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According to certain scholars Coloman led his army against Bosnia and defeated Ninoslav already in For the temporal privileges of the crusaders see James L. Medieval Canon Law and the Crusaders. Madison — Milwaukee — London. According to certain scholars, the Hungarian rulers and the church had political motivation behind the expansion. Yet, the operation of the new bishop and the appointed legates can be detected in many fields: Forschungen zur kirchlichen Rechtsgeschichte und zum Kirchenrecht 9.
The Hungarian Legation of Jacob of Pecorara]. After the Mongol invasion For the first time Pope Innocent IV — got in touch with the issue in Bosnia concerning the local bishopric led by the Dominican mission in On one hand he regulated the way of the bishop election, on the other hand he warned the friars to preach among the heretics.
The concrete measures of the later cardinal are obscure, it is even doubtful, if he was able to do anything at all. The Hungarian king led his army in return against the ban, so Ninoslav was forced to make peace and to recognize the rights of Cf. Ein bosnischer Bischof auf Arbeitssuche: For the realization and for the sake of the struggle in Bosnia a legate was appointed as well, Archbishop Benedict received the office and the right for those territories, which would be conquered in the future.
The sources are hard to interpret, yet, it seems doubtless that he led a campaign against Ninoslav, but the date of this action is unclear. Dissertationes Hungaricae ex historia Eclesiae XI hereafter: There were no long-lasting results of the last campaign. Ninoslav continued to make new promises to the pope to avoid the occupation of his territory that is why Innocent IV forbade Archbishop Benedict to engage in further actions in Epilogue The death of Ninoslav changed the situation completely around , yet, the topic was missing from the papal-Hungarian relations of the following decades.
The succession after Ninoslav caused a desperate situation in Bosnia, one can almost speak of a civil war, so there was no power, which could have stopped the Hungarian expansion. This division was connected to the policy of the reformed kingdom regnum reformatum. It uses the term familia in a large sense involving both bood relatives and members of the court being in official relations with the cardinal as well. The paper presents the composition of the family, its functioning as a personal network which had a several influence on beneficiary policy and university studies as well.
He was the first Hungarian prelate who was involved directly in the highest level of the Church government. His career was shortly mentioned in the western historiograpy, in Hungarian, however a well-based biographical outline and a recent monography dealt with him. His career shows a certain lack of curiosity in the historiography concerning the college of cardinals in the thirteenth century. Rivista di storia della Chiesa in Italia 25 , p. I testamenti dei cardinali del duecento.
Paravicini Bagliani , here: Die lange Sedisvakanz der Jahre bis Geschichte des Kardinalats im Mittelalter. Das Kardinalat von der Mitte des Jahrhunderts bis zur Mitte des Jahrhunderts mit besonderer Blickrichtung auf die Iberische Halbinsel. Legaten — delegierte Richter — Grenzen.
Berlin — Boston, The History of a Canonical Concept. Traditio 3 , p. Storia ecclesiastica — diritto. Papato, cardinalato ed Episcopato. Atti della quinta settimana internazionale di studio: Mendola 26—31 augusto Archivum Historiae Pontificae 21 , p. The Foundation of Medieval Papal Representation. Legates, Nuncios and Judges-delegate. Stvdia Gratiana post octava decreti saecvlaria collectanea historiae canonici XV.
Capellani papae et apostolicae sedis auditores causarum sacri palatii apostolici seu sacra Romana Rota ab origine ad diem usque 20 septembris The first step to face this challenge was the determination of the staff and the functions starting with the papal government. It was, however, not only an institutional reconstruction of the papal court, but the application of a sociological approach. In a more limited sense, the papal chapel got into the focus of the research, which had the most intimated relations with the popes.
It seems to be an evidence to say that the highest rank of the Church government was equal to the papal court in a functional sense. Nevertheless, despite of the institutional aspect, the court constituted of human staff which had closer or looser links with the popes themselves. The connection had primarly a liturgical character and function, e. But, they gained gradualy new, additional tasks, espcially adminsitrative functions. Thus, they entered into the community of clerc officers of the papal court. It is not suprising, however, that the procedure from the liturgical to the administrative or the merging of those functions turned back: This phenomenon flashes a beam of light on an economical aspect.
Das Kardinalskollegium von der Mitte des Pensiero e sperimentazioni istituzionali nella "Societas Christiana" — Atti della sedicesima Settimana internazionale di studio, Mendola, agosto Il personale della Curia romana preavignonese: Bilancio e prospettive di ricerca.
Monumenta Iuris Canonici Series C. Medieval Lives and the Historian. Studies on Medieval Prosopography. In addition, the papal court became more residential in the first half of the thirteenth century, and due to the much deeper involvement of the papacy into poltitical-dynastic conflicts, it was transformed into a more crowded and complex institution. They helped originaly the Bishop of Rome to accomplish his liturgical obligations in the main Roman churches.
Later, in the first half of the thirteenth century, the cardinalate suffered several changes: In this period the cardinals developed their own court, their personnel, created buildings and necessary infrastructure. They used naturally the model of the papal court. This notion was used to describe people giving different services to the cardinals.
In the mid-thirteenth century the family became more populous and structured. In parallel with the growing tasks of the cardinals — their liturgical obligations were more and more outshined by admisitrative duties — the number of their staff increased considerably. The cardinals financed this numerous people by the re-distribution of their own incomes in form of payment of money, or, more generally by providing in naturalia or with ecclesiastical benefices. In this period appeared the so-called mensa, its purpose was to aliment this staff.
In addition, the similar results, the lack of money and the nearness of the papal court very often resulted an interconnection between 4 Karl JORDAN: Curia romana e cardinalato nei secoli XI— XV. I cardini non romani. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Kardinalkollegiums vom It means that in several cases the staff of the papal chapel gave services to the cardinals in their administrative duties. Above all, it is to be emphasized that the main information proceeds from charters, even if those are not numerous, which deal especially with the staff.
