbat, that is Khosrov Shum, sent word to him to withdraw, followed in hot pursuit, and quickly caught them up. When they saw that he he did not wish to obey but went out to do battle against them. However, they had pursued them, they turned to face him in line of battle; they attacked each defeated the Persian troops and put Datoyean to flight.

They themselves sent other in a mutual assault. The K'ushan army turned in flight and was defeated out raids and made incursions as far as the borders of Reyy and of the province by the army of Khosrov Shum. Many of them were killed, and many fled. Having plundered the whole area, they returned to their camp. Then the kings of the K'ushans requested help for themselves from the great Then an Inspector from court came to Smbat and Datoyean, a certain senior Khak'an, king of the regions of the North.

According to the Ashkharhats'oyts', Soukry 46 [cf. The P'ison forms near the Gymnosophists, who are called Shamn and meaning of 'trade'. The following phrase, 'administration of the country', divan ashkharhi, is in apposition Brahmn by the Persians. See further Eransahr The river Ewilat is introduced from Gen. For later Armenian theories about these rivers see the texts cited by Abgaryan n. For these expressions cf. For the house of Tayk' see Toumanoff, Studies , n. For the Artavazd: For name see AG 36; Justi His activity as a Persian general is mentioned below, Sargis describes an earlier Persian invasion of Armenia.

See also Dowsett, Movses Dasxuranc'i 83, n. The sense of k'alak' investigate'. The usual form is k'nnich', 'one who conducts an enquiry'. See in general, EH , s. But Datoyean was taken in bonds to the court and put to death by the king. Then Smbat assembled the army and re-armed it. He also brought in many other troops to his support, and went to attack the nation of the K'ushans and the Hephthalite king. They reached the battlefield and drew up their lines opposite each other. Then the king of K'ushans sent a message to Smbat, saying: And how will my and your valour be recognized? Come, let me fight you alone.

I shall come as a champion from my side, and you from yours, so that today my valour may be known to you. Between the two battle-lines they fought with each other. They were not able immediately to overcome the other, because they were both men of gigantic strength and fully covered in armour. But help came from on high: When his army saw their king [killed], they were terrified and turned in flight. The others pursued them with cavalry attacks as far as Bahl, the capital of the K'ushans, and they plundered the whole country: Harew, Vatages, all Hephthalite: This is the only reference in Sebeos to the Hephthalites; cf.

Earlier examples include the challenge of the ruler of the Goths to the emperor, Aa 39; the single combat of Manuel and Meruzhan, Buzandaran V Champions in single combat are normally called 'giants' in the Georgian Chronicles; cf. The word is followed by bahlak, a hapax: Abgaryan renders it as 'from Bahl' - though ak is not a regular adjectival ending. Buzandaran V 37, where it is translated by Garso'ian as 'armour', but it is not included in her extensive discussion of arms and armour, EH Then he returned with a great victory and much booty, and went and camped in the province of Marg and Margrot.

King Khosrov was happy and greatly rejoiced, and he ordered a large elephant to be decorated to bring him to the hall [of the palace]. Rebellion of the Armenian nobles from the Persians and their submission to the Khak'an. So he proceeded with great splendour and glory and presented himself to the king. On seeing him he welcomed him with joy, and stretched out his hand to him. He [Smbat] kissed his hand and fell on his face. The location of the latter is not clear; see Barthold, Historical Geography For the title see AG It was used on for the 'press' of soldiers by the gate; but a more disciplined army is intended here.

Elishe 44, where a prominent Persian goes out to greet the Armenians. For Bahl as the capital of the K'ushans, cf. From now on trouble no more to wage war, but stay here, close by. Take, eat and drink, and devote yourself to our happiness. Dariwnk' is variously spelled in Armenian: It had earlier been an Arsacid stronghold, not a possession of the Bagratids; EH Gogovit is a common spelling for Kogovit.

