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Praxis and Politics: Knowledge Production in Social Movements

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Can I get a copy? Consistent with this, many have used the program to change gears in their activist career, and some remarkable new projects have developed. Despite government cuts to postgraduate funding, which reduced average numbers in the program by a third, what makes the program a fruitful space is precisely its recognition of differences, and the effective creation of boundaries and use of distinctions.

The space of the program is a practitioner one but is set somewhat apart from the daily grind of organizing; participants spend time specifically with their peers from other kinds of movements, and activist and academic forms of knowledge are named, recognized as such, and brought into constructive dialogue.

My answer would be a cautious yes, but not without making a systematic effort to organize effectively at each level of the process. Since the mids, the state has increasingly turned against partnership with social movements, a shift that has accelerated with the economic crisis and austerity politics. Activist theorizing, research, and study are distinct from their academic counterparts as social relationships and modes of action, and the sheer effort involved to carry out activist work within academic contexts underlines this point Szolucha, The Politics of Distribution I move now, more briefly, to the politics of distribution.

Colleagues have sometimes asked how we recruit such remarkable students for the MA program. The alternative, academic, logic is in some ways far stranger: With few exceptions, potential students, even postgraduates, are understood as an undifferentiated mass to be recruited through mainstream media: From an organizing point of view, the question of distribution is always a key practical one. Who do we want to speak to? Where do we find them? And how do we make our perspectives available in an appropriate language and format?

While the practicalities of this have changed from the days when I used to stand over a Gestetner or collect clandestinely printed material that then needed to be mailed out or left in suitable locations for readers, the underlying logic has not: Why not, one might feel, just say the right thing to the people who count?

In practice, whatever the merits of contestation within elite locations — which few have the status to carry off effectively — what matters politically is to speak to those who have a social and political interest in hearing radical perspectives. This also means spending less time explaining how awful things are to those who live them personally, or presenting purely technical or policy solutions that might work if only the powerful had the goodwill to undertake them, and spending more time speaking among ourselves about what we are going to do about the fact that things are bad and this is shored up by entrenched interests: I want to briefly discuss some different strategies I have pursued with my own work, not in order to propose a single right way of doing things, but rather as a political reflection about distribution.

To start with a positive case, a paper I presented at a radical summer school Cox, was taken up by a key activist group who removed the footnotes and circulated photocopies to members, who were central to much movement organizing in that period.

For many years, however, I overestimated the proportion of activists who were already involved in such spaces, and assumed that my work was done once I had presented a paper to an activist gathering and had photocopies circulated. More recently, the economic crisis has forced me into much greater use of online dissemination, writing for high-distribution websites and commercial book publishing.

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Girls to the Front. Towards a new democratic imaginary? Important to how Interface is organized is that we are strongly diverse in our movement affiliations and political traditions, but also in our relationship to academia. Democracy and Good Governance in Nigeria. Regionalisation and Global Governance. For the Gatherings, we learned this from the wider anti-capitalist movement of movements Pleyers, Using a long- standing movement distinction, the Gatherings are educational and organizing spaces geared to people who have already become social movement participants, rather than agitational events geared to mobilizing people.

Some of this has definitely fallen on stony ground, in the sense of being read within purely academic contexts for purely academic purposes. What becomes clear is that in many different ways successive activist generations have carved out their own spaces within academia, but in ambiguous ways.

As Thompson wrote of the working class: Having failed to overthrow capitalist society, [they] proceeded to warren it from end to end… It was part of the logic of this new direction that each advance within the framework of capitalism simultaneously involved the working class far more deeply in the status quo.

In particular, since , many different kinds of would-be radical spaces have been created in different contexts, but all have had to struggle with the wider logics of the institutions they were embedded within. The different courses of these various struggles in different countries, disciplines, and institutions leave participants in these spaces today with greater or lesser capacities to operate as movement participants and not as academics alone. From any perspective which sees movement participants as intelligent and reflective actors, this situation was a disgrace.

Interface understands itself as a practitioner journal in the sense that each article is reviewed by a practitioner as well as by an academic researcher; of course many people can adopt both roles, but activists doing postgraduate degrees, for example, often have to be actively invited to provide activist reflections rather than reproduce the academic logics they are busy learning. With each theme we address a certain proportion of readers involved in particular movements or kinds of activity and try to include them in the wider network, so that over time we have built up quite an extensive network of theoretically minded activists and engaged researchers.

Some are the same people, in different parts of their lives; a lucky few are in situations where they are able to be both at once without substantial difficulties.

Praxis and Politics: Knowledge Production in Social Movements

Along with the politics of distribution, of course, comes a question of the ownership of the intellectual means of production, which is not easy to resolve. Important to how Interface is organized is that we are strongly diverse in our movement affiliations and political traditions, but also in our relationship to academia. Personally, I am conscious of how frequently radical journals have become projects identified with a particular generation of activists-in-academia, and attempt to suggest strategies that might avoid, or stave off, this fate.

The fact that Interface is neither the property of the university, nor of a particular movement foundation or political tendency, is an important part of the contribution it can make. Cox and Flesher Fominaya, In this sense, we attempt to relativize the power of academically centred spaces of theory on movements by bringing them into relationship with the other languages, formats, and spaces within which movements produce knowledge.

As with book publishing, we are constructing a space within which some of the various alternative publics defined within particular countries and global regions, movements and organizations, political tendencies, and academic disciplines can encounter one another and at least start to learn from each other.

To that extent, I am still fully committed to these particular approaches and experiences as spaces where a constructive relationship between movements and researchers can unfold. Are there broader implications of this personal experience in terms of how movements can assert their own interests in the unequal engagement with academics? As I write this, the Greek government and its neoliberal opponents are engaging in a dramatic face-off over the possibility that another way might be possible.

Hence whether the Greeks win or lose, they would have made no impact had they not nailed their colours to the mast and been clear about the differences between their position and loyalties, and those structuring neoliberalism. The ability to withstand contradictions is made possible in the first instance by having the courage to acknowledge them as contradictions and organize accordingly.

The same holds for movement and academic logics.

Approaches to Social Movements

While our situation in Ireland is somewhat different although with important parallels around working-class community activism , there are again two very different logics and sets of interests at play between social movements and universities, and no worthwhile result is possible without clearly recognizing this distinction Holloway, Rather, it is by identifying clearly the differences, including the differences in power, interests, and cultural status, that we can articulate serious strategies that are not simply justifications of what we are doing anyway.

The process is a difficult and painful one which, as Pithouse notes, requires constant reflexivity and discussion. The underlying pressures are such that concepts, theories, methods, and disciplines can easily be repurposed to mean the opposite of their once-radical intent, and it is only a close attention to substance that can prevent this. Some of these people may well be able to transform this relationship into a more active relationship of solidarity. One positive side of the upsurge is that there is now greater space for genuinely movement-related initiatives, and new generations of activists are entering academic spaces and trying to turn them to their own purposes.

Our role in this should not be one of recruiting clients to our own pre-existing projects but of interest in the new experiments and projects, and of solidarity in opening our own academic spaces to them and participating in their spaces. Our ability to reshape academic structures in these ways will never be general — or accidental — in universities within capitalist societies. In other words, we must learn not only through a critical reflection on our social situation and relationships, but also by praxis geared to changing that situation and creating more radical relationships.

References Autonomous Geographies Collective. Making strategic interventions inside and outside the neoliberal university. Movement strategizing as developmental learning. The social construction of reality. Social Movement Studies, 4 3 , Social Movement Studies, 6 2 , American Sociological Review, 70 February , Participatory action research as a relational praxis of social change.

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