Certain charters issued on occasaion of a beneficial act, could contain some information about the personnel network of the beneficiary. Secondly a special subtype is constituted of jurisdictional act, in this case those that cardinals issued as auditores, judges authorized by the popes to judge litigations. The clearest is that the source mentions expressis verbis the given person within his duties, then man can precise his exact status and functions e. We use 6 See: Its structure can be detailed by means of the use of different criteria.
One of them is the status of the given person. The sources reveal generally whether the people belongs to the clerics or the laymen. The sources relate also, in most case, to the functions in which liturgical and administrative duties are combined. It is very often in testaments. Here, as we have seen, their functions are inferred to enumerate them among the member of the family, as for their activity refer expressly to their duties. Another question is whether one can differenciate among the functions in the scope of the relation with the cardinal himself. In other word, is it possible to determinate the distance of the members of the family from the cardinal.
I refer here to the phenomenon that most of the mid-thirteenth cardinals separeted a closer circle of familiari, they created their own mensa, and this type of familiarius was mentioned hencforth commensalis; he was the closest member of the houshold. In the same year he moved to the collegial chapter of Titel Titel, Serbia and he served there as provost for two years.
In , he rose in the highest position 9 See: Nevertheless, he occupied his office at the end of , and shortly after he tried to return to Esztergom, apparently for personal reason. After this period of transition June-December he got back to Italy. The number of its members is not high, several other cardinals had largely more populous family, however it was relatively well documented and structured. The first group Figure 1 is composed of two main parts: The first constitutes the double of the second, it underlines the high importance of ecclesiasticals in the family.
It is to be emphasised that a chaplain is to be found very close to the cardinal, a commensalis, namely Andreas Ungarus. The laymen constitute the minority of the family with usual tasks. It shows the same result in comparison with the family in stricto sensu or within the staff of the neighbouring zone Figure 2. The first is his direct neighbourhood with 1 commensalis, Andreas Ungarus. The 15 KISS He gathered staff even in the time of his appointment among the former personnel of the archbishopric of Esztergom and he made efforts to ensure the financing of the new court from the incomes of his former station.
The data are not sufficient to decide in this matter. This case occurs very often as a certain parallel is approved in other cases: Hierarchia catholica medii aevii sive summorum pontificum, S. In other words, if they could profit from the kinship in this field. John31 gained the office of archdeacon of Zala in directly from his uncle who invested him by another member of the family, the notar Thomasinus de Podio. Stephen gained the prebend of canon of Fenton by his own uncle, the cardinal. Recueil des bulles de ce Pape.
Dissertationes Hungaricae ex historia Ecclesiae XI. The case of his nephews was mentioned above. Although the nephew of the cardinal, Stephen was postulated by the chapter, Timotheus was elected and confirmed. However, the cardinal endowed the members of his family with the benefices left by Timotheus. Laurentius de Files, S. Hinc est, quod nos attendentes tue devotionis merita et per hoc et obtentu venerabilis fratris nostri … episcopi Prenestrini volentes te prosequi benevolentia gratiosa, canonicatum ecclesie Paduanensis cum plenitudine iuris canonici ac prebendam nulli alii de iure debitam, si qua ibidem vacat ad presens, tibi conferimus, tibique providemus de illis, et te de ipsis per nostrum anulum investimus.
The following table shows the persons who obtained ecclesiastical benefices due the intercession of the cardinal Table 2. Gerard canon, Esztergom 42 Innocent 2 benefices 43 Santa Maria de Aurate dioc. Toulouse 44 before Gometius Petri canon, Salamanca 45 Nicolaus de Eseio canon, Le Mans 46 Alfonsus Vitalis decanus, Avila 47 Martinus Gometii canon, Salamanca 48 Robert archdeacon, Valko, dioc.
Gerardus de Nivella canon, Nivella 49 Petrus de Lambertinis prebenda, Bologna 50 Johannes Pelagii canon, Compostella 51 Guido Jacobini de Lonardino canon, Verona 52 Petrus Mathei canon, S. Mercellus in Urbe 53 First, sometimes it pro- vided a good opportunity to continue the ecclesiastical career. He acted several times in the beneficiary litigation of his own nephews — it is to be called a real nepotism — or of the members of his family Table 3. Fortuntely there are some clear evidences. The formation of the curia and even more the familia followed the papal model. It is also to be noticed that the familia contained different levels of relationship with the cardinal.
Although its dimension was modest in comparison with those of other cardinals of the same time, it shows the same characteristics. One of them is the interconnection with the papal court and family. Several people held offices in both institutions, and it is possible to detect sometimes the transition from one to the other.
Four fields are to be noticed here. First of all, the family had a direct connection with the beneficiary policy. The appartenance to the family was extremely favourable to obtain benefices not only to the relatives but to the other members of the family as well. Petri principis apostolorum de Posaga, cancellarii nostri legis doctoris canonici Paduani domini pape capellani commessalis.
In spite of his initial fights with the territorial princes or oligarchs , the first Angevin king of Hungary established dynamic diplomatic relationships where his connections to the papal court played a crucial role. The sources suggest that the relation of Charles I with the papacy was the golden thread in his diplomacy with Western Europe, and still, it is one of the less known topics in the Hungarian historiography.
My doctoral thesis which was written and defended in the framework of a cooperation of the Universities of Angers France and Szeged Hungary intended to fill this gap in the Hungarian historical research. This paper summarizes my thesis by presenting the corpus of the sources, the applied methodology, and giving an overview of the preliminary results. Hungarian Historical Review 2 , p.
Causae coram nobis ventilatae. Le registre de Benoit XI — Rechnungswesen und Buchhaltung des Avignoneser Papsttums — Bayerische Chroniken des Kanonistische Abteilung , p. Anuario de estudias medievales 40 Certaines sources lettres apostoliques, donations royales, etc. Hungarian 25 Historical Review 2 Carachin automne lecteur de Kalocsa 2. Ladislas de Kabol doyen de Titel 9. Thomas printemps archidiacre de Transylvania Taphan de Harazti nobilis vir Gedeth de Hetes nobilis vir Humbert de Cholay comes, nuntius dalphini Viennensi, miles Tableau 2: ASV RV 99, ep.