The word is used of Noah's ark. However, the Chenk' are in the Caucasus, according to Zenob, 22, and Vardan, 37, and may perhaps be identified with the Tzans. But they were often confused with - or deliberately interpreted as - the Chinese; cf. II 81, who gives the Mamikonean family a 'Chen' origin elaborated in terms from the description of China in the Ashkharhats'oyts'.

Macler notes that it is the only reference in Sebeos to the Khazars giving aid to Heraclius in his war against Khosrov II. But the passage does not refer to any specific people; on 65 Sebeos had stated that he would describe 'the invasion of Heraclius into the northern regions to the king of the T'etals', a promise unfulfilled unless this paragraph belongs to that lost section. In the next chapter we are in the reign of Maurice. For the Pass of Chor see 69, n. Entstehung des Reiches von Mitanni auch: Herrschaft des Sarduri I. Herrschaft des Sarduri II.

Preiser-Kapeller, SS Ca. Herrschaft des Rusa I. Eine dauerhafte Unterwerfung des gesamten Landes gelingt den Assyrern nicht, auch die Besitzungen im Norden bis zum Sevansee bleiben Urartu erhalten. Weitere Kriege gegen die Assyrer, aber Stabilisierung des Reiches. Herrschaft des Rusa II. Quellen sei diese Familie bereits seit Mitte des 6.

Herrschaft des Artaxias I. Herrschaft von Tigran es II. Einmarsch des Tigran II. Erster Krieg zwischen Mithridates VI. Friedenschluss von Rom mit Tigran II. Das zuvor von Mithridates VI. Nach seiner Ermordung 20 v. Im Jahr 66 reist Trdat I. Teilnahme des Aristakes I. Allerdings stirbt Konstantin vor dem Feldzug. Preiser-Kapeller, SS Aus: Thomson, historical Commentary by J.

Howard-Johnston, Assistance from T. Greenwood Translated Texts for Historians. Delmar, New York Der Raum des historischen Armenien, Emirat von Gandzak Aserbeidschan, Ostarmenien, ca. Errichtung einer ersten Moschee in Ani. Entstehen regionaler und lokaler wohlhabender Kaufmannfamilien khojas , die auch als Stifter der Kirche auftreten. Preiser-Kapeller, SS B. Der armenische Staat in Kilikien, Der Katholikos kann weiter in Sis residieren bis , seit in Antelias bei Beirut. Aufgrund des Todes des Katholikos bleibt diese Mission ohne nachhaltige Ergebnisse. From Antiquity to the Fourteenth Century.

Paris , 16—38 zu den Historikern und Quellen des Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 12 — Grigor Aknerts'i's History of the Nation of Archers. Translated from Classical Armenian by R. Hayton, La flor des estoires de la terre d'Orient, in: Frankfurt am Main Eine Chronik aus Georgien Armenia and the Crusades: The Chronicle of Matthew of Edessa, trans.

Amsterdam — Atlanta, Paris Smbat Sparapet's Chronicle, transl. Venedig Nachdruck Delmar Dumbarton Oaks Papers 43 — Vardan Arewelts'i's Compilation of History, transl by R. Wayne State University Press A Chronological and Genealogical Manual. Paradigms of Interaction, Seventh to Fourteenth Centuries. Costa Mesa, California Chingiz Khan to Uljaytu London — New York Geschichte und ihre Hilfswissenschaften, Bd. Klagenfurt — Wien Cl. Paris mit umfangreicher weiterer Bibliographie sowohl zum armenischen Kernland als auch zu Kilikien C.

Histoire et culture Byzantina Sorbonensia Unionsverhandlungen zwischen Byzanz, Kleinarmenien und Westeuropa in den er und er Jahren, in: Wien im Druck. On the Knowledge of Persia in the Republic of Venice ca.