Papal collectors and state power in Central Europe during the fourteenth century. Central and Eastern Europe in the Middle Ages. DF et la charte du 9 juin , transcrite au 14 juillet Urkudenbuch zur Geschichte des Mediascher Kapitels bis zur Reformation. ASV RV , ep. Ludwig der Bayer, — Finalement, le candidat du roi Ladislas de Kabol, voir tableau 1. La politique des rois angevins de la Hongrie et le vicariat franciscain bosniaque. Beyond interpreting the privilege guaranteed in the town charter issued by Andrew III in , we discuss the problems connected to the validity of the privilege.
The town charter ensured the Pozsony hospites the toll exemption in the entire kingdom, but only those could benefit from the privilege who travelled with the purpose of trade. Through royal confirmations, the country-wide toll exemption remained in effect throughout the Angevin and Sigismundian periods. All the lawsuits with known outcome ended with the acknowledgement of the exemption from tolls of the burghers of Pozsony except one case: Mentions from the reign of Louis I, however, also imply the existence of a lost but partially reconstructed charter issued by Charles I, which granted the Pozsony townspeople a regionally restricted toll exemption.
The subject was last examined in detail at the turn of the twentieth century, and divergent views persist: This stipulation lies behind the view that the toll exemption was regionally restricted rather than country-wide, because it only applied in the listed toll stations. The text, however, clearly states that the exemption also applied to toll stations anywhere else.
Regesta regum stirpis Arpadianae critico-diplomatica. Collection of Photo Reproductions] hereafter: Documenta res Hungaricas tempore regum Andegavensium illustrantia. Turul 25 , p. He also disregarded the other previously mentioned charter from the 6 December [] — which similarly to the one from the 2nd of December contradicted his theory — in spite of the fact that he knew of its existence. The charters the Pozsony citizens presented for transcription were of various forms. As they requested, the transcription did not include the full text but only the articles articulos concerning freedoms and rights libertates et iura , although these articles were probably transcribed literally.
The text itself makes no mention of confirmation. This is supported by the date of issue, close to the dates of the royal mandates issued in early November, and by the exact correspondence of the text of the articulus in the 4 July document to that in the 13 November mandate. The mandates following the judgement, however, issued in November, were requested by the citizens, presumably to assist in the practical enforcement of their privilege. In this case, the date comes out as 4 July rather than 13 November. This contained the privileges from an older charter bearing the previous seal.
On 8 January , Elizabeth the queen mother had instructed the toll owners and their collectors of tolls on land and on the Danube tributariis tam in terra quam super fluvio Danubii constitutis not to collect tolls from Pozsony citizens carrying wine and food to Buda or elsewhere in the kingdom vel alias in regno nostro. There are serious obstacles to answering these questions: The privilege must have applied to wine and food, and the Pozsony citizens claimed that it applied both to items intended for sale and items being transported for other purposes ad vendendum, vel pro alia causa deferendis.
The end-point of the specified route seems to have been the royal court, possibly explaining why Queen Elizabeth in her charter prohibited the collection of tolls from Pozsony citizens carrying wine and food to Buda or elsewhere in Budam vel alias in regno nostro. Thus, the citizens of Sopron were also granted explicit exemption from payment of Danube tolls. In , Louis I prohibited — as something unbefitting sicut non decet — anyone from collecting tolls and thirtieth customs duties from Sopron citizens when they brought their gifts and taxes to the royal court. The text of these is largely identical, although there are some significant deviations in the copy issued by the voivode, who could guarantee the enforcement of its provisions only in the areas under his jurisdiction.
Ships carrying pottery ollas had to pay three Forints per ship, and those carrying fruit, such as apples and pears, two Forints per ship. Ships travelling upriver had to pay half tolls. The mandate left payment of thirtieth customs duty unchanged tricesimis tamen salvis remanentibus a mercatoribus prenotatis. At the same time, the king prohibited anyone from requiring merchants to use a shorter measure than the one he had approved when measuring the width of ship bottoms.
When Louis the Great transcribed and confirmed the 22 March toll tariff on 27 June , it was at the request of the Pozsony judge Jakus Jacob. In the period preceding the royal confirmation of , there was only one chapter transcription of the original document, issued by the Pozsony chapter on 29 June DF The Pozsony chapter also transcribed the charter on 17 June DF The king renewed this freedom for the citizens citing their poverty and need, above all because of their city had burned down. Soproni Szemle 46 , p. Most conspicuously, on 30 January and again in ,92 Louis I confirmed the Pozsony town charter, or more accurately its transcription of , without changes.
As we have mentioned several times, the latter charter included a country- wide exemption from tolls. The king added a clause of confirmation and a new hanging seal to the charter on 22 January DF ; 12 July DF , , DF , In the second half of the Angevin period, Pozsony citizens ran into trouble above all with the owners of the Danube and Danube-side toll stations see map nr.
Collection of Original Charters] hereafter: DF , DL The town and the nobles of Bazin had already gone to court over the unlawful imposition of the Bazin toll. DF ; 9 June DF ; 27 August DF ; 15 October In the lawsuit mentioned at several points above, the chapter was eventually victorious over the townspeople of Pozsony. DF ; 20 October DF ; 25 November DF ; 1 May He also mentioned that when the cardinal was in Buda, he ordered that they come before the king in the matter of their freedom umb ewer freyhait , but nobody had appeared on their behalf.