Politik, Verwaltung und Kultur der Ilchanzeit Preiser-Kapeller, SS 2. Preiser-Kapeller, SS 4. Liste der Katholikoi der armenischen Kirche, 4. Freiburg — Basel — Wien , — He is presumed to have been born in Cilicia around , and his death has been placed around Nothing is known about his parents, although by his own testimony Grigor did have a brother, Mxit'ar, who had died by the time Grigor completed his work. First, as the product of a Cilician author in his early 20's when the work was completed in , this history lacks the immediacy found in the compilations of eastern Armenian eye-witnesses to the Mongol conquest and domination, such as those of the well-educated and polished churchmen Kirakos Gandzakets'i, Vardan Arewelts'i, and Step'annos O'rbelean.

This circumstance probably accounts for some of the chronological inaccuracies committed by Grigor in the early portion of his work. For the post period, however, Grigor is generally accurate. A second difference between Grigor's work and the histories of Kirakos, Vardan, and Step'annos concerns the scope of his undertaking. Aknerts'i wrote a relatively short history of a forty-four year period.

Far from being a universal history of the Armenians, the author focused on but two principal areas, Greater Armenia and Cilicia in the thirteenth century, devoting considerable space to the latter. A third important difference is that Grigor, clearly, was not a well-educated or deep individual.

His occasional lapses into fantasy compromise the credibility of other information for which he is our only source. Despite its limitations, the HNA remains a valuable source for thirteenth century Armenian and Mongol studies. Akinean observed a number of them. Apparently among the most important were oral accounts of events provided by Armenian visitors to Akner monastery such as Dawit' Bjnets'i, Kirakos Getikts'i, and king Het'um I, people who either were from the East, or had travelled there.

One informant, in Akinean's opinion, had been a student of Vanakan vardapet doctor of the Church. It was from such informed individuals that Grigor learned the meanings of the large number of Mongolian military and juridical terms which he incorporated into the History. Akinean also detected a few written sources, including the Bible, a commentary on the Names of the Hebrews, the Chronography of Michael the Syrian, and the lengthy colophon of Vardan Arewelts'i providing a legendary genealogy of the Mongols, which Grigor incorporated into his own work with few alterations.

It is also possible, as Akinean and Blake suggested, that Grigor may have had access to Vanakan's now-lost history. The HNA is contained in ms. The Chronography is followed by a continuation made by the same translator or some other person which briefly comments on the period This section is succeeded by a colophon of the copyist Grigor Aknerts'i, which states that the latter completed his copy of the above portions in , and then adds: This is followed immediately by Grigor's HNA which the author apparently saw as a continuation of the chronologies he had been copying.

At the end of the History, Grigor stated: All publications of the Armenian text and all translations of it prior to the issuance of R. Blake's text and English translation have incorrectly named a certain vardapet Maghakia as the author. Scholarly Works of the State University of Erevan 23 pp. Maghakia, it was revealed, was none other than the 17th century vardapet Maghakia T'oxat'ets'i who had recopied Grigor's work and whose own colophon gave rise to this confusion.

James, Jerusalem dated , and another ms. Vardan the Historian's History of the T'at'ars, printed from manuscript copies Jerusalem, Also in K. Patkanean published the Armenian text in St. Petersburg based on a Venice ms. The History previously had been translated into French by Brosset in [based on the Venice ms. Subsequently, in , Blake's text and translation and Cleaves' article were reprinted together in book form [History of the Nation of the Archers the Mongols by Grigor of Akants', hitherto ascribed to Maghak'ia the Monk, the Armenian text edited with an English translation and notes by Robert P.

Blake and Richard N. Blake's translation, without a doubt a great contribution to Armenian and Mongol studies, nonetheless has a sufficient number of inaccuracies to warrant a retranslation. Some of these inaccuracies are due to typographical errors, others to the scholar's unfamiliarity with certain conventions in Classical Armenian and with Armenian place names.

The most serious of these mistakes have been identified in Akinean's review of the publication Hande's Amso'reay, , pp. Here are three noteworthy examples among many: The present translation was made from the Classical Armenian text issued by Blake and Fry in , and incorporates Akinean's corrections.