In this period, however, there were two cardinals in the country. Whether the letter refers to papal cardinal-legate Pileus de Prato or to Demetrius, archbishop of Esztergom, also created cardinal by Pope Urban VI — and permitted to retain his archiepiscopate, in my opinion it cannot be satisfactorily settled, and the letter can be dated only to between and She did this twice: These give valuable information on trading activity by Pozsony citizens and particularly its destinations see map nr. Appearing prominently among the problematic toll stations are those on or beside the Danube: DF ; 3 March DF ; 13 December DF ZsO I.
Under the heading, he also mentions a charter that mentions estates and toll stations and reports on a lawsuit between the archbishop of Esztergom and the parish priest of St George-church in Buda. It must have been on a major route in fact or potentially used by Austrian merchants. DF ZsO V. DF ; Cf. DF ; 28 December DF ; 7 June DF ; 17 July DF ; 14 November The king also ordered that Pozsony citizens perpetrating this crime were to be arrested and taken before the town court, while the culpable persons from outside Pozsony and foreigners, after being deprived of their goods, were to be released.
Through royal confirmations, the country-wide toll exemption remained in effect throughout the Angevin and Sigismund periods. Mentions from the reign of Louis, however, imply the existence of a lost but partially- reconstructed charter issued by Charles I which conferred on the Pozsony townspeople a regionally restricted toll exemption. It applied to Pozsony citizens and hospites. When it came to exercising the toll exemption privilege s at toll stations, compliance by the toll collectors was not always forthcoming, and this was the source of several lawsuits between the toll owners and the citizens.
DF ; 30 June DF ; 14 december After the city or city-state gained independence from Kiev in , its main aim was to keep this position as its economy was based on trade. During this expansion, Novgorod conquered local tribes and settlements in north-eastern Europe but instead of incorporating them directly into its realm, the city-state rather maintained taxing centres to get primary products as tribute for the Baltic trade.
Facing these new challenges Novgorod strengthened its dependencies and began to follow new, defensive policy. It is a well-known and popular topic among the scholars as Novgorod had a unique political system a sort of republican one and strong connections with Western Europe and was also a centre of medieval Russian historiography.
Thus, I should only cite a few authors and works. Lord Novgorod The Great: Novgorod — Markt und Kontor der Hanse. Armies of Medieval Russia On the other hand, many other works include elements of the topic, but in this essay, I cite only a very selected bibliography, as my aim is to give brief synopsis. Novgorod and the "Novgorodian Land". Cahiers du monde russe: And you must govern these volosts with Novgorodian men and levy tax from them. And you must hunt wild boars [further] than 60 versts from the city [of Novgorod]. Most of the birch-bark documents are available online: Scriptores rerum Ger- manicarum in usum scholarum separatism editi, 31 hereafter: In the north-western region Novgorod kept its role of regional centre — not only in political sense, but also in cultural and commercial one.
This conflict created a unique situation: Novgorod became a republic or more exactly an oligarchy led by the most powerful members boyars of the veche, the rich merchants and landowners. However from that year, the princes of Novgorod should have had no monarchic power, they became military leaders with their own retinue druzhina and protectors of the city and its realm. The Chronicle of Novgorod, — About the method and origin of the contract between the veche and the princes, see: In the second half of this paper, I am going to give a summary account of this period due to its importance in the topic given in the title.
In the second third of the 13th century, the leaders of the city had to face new enemies in the east and in the west: In this hard time, Novgorod chose to compromise with the fearsome nomads and accepted the nominal Mongol rule in This policy helped them to face the western enemies and stabilize the borders of the Novgorod Land in the Baltic by losing only small footholds in Finland and Estonia. After a long period of altering resistance and cooperation, Novgorod was annexed by Moscow in In its society, foreign merchants played an important role.
From the early period, we have information about Greeks and Norsemen and it also seems quite possible that Muslim, Turkic and Baltic traders frequently visited the city, while from the 11th century, the eastern Scandinavian Swedish and Gutnish and German trading colonies gain influence in Novgorod. However this route was still an important one until the first downfall of the Byzantine Empire and the Mongol-Tatar conquest of the Pontic steppes in the 13th century.
This was the reason of the increasing importance of the east-west Baltic trade instead of the north- south Eastern European route. From the end of the 11th century, strong commercial partnership was born between the Novgorodians and the 12 FKNSZ From the late 12th century merchants from the northern German cities also appeared in the eastern Baltic region and a close and intensive commercial link was born between them first as independent merchants, later as the representatives of the Hanseatic League and Novgorod.
From the west they imported shortages chiefly: If the harvest was poor, Novgorod also needed to import grain, usually from the neighbouring Principality of Vladimir-Suzdal. From the turn of the 13th and 14th centuries, the manors started to grow and due to the colonization, the former semi-autonomous eastern and northern regions became integral part of the Novgorod Land.
In the case of Machiavelli one might add that historicism44 in his days rather provided arguments for a secularized approach to social analyses. Yet, the core of historicism as such seemingly makes it not well attuned to secular science; in the case this implies timeless universal crite- ria and methodological rules. Historicism as a problematic notion: There are at least two inconsistencies in his- toricism exposing it for criticism. We find such attitudes in Ranke and Schmoller, as well as in neo-Kantians like Rickert later on. The inherent relativism in historicism really is a hard blow to value objectivism in general and natural law thinking in particular.
Some historicists still continued to look for eternal cultural values. One way to put it is that the historicists did not quite see the full consequen- ces of their own approach. The struc- ture of their analyses is imprinted by calculability, allowing for testability, and the rational economic actor is the basic metaphor. But this is an altogether different story.
If the intrusion of the rational actor model into ever more areas of analyses of the social is a gain or not is not evaluated in this essay, which attempts a diagnosis without a prescription. The rational actor paradigm is a strong paradigm and more amorphous disciplines are very vulnerable; yet it is a weak paradigm too, since it might generate a lot of hypotheses and predictions, but hardly explain anything. It is an attractive model but weak as a theory. Weber is not a paradigmatic classic in the Kuhnian sense but rather a mediator with an extremely strategic position in the history of social thought.