For a detailed study of the Mongol invasions see volume five of the Cambridge History of Iran Cambridge, ; for eastern Armenia in particular, see R. For Cilicia see S. II Philadelphia, pp. Additional bibliography is available in C. The maps and accompanying text in R. Three other Cilician sources of relevance to this period are available on other pages of this website: Otherwise we follow the LOC transliteration, which eliminates diacritical marks above or below a character, and substitutes single or double quotation marks to the character's right.

In the right margin the pagination of the Classical Armenian grabar text also is provided. We have made the following alterations for the online texts: For example [] this text would be located on page , and [] this text would be on page The grabar pagination is as follows. This sentence corresponds to the information found on page 91 of the Classical Armenian text [g91] and what follows is on page In other words, the Classical Armenian text delimiters [gnn] indicate bottom of page. Concerning the Nation of Archers, where they came from and from what line they arose, and how they came to rule over many lands and districts.

Meanwhile the slanderer Satan, because of his wicked envy, was ever teaching mankind to work inequities, such as Cain's fratricide and the impious giants, to create new sins, and to eat carrion. When the Creator saw this, He became angry because of mankind's evil deeds and caused the Flood to destroy everyone excepting the venerable and just Noah who preserved the seed of mankind. The father of faith, the great Abraham, Tereh T'aray 's son, was born ten generations after Noah the just. And indeed, that is what happened.

Isaac was born from Abraham's free wife. Esau and Jacob were [Isaac's] descendants. Jacob's descendants included the twelve patriarchs and the great prophet, David. From Ketura, Imran was born whence the Pahlaws, [a lineage which includes] brave Arshak and saint Gregory, illuminator of the Armenians. From Hagar [descended] Ishmael, which translates "the hearing of God," whence the Ishmaelites. At the birth of Ishmael, God commanded Abraham to give to him and his people the richness of the land, and to make a great people from him with his hand upon his enemies, and more successful than all other peoples with the sword and bow.

The Esavites, who are the Scythians, descended from Esau, son of Isaac. They are black, wild, and strange looking. From them descend the Boramichk' and Lekzik', who dwell in holes and traps and perpetrate many crimes. And it is said that the Edomites, who are the Franks, also are descended from him. These three peoples, descendants of Hagar, Ketura, and Esau, mingled together and gave birth to another people, strange looking and wicked, called T'at'ar, which means sharp and light.

Nerse's says that [the Mongols] are the remnants of Hagar mingled with the people of Gog, who are descendants of the T'orgom who hold the Scythian part of the world. This begins at the At'l [Volga] river, by Mt. Emawon and extends as far as the Caspian Sea where [g] thirty-three peoples dwell.

They are separate peoples. The chief of all of them is called Bushx. Of these peoples, one is called T'ughark', which we believe are the ones called T'at'ars. Regarding their life-style, religion, laws and ruler. They had no religion except for felt images which they carried with them for witchcraft. They were in awe of the sun, as though it were a divine power. Then suddenly they came to their senses, very straitened by their wretched and poor life.

They called upon the aid of God, creator of Heaven and earth, and swore a great oath to Him to be faithful to His commands. By the command of God, an angel in the form of an eagle with golden feathers appeared to their chief named Ch'anke"z, calling out to him in the dialect of their own language. And then the eagle, speaking their own language, related all the commands of God. Here are the laws of God which they call Iasax which were given to them [g]: And should perpetrators of such crimes be found among them, they should be killed.

When the angel had so instructed [Chingiz], he called the chief by the title of Ghayan, whence Ch'anke"z Ghayan or Ch'anke"z khan. And the angel told him to rule over many lands and districts and to increase into an uncountable, limitless host, as in fact happened. What had been said by the Lord [to Chingiz-Khan] was fulfilled just as God, speaking through a prophet, had threatened: In this way an alien people brought upon us not only the chalice but the dregs of bitterness because of our many and diverse sins which always angered God the Creator at our deeds.