How this could happen so rapidly is a challenge for historians to explain. However, this is a rather obvious and trivial point. Weber might agree, since his main intellectual life project was to gather further supportive evidence for his thesis, in his comparative sociology of religion. Trans- Atlantic reciprocity is a significant theme, in particular in the case of Weber, the reception of whom was retarded in Germany and meanwhile cultivated in the USA, promoted by migrants such as Sorokin and others. This calls for a translation into English.
Methodologically it is easy to note that contextualization is a necessity for full and congenial interpreta- tion of an old text. To go into details about German federalism and the constitutional capabilities of the Kaiser in Prussia vs. Still today the religious factor is far more important in German social and political life than it is conceivable for a, for instance, secularized Swede to understand.
Des- pite being primarily a scholar in jurisprudence and early Agrarian history Max was more knowledgeable in theological issues than most of his contemporaries. It seems that the same policy concerns inspire Weber and as already in his Freiburger Antrittsrede , with its anti-Catholic tendency. Since Weber argued for a thesis he could not be expected to be a master proto- type for path dependency of Modernization, and is of course today also rather a sparring partner to the multi-modernity paradigm, as we find it in works by Eisen- stadt, Arnason, Wittrock and others. Airy, NC, told him, about sects and civic associational life and entrepreneurialism.
Modernity is a gradual pro- cess. Nevertheless Steinert reduces trans-Atlan- tic misunderstandings and contributes to a more informed debate in matters of interpretation. Anmerkungen 1 See Appendix 2. Crystallizations, Divergences, Renaissances, Leyden and Boston Some Notes on a Methodological Debate, in: Statsvetenska- plig Tidskrift , No 2, An eloquent text often used in graduate student teaching is Jeffrey C.
Alexander, The Centrality of the Classics, in: Anthony Giddens and Jonathan Turner, Eds. Thomas Aquinas is the peak of natural law, yet with a space for the autonomous study of society. New York , Philosophie und Soziologie, Nr. He spent the WW2 years in England and is inspired by the natural law thinking both Weber and Machiavelli oppose. Mayer has also written a standard exposition of the history of political ideas which has been widely in use in the Spanish speaking world. Weber , 19, n. H H Bruun, Weber on Rickert: From Value Relation to Ideal Type, in: Essays in the History of Sociology, ed.
The Foundations of Twentieth-Century Political Thought Princeton is a magiste- rial work; the canons of scientific value-relativism being its main message.
His natural law predilections are exposed in several instances. On page 90 he writes that: And on pages 92 f. His work on the problems of historicism was published in the early s but he and Max Weber had for long discussed the problems generated by post- Enlightenment polytheism on an every-day basis. Danish Yearbook of Philosophy 26 , See also Sven Eliaeson et al. A Life, New York Isaiah Berlins Botschaft, in: See also Eliaeson, Value-orientation and the secularization of post-enlightenment social science, in: Ed by Peter Lassman and Ronald Speirs.
Cambridge, UK , orig. Karl Heinrich Kaufhold et al. Jerzy J Wiatr, ed. The core of historicism is the denial of the possibility of timeless norms and laws, a stress on the uniqueness of social phenomena. Interpretation and Cri- tique. The very term historicism is young, Herder being the mid-wife of the concept. In order to further support his thesis he has to go through all other religions with a rational structure where modern capitalism did not occur, which does not exhaust the topic either, since it could have occurred in China and the original cumulation of capital in fact partly occurred in Central Asian monasteries, if Randall Collins is to be believed.
Criticizing Weber for flaws in his empiri- cal supportive evidence is really shooting at a sitting bird; in addition it is easy to list anomalies call- ing for ad hoc-reasoning. Five roads to Modernity. Cambridge, UK, , is more interesting for European Modernity and its path dependency. Kritiken und Antikritiken, hg. Tocqueville, Weber and Adorno in the United States, transl. There are numerous affinities a weak concept between Max Weber and Machia- velli. They are examples of Realpolitik, with little of wishful thinking obscuring their mapping of social and political reality.
The decisive role of violence in politics is recognized by both, power and force being intertwined concepts. They are both nationalists — or rather patriots, to avoid an anachronism — in their explicit engagement for establishing a stable state power. This is strangely in common not only to Parsons but also to anti-democratic elitists such as Plato and Leo Strauss.
This partly follows from their historicism which is promoting relativism, just as Troeltsch was con- cerned about. Ultimate values have no cognitive truth content. Charisma is an important element to both, although Machiavelli does not use the very word, rather speaks about reputation.
Translation strategies and fields of translations: Es stellen sich die Fragen: Wird Kunst als Kunst betrieben, bildet sie ein autonomes Feld. Wright Mills From Max Weber: Er ging dabei sogar so weit, Gerth und Mills eines Plagiats zu bezichtigen. Die Eini- gung ist somit vorrangig auf das soziale Kapital Stanley Unwins bzw. Er hatte noch keine eigenen Arbeiten publiziert und eine befristete Anstellung in Harvard. This, I fear, must be altered. German writers use italics for emphasis where they are unnecessary, and, indeed, would appear quite out of place in English.
Dies hat den Vorteil, fremdartige Elemente wie z. Kalberg publiziert seit vielen Jahren zu unterschiedlichen Weber-Thematiken. Wells wird von Pen- guin in der Reihe Penguin twentieth-century classics aufgelegt. Es wird auch Webers positive Einstel- lung zum amerikanischen Kapitalismus aufgezeigt. We have done this both in order to convey to the reader the flavor of the original and to ensure that the flow of the argument is reproduced as faithfully as possible. Es besteht keine sozialwissenschaftliche Spezialisierung.
Diese semantischen Strategien manipulieren die Bedeutung von Texten und ihren Teilen. Antonymy bezeichnet die Verwendung eines Antonyms in Verbindung mit einer Negation. Die dabei zum Tragen kommenden Normen sind situativ unterschiedlich. Von Chestermans pragma- tischen Strategien stehen visibility change und information change im Vordergrund.
Ein Beispiel soll dies illustrieren: That is a circumstance to which the above expla- nation does not apply, but which, on the contrary is one reason why so few Catholics are engaged in capitalistic enterprise. Damit kann die Anwendung von unit shifts auf Absatzebene deutlich nachvollzogen werden.
Die Strategie des unit shift steht in Verbindung mit den Normen und Konventionen des englischsprachigen wissenschaftlichen Zielfeldes. Diese Art es unit shift vereinfacht zwar den Text, birgt jedoch die Gefahr, dass Verbindungen zwischen Webers Ideen verloren gehen. Die dritte semantische Strategie ist emphasis change. Um dies aufzuzeigen bedarf es keiner neuen Beispiele, sondern es kann auf die gestrichelten Unterstreichungen in den bisher gebrachten Beispielen verwiesen werden. The term refers to the late form taken by feudalism in Europe in its transition to absolute monarchy.
Von Chestermans pragmatischen Strategien kommen cultural filtering, information change und visibi- lity change zur Anwendung. Folgend ein Beispiel auf Satzebene: In der englischen Fassung sind es 15, 40 und Die Anwendung des unit shift ist eng mit den Erwartungen des wissenschaftlichen Ziel- Feldes verbunden: Es wird hier also, auf prag- matischer Ebene, kein emphasis change vorgenommen. Das Anwenden von literal translation unter Beachtung der Betonungen aber auch der Lesbarkeit bzw.
Wie Parsons auf den umstrit- tenen Ausdruck kam, konnte dieser im Nachhinein selbst nicht mehr genau nach- vollziehen. Eine weitere Form von loan, calque, den Chesterman bei Pym findet, ist double presentation. Es werden zwei Formulierungen verwendet: Die zweite semantische Strategie ist emphasis change.
Dieser Typus des cultural filters wird von Baehr und Wells jedoch nicht konsistent angewandt. Insgesamt werden im ersten Aufsatz zehn Personen vor- gestellt. Die Unterteilung der Abschnitte wird im Deutschen lediglich durch eine einfache Nummerierung 1. Auf syntaktischer Ebene wird wieder unit shift benutzt.
Die wich- tigsten pragmatischen Strategien sind visibility change und der cultural filter. Ein besonders augenscheinliches Beispiel ist das Folgende: Nicht nur Benjamin Franklins eigener Charakter […]. They indicate that people who own capital, employ- ers, more highly educated skilled workers, and more highly trained techni- cal or business personnel in modern companies tend to be, with striking fre- quency, overwhelmingly Protestant.
The variation in this regard between Catholics and Protestants has often been discussed, in a lively fashion, in Catholic newspapers and journals in German, as well as at congresses of the Catholic Church. Visibility change findet zum einen durch die syntaktische Strategie der bereits bespro- chenen double presentation statt.
Visibility change ist auch durch das Anwen- den der Strategie des cultural filter impliziert: Zum Beispiel wird durch diesen cultural historical filter: Es ist beim Lesen des Textes nicht ersichtlich, ob eine Endnote von Weber oder von Kalberg verfasst wurde. In letzteren wird eher die Strategie des explicitness change angewandt als jene des cultural filter, da im Quelltext nicht explizit genannte Anspielungen z. Alan Sica, Max Weber. A Comprehensive Bibliography, New Brunswick Baehr und Gordon C. Actes de la recherche en sciences sociales , 1, Pierre Bourdieu, Le champ scientifique, in: Essays in Sociology, New York Essays von Max Weber.
Shils und Henry A. Gorski, Book Reviews, in: An Essay in Intel- lectual History, in: Mit einer neuen Einlei- tung von Bryan S. Das kulturelle Kapital kann objekti- viert, institutionalisiert oder inkorporiert sein. Auflage von , die ein photome- chanischer Nachdruck der erschienenen Erstauflage ist. A Selection of Texts. Marianne Weber and the Intellectual Heritage of her Husband, in: History of European Ideas 35 , Weber, Ethic , 55, mit weiteren Nachweisen. Andrew Chesterman, Memes of Translation. Weber, Ethik , Pym in Chesterman, Memes, Weber, Ethic , This paper documents the relationship between two sociologists who turned from colleagues to friends: Heinz Steinert und ich waren uns einig, dass wir unwichtige Figuren in einem abgekarteten Spiel geworden waren.
Steinert berichtete von seiner Absicht, ab Herbst in New York zu arbeiten. Ich bewunderte ihn angesichts der Tatsache, dass er das vollkommen ohne institu- tionelle Hilfe machte: Es bot sich an, dass wir uns zu einem Treffen in der von uns beiden geliebten Stadt verabredeten. Er hatte Benjamin Franklin im Original zu lesen begonnen! Advice to a young tradesman , Works ed. In der Weber-Literatur hatte das bis dahin nur einer getan: Nach seiner aktiven Kriegsteil- nahme im Ersten Weltkrieg als Freiwilliger hatte der am August in Freiburg i.
Der Lehrmeis- ter der Amerikanischen Revolution publiziert. Max Weber hatte die triefende Ironie bei Franklin nicht erkannt. Uns umarmend verabschiedeten wir uns auf dem Broadway, ich ging zu mei- nen Freunden, er musste in sein Domizil in Harlem. Er schien sein Thema gefunden zu haben, ich konnte ihn nur ermutigen weiterzumachen. Er hatte begonnen, die ganze PE danach durchzumustern, wie Weber dabei vorgegangen ist und was seine Quellen bei diesem Vorgehen waren. Leicht oder gar angenehm zu lesen ist das nicht. Und so weiter und so fort: Steinert hatte einen Opponenten gefunden, bei dem ihm seine eigene Ironie abhanden gekommen zu sein scheint.