As a result, the Lord in anger roused [the Mongols] as a lesson to us for not obeying His commands. A much embellished version of Chingiz-Khan's rise to power appears elsewhere on this website. The first war of the T'at'ars with the Iranians, then the Aghuans and Georgians. The [Mongols'] resistance and long lifespan. The subjugation of the Armenians and Georgians. And they seized [g] a small city from them; but then the Iranians armed and retook what was theirs, plus some more.

On top of all this, again they received an order from their khan, who was called Chingiz-Khan and they launched an attack on the land of the Aghuanians and Georgians. When the kings of the Georgians heard the news about the coming of the T'at'ars, they took 60, cavalry and went against them in the great plain called Kotman, which lies in front of Terunakan fortress.

When the battle had been joined, the lord of Manasgom, named Hamidawla, due to some grudge, hamstrung the horse of At'abak Iwane. This was due to the influence of satan, who is opposed to justice. Zwischen 20 und 10 v. In Verbindung mit britischem Zinn erreichte er so eine dominante Stellung bei der Herstellung von Bronze. Wiederum vermutete Herodes, dass Alexandros beabsichtigte, ihn zu ermorden. Die Gerichtsverhandlung fand 7 v. Herodes ging im Jahr 6 v. Antipatros wurde ein Jahr danach ebenfalls wegen eines Komplotts vor Gericht gestellt.

Er war zu dieser Zeit schon von einer schweren Krankheit gezeichnet. Jedoch erhielten die drei Kinder die ihnen zugedachten Gebiete. Ihre Ehe blieb jedoch kinderlos. Flavius Josephus [9] berichtet: Begegnete ihm dann jemand, der Hilfe und Beistand begehrte, so wurde der Sessel sogleich aufgestellt, und nun hielt er Untersuchung ab, bestrafte die Schuldigen und sprach die unschuldig Angeklagten frei.

Dort trat jedoch sein Bruder Herodes Antipas gegen ihn auf. Doch Archelaos war ein unberechenbarer Regent. Sein Reich wurde mit dem Gebiet des Herodes Agrippa vereinigt. Im Jahre 37 n. Agrippa bat den Kaiser brieflich mehrmals — allerdings vergeblich — darum, an Marsus' Stelle einen neuen Statthalter zu entsenden. Aus diesem Grund zettelte er wohl auch eine Verfolgung der jungen christlichen Gemeinde Jerusalems an, in deren Verlauf der Apostel Jakobus ermordet wurde und Simon Petrus in Gefangenschaft geriet.

Er starb 44 n. Sein Tod ist in der biblischen Apostelgeschichte beschrieben:. Er war aber sehr erbittert gegen die Tyrer und Sidonier. Das Volk aber rief ihm zu: Eines Gottes Stimme und nicht eines Menschen! Das Wort Gottes aber wuchs und mehrte sich. Von 50 bis 70 war Herodes Agrippa II. Ein im Jahr 66 n. Vespasian besiegte Vitellius in der Schlacht von Bedriacum in Oberitalien am Auf diese Weise sollen, wie Flavius Iosephus berichtet, jeden Tag Juden hingerichtet worden sein.

Angeblich starben bei der Belagerung etwa 1. Nur die von Herodes errichtete Grundmauer des Tempels, die heutige Klagemauer , blieb bestehen. Sie wurde als Mitregentin ihres Bruders anerkannt. Die Plebejer zeigten offen ihre Ablehnung. Juden lebten seit vielen Generationen in der Diaspora, die sie selbst Gola oder Galut nennen. Die babylonischen Lehrer oder Exilarchen lassen sich erst ab dem 3. In der Provinzhauptstadt Caesarea mit ihren vielleicht Hier soll zudem der erste Nichtjude getauft worden sein 10 EU.

In der Stadt befand sich Anfang des 6. Insgesamt starben zweihundertzwanzigtausend Menschen. In Jawne blieb der Sanhedrin bis Letzter Patriarch war Gamaliel VI. Hierbei werden bis zu sechs Generationen unterschieden.

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