Wirtschaft und Wirtschaftswissenschaft, , darin: Epochen der Dogmen- und Methodengeschichte. Er nahm nichts im Leben leicht. Schumpeter dagegen nahm nichts im Leben schwer. Das Buch hat leider noch zu viele Spuren davon behalten, aber es ist doch ein wenig gemildert worden, im Vergleich zu Vorfassungen. Sigmund Freud in der Wiener Berggasse 19 legt. Und darum musste Weber, dieses Buch und dessen hagiographische Interpreten so heftig kritisiert werden, wie es nur eben gerade ging. Woody Allen und Max Weber: Jahrhundert entwickelt, im Am Ende der Kritik scheint die empirische Haltlosigkeit des ganzen Arguments herausgearbeitet.
Es ist sicher keine historische Untersuchung zur Entstehung von Kapitalismus, auch nicht zur Reformation und ihren Vari- anten. Die einzige plausible Antwort ist: Wir mochten uns halt, so einfach war das. Zu Beginn des Peter Ghosh lehrt seit als Tutor am renom- mierten Oxforder St. In any historical perspective it is neither elementary nor known. Webers Wissenschaft habe eher im Dienst eines politischen Wirkungswillens gestanden. Nach dem tragischen Tod Wolfgang J. Schriften und Reden — Her- ausgegeben und eingeleitet von Dirk Kaesler, 3.
Die Geschichte seiner Geltung, Konstanz , Reinhard Blomert, Intellektuelle im Aufbruch. III, Halle , , wiederabgedruckt in: Herausgegeben und mit einem Nachwort versehen von Peter J. Die Protestantische Ethik und der Geist des Kapitalismus. Frankfurt am Main , Erstauflage Frankfurt am Main Wien In Memoriam Heinz Steinert, in: Origins, Evidence, Contexts, New York Essays on the Centenary of the Weber Thesis, Boulder Esteem in the sciences made visible: How bibliometry receives new impulse from social network analysis.
The article intends to show how a way of combining methods of social network analysis with methods of classical bib- liometry meaningfully may be applied within historical studies. The concept of network serves as an abstract model in this context. The history of eugenics is uses as an example for data collection, data pro- cessing, data visualization and data interpretation.
The proposed approach shows not only differentiated picture of the structure of the reception of these works but also the shift of interest from a variety of fields of medical research to the history of sciences. Dabei deuten Zitationen innerhalb einer wis- senschaftlichen Gemeinschaft auf intellektuelle und soziale Beziehungen hin. Anerkennung in den Wissenschaften Die soziale Sichtweise auf die Etablierung und Durchsetzung wissenschaftlicher Theorien ist in der Wissenschaftsgeschichte und -theorie nicht erst seit dem erschienenen bahnbrechenden Werk von Thomas S.
Dabei scheinen die Formen der Anerkennung auf theoretischer Ebene auf den ersten Blick klar in Akzeptanz und Ablehnung eines Ansatzes trennbar zu sein. Ent- weder eine Theorie wird geglaubt oder nicht. Das Konzept der Anerkennung in der Wissenschaft umfasst also mindestens zwei semantische Felder. Damit findet sie seit vielen Jahren auch Anwendung in der Wissenschaftspolitik. Diese enthalten jedoch meistens auch Publikationen, die nicht in das Profil einer fachwissenschaftlichen Arbeit einzuordnen sind, wie etwa Nachrufe und Rezensionen.
Besonders Informationswissenschaftler sind dieser Frage nachgegangen, indem sie Zitationsanalysen mit Techniken der sozia- len Netzwerkanalyse verbanden. Das Sys- tem aus Knoten und Kanten ist ein Graph. Aus der Karte eines Zitationsnetzwerkes kann eine Wissenstopographie herausgelesen werden: Der Algorithmus benutzt die Dreiecksungleichung, um nur die wichtigsten Verbindungen zwischen Knoten zu erhalten. Der Informationswissenschaftler Chaomei Chen hat drei Arten von Knoten als besonders bedeutsam in der Struktur sozialer Netz- werke identifiziert: Knoten nach Chen38 disziplinen transportieren.
Die diachrone Entwicklung kann durch eine Farbkodie- rung und durch das Umordnen des Netzwerkes in eine Zeitleiste dargestellt werden. Denkkollektive der Eugenik nach Im Folgenden wird anhand eines Fallbeispiels aus der Wissenschaftsgeschichte dargestellt, wie die Technik der Zitationsnetzwerkanalyse genutzt werden kann. Human Heredity, , , , , , das wichtigste deutsche Lehr- buch zur Rassenhygiene42, sowie Gunnar Dahlbergs Arv och Ras 2nd ed.
Stock- holm , engl. Race, Reason and Rubbish, London , dt. Vererbung und Rasse, Hamburg Humangenetik, Anthropologie, Medizin und Biometrie. Der Durchmesser entspricht jeweils der Anzahl der Zitationen. Diese Verschiebung wird noch deutlicher, wenn die Ko-Zitationen entlang einer Zeitachse angeordnet werden Abb. Auch historisie- rende Zitationen finden sich hier deutlich weniger als bei Davenport und dem Baur- Fischer-Lenz.
Durch die verzeichneten Autoren lassen sich die Cluster aus bestimmten Zeit- abschnitten als Sub-Kollektive der Humangenetik, psychiatrischen Genetik, Anth- ropologie und Wissenschaftsgeschichte identifizieren. Mittlerweile werden auch seine Positionen und Rolle im Nationalsozialismus kritischer hinterfragt.
Mit der Medikalisierung der Humangenetik ging auch eine Konzentration auf dieje- nigen erblichen Krankheiten einher, die eindeutig monogenetische Ursachen haben. Dahlberg vertrat vornehmlich libe- ral-eugenische Positionen und sein Name ist vor allem mit der biometrischen Tradi- tion der Eugenik verbunden. So hat sich eine von Abbildung 8: Gerade dieser Umstand verdeutlicht die Notwendigkeit, die auf quantitativen Auswertungen beruhenden Netzwerkkarten durch qualitative Analysen der Inhalte zu erweitern.
In dem von uns gegebenen Pra- xisbeispiel konnte etwa durch die Analyse von Zitationsnetzwerken gezeigt wer- den, wie das Denkkollektiv der Eugenik nach zerfiel. Die Rolle einzelner Protagonisten in den Netzwerken kann dabei neu gedacht und beschrieben werden. Untersuchungen zur Wirklichkeit der Wissenschaft, Frankfurt am Main , ff.
Heiner Fangerau, Der Austausch von Wissen und die rekonstruktive Visualisierung formeller und informeller Denkkollektive, in: Heiner Fangerau und Thorsten Halling, Hg. Allge- meine Theorie oder Universalmetapher in den Wissenschaften? Kuhn, Die Struktur wissenschaftlicher Revolutionen, 2. Festschrift zu Hans Vaihingers Geburtstag, Aalen Neudruck der Ausgabe , Merton, The Matthew Effect in Science. The reward and communication systems of science are considered, in: Science , ; ders. Cumu- lative advantage and the symbolism of intellectual property, in: ISIS 79 , Measures of Scholarly Esteem, in: Infor- mation Processing and Management 47 , Hertzel, Bibliometrics History, in: Encyclopedia of Library and Informa- tion Science, 2nd ed.
An information services perspective, San Diego u. Eales, The History of Comparative Anatomy, in: Science Progress 11 , Wyndham Hulme, Statistical bibliography in relation to the growth of modern civilization: Gross, College libraries and chemical education in: Science 66 , 16 Gennadij M.
A Historical Review, in: Cummings, Index Medicus —, in: Military Medicine , Blaise Cronin and Helen Atkins, eds. Theoretical Medicine and Bioethics 19 , Jacques Loeb — und sein Programm einer internationalen biomedizinischen Grundlagenforschung, Berlin Journal of the Ameri- can Society for Information Science 45 , Diffusion of knowledge in scientific communities, Chicago Janet Beavin Bavelas, The social psychology of citations, in: Cana- dian psychological review 19 , White, Authors as citers over time, in: Self-Cita- tion in Biomedical Journals, in: Scientometrics 67 , Journal of Documentation 37 , Scientometrics 15 , Blaise Cronin and Debora Shaw, Banking on different forms of symbolic capital, in: Academe, 87 , Network analysis of coauthorship and citation networks, in: Journal of Informetrics 5 , Marion, Eugene Garfield, Lowell L.
Proceedings of the 66th Asist Annual Meeting Vol. Grundlagen, Methoden, Forschungsbeispiele, 3. Opladen ; Mark Trappmann, Hans J. Hummell und Wolfgang Sodeur, Strukturanalyse sozialer Netzwerke: Konzepte, Modelle, Methoden, Wiesbaden A multiple-perspective coci- tation analysis. Beyond the Horizon, 2nd edition, London Fangerau und Halling, Hg.
Detecting and visualizing emerging trends and transient patterns in scientific literature, in: Proceedings of the National Academy of Science Suppl 1 , Heredity, Race, and Society. Scandinavian Eugenics in the International Context, in: I kept buying up the little breadfruit that was brought to us, and likewise some spears to arm my men with. I knew very well this was the sign of an attack. They frequently importuned me to sit down, but I as constantly refused; for it occurred to Mr.
Nelson and myself that they intended to seize hold of me, if I gave them such an opportunity. Keeping, therefore, constantly on our guard, we were suffered to eat our uncomfortable meal in some quietness. After these niceties, Tofoa natives did finally attack. A true Church of England man, Bligh also insisted that the men attend to their prayers daily, proving the old adage that there are no atheists in foxholes or lifeboats.
Bligh took the lesson of his narrow escape from the natives on Tofoa to heart. He would never again put ashore on an island that bore any sign of recent habitation until he reached a European settlement. After leaving Tofoa, all the men implored Bligh to set a course for the voyage home:.
When I told them no hopes of relief for us remained, but what I might find at New Holland [Australia], until I came to Timor, a distance of full leagues, where was a Dutch settlement. Therefore, after examining our stock of provisions, and recommending this as a sacred promise for ever to their memory, we bore away across a sea, where the navigation is but little known, in a small boat, twenty-three feet long from stern to stern, deep laden with eighteen men; without a chart, and nothing but my own recollection and general knowledge of the situation of places, assisted by a book of latitudes and longitudes, to guide us.
I was happy, however, to see every one better satisfied with our situation in this particular than myself. He resolved with the agreement of his crew , to ration the provisions and stretch a five-day supply for two months—enough time, he reckoned, to sail to some European outpost in Indonesia. To their daily ration of bread and water he added an occasional ounce of pork and other items he was able to acquire along the way, chiefly plantains, coconuts, clams, and oysters.
The crew had little luck fishing, but from within the boat they managed to catch several birds that were promptly eaten—beak, bones, feathers and all. Bligh parceled out these treasures by a special method designed to ensure fairness. Of all the provisions carried by the castaways, none was more carefully stewarded than the rum, followed by the wine.
Bligh attributed remarkable medicinal properties to each, often bringing the men to whom it was issued by the teaspoonful back from the brink of fever and malaise. So carefully did Bligh husband and, from time to time, add to all of their stores, that when he and his men were finally rescued, forty-seven days later, they had provisions to last another eleven days.
In this dynamic of the voyage, as he describes it, is a lesson for all of us:. Miserable as our situation was in every respect, I was secretly surprised to see that it did not appear to affect anyone so strongly as myself; on the contrary, it seemed as if they had embarked on a voyage to Timor, in a vessel sufficiently calculated for safety and convenience. So much confidence gave me great pleasure, and I may assert that to this cause their preservation is chiefly to be attributed; for if any one of them had despaired, he most probably would have died before we reached New Holland.
The mutiny took place on the 28 th of April.