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Foreigners lived in areas designated nonresidential: In the early s, two-thirds of the migrant workers in Frankfurt — aside from those in factory-owned housing or camps — stayed in run-down old apartments or single rooms whose rents were too high for German tenants.
Given the greater housing shortage, foreigners found themselves forced to accept those conditions Borris Less than one third of the migrants in Frankfurt lived in houses with furnishings comparable to the German average. However, the majority paid rents appropriate for modern luxury apartments. In , although most of them were entitled to it, only three percent of non-German tenants received housing assistance benefits, and a mere 60 applicants were granted public housing.
They were charged high rents, despite living in derelict houses, lacking even minimal repairs. In this way, buildings could be rented out for high profits right up to their planned demolition dates. In , some tenants paid up to DM for tiny, pest-infested holes. At the same time, migrants were blamed for the poor condition of the houses. A case from illustrates how correct landlords were in assuming they need not even treat the migrants as legal entities.
One owner of an apartment building, Mr. Earlier, he had expelled Turkish and Yugoslav workers, who lived on the second floor, by loading them and their furniture onto trucks against their will. Police were alerted, but did not open an investigation. An Italian tenant described his landlord this way: How often he said: Did he knock on the door first? Then he began to walk from one room to another, to the bathroom and the toilet. Apartment owners could rely on cooperation with municipal authorities and the police, but not on acquiescence from the migrants.
After some Italian families had already joined the first occupations of autumn , a new form of the housing struggle emerged in the summer of At a press conference, they explained the principle behind rent strikes: However, the strike took some time to develop completely.
They prepared flyers and organized a demonstration with over 1, participants. In the houses, they not only composed slogans for banners, but also songs about the rent strike, which were played daily on Turkish and Italian radio broadcasts. From February onwards, numerous other migrant housing communities followed that example. By the end of the year, dozens of houses were on rent strike, with up to 1, migrants involved.
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This migrant engagement no longer took place in any of the subsequent squatting movements, such as those of the early s. The strike grew through the experience that everyone should be involved in broader concerted actions, from the core rental strike to the political strike. While the movement was initially driven solely by poverty, which had already forced many families to go on individual strikes, there were now common enemies in the courts, the police, and the municipal authorities. The rent strike, therefore, evolved into a critique of living and working conditions in Germany.
Enough of the bosses at Fiat-Opel-Autobianchi! Mainstream German solidarity was not sufficient within the company or in the region. From , rent strikers were swamped with more than lawsuits, eventually halting the movement. After losing more than 90 percent of the trials, they were no longer able to launch a new offensive. It was not just the fact that the houses which were particularly well-organized were relatively ethnically homogenous, and were therefore free of internal linguistic barriers. It was triggered by the firing of Turkish workers who had extended their four-week annual leave without permission.
At a works meeting a week before the strike started, the Turkish workers declared solidarity with the dismissed, while the majority of the German employees applauded the dismissals and disciplinary proceedings. The Germans, who, as foremen, finishers, or master craftsmen, primarily held the superior positions, thought the firings were justified: At least ten days of their four-week vacation were needed just for the trip to Turkey and back, meaning that they did not truly have even a three-week break. Nevertheless, some German colleagues did initially participate in the strike, albeit hesitantly.
When it became clear that the unattended labor from the dismissed workers would be redistributed to those who remained, their resentment increased. They swore under their breath, and the mood was tense, nevertheless the work continued, until one Turk called out loudly: Within a few minutes, an entire assembly hall was on strike.
Later that day, a protest march was led through the whole factory. On the evening of August 24, , a few thousand workers gathered onsite with three basic demands: During the next two days, the strike spread to other Ford factories. A group of German leftists, named the Cologne Ford Workers, distributed flyers in workers accommodations and among Ford employees, demanding further concessions, such as extending paid holidays to six weeks.
Simultaneously, the works council was negotiating with the management. On Monday, August 27, , as it became clear that the negotiations had stalled, and with a majority of workers feeling the council no longer legitimately represented them, the strike reached a turning point. Up to that moment, the media reported about an illegal but understandable work stoppage, notable for the fact that German workers had also joined the strike.
Through radio, television, and even loudspeaker announcements in the streets, the workers of the late shift were urged to stay away from work during the whole weekend. The management wanted to end the strike by reducing the number of strikers. After that, however, a divisive campaign began. Cadres of the Communist Party and Pemuda Rakjat the youth wing of the Communist Party were given the task to study how pioneer movements functioned in other countries, but adapting Fadjar Harapan to Indonesian conditions.
The arrest and imprisonment of Gerwani members was justified by the fabricated involvement of Gerwani in the killings of the six Generals during G30S. The Lubang Buaya myth, as described as discussed by historians, claimed that Gerwani had performed sadistic, sexual crimes before and after killing the six Generals during G30S. More seriously, Lubang Buaya was used to justify the mass killings of communists in the period immediately after the G30S — an incident that also led to the demise of Gerwani.
Peasants Front of Indonesia Indonesian: BTI was founded November 25, National Federation of Indian Women is a women's organisation. It is the only ostensibly South Korean organization to have a mission in Pyongyang.
It is similar in organization to the Democratic Front for the Reunification of the Fatherland , the de jure popular front of North Korea. It has a mission in Pyongyang , North Korea and another in Japan.
On 19 December the Constitutional Court of Korea ruled in favour of the dissolution. Poppino argued that the effectiveness of Communist propaganda in Latin America "depends largely on the existence of a wide range of interlocking front groups that supplement and draw upon the Communist-led mass organizations. When nations turned toward the Soviet Union, they typically joined in numerous international front organizations, as Nicaragua did under the Sandinistas Socialists in Mao Zedong broke bitterly with the Soviet Union in the late s, accusing Nikita Khrushchev especially of revisionism and betrayal of true Marxist-Leninist dogma.
Pracheachon was a legal front organisation for the Communist Party of Kampuchea. By the U. Embassy counted 54 'infiltrated organizations', which started independently, as well as 'front organizations', which had been Communist inspired from their start. The Association of the Victims of the Nazi Regime was set up to rally West Germans under the antifascist banner, but had to be dissolved when Moscow discovered it had been infiltrated by Zionist agents.
The Bund der Deutschen BdD was founded in Wirth and Elfes led the party, but there was also a strong influence of communist forces. The core program of the BdD was a neutrality policy, which turned against the rearmament and the Westintegration of Germany. In contrast to the Federal Government, an agreement was reached with the Soviet Union. With the founding of the German Peace Union in , in which numerous BdD politicians were involved, the BdD no longer existed as an independent political force, but was essentially limited to the publication of the German Volkszeitung. He also ran no longer in elections but sent candidates to the list of the DFU.
The membership stock, which Helmut Bausch had estimated to be around 12, for the years to , according to a note to the Ulbricht office in , have amounted to only 2, to 3, On the other hand, the IFFF successfully filed a complaint and Barzel had to withdraw his allegation.
However, numerous women left the organization, only local groups remained in West Berlin, Hamburg, Bremen, Munich and Duisburg. They and the GDR were seen as an obstacle to the new beginning of a left movement. Recent research on files from the BStU as well as from the estates of prominent members confirms that state security was active in West Berlin and also in the RC.
It did not, however, aim at countervailing assumptions, but on a moderation of the extra-parliamentary opposition in order to be able to control them in the form of a party formation under the influence of SEW. This strategy failed, however, and the attempts to influence remained unaffected. The SDA was active both in the east and in the west of the city. In East Berlin , she temporarily appointed magistrates, mayors and other functionaries, and was even represented in the Volkskammer until with deputies.
Since , the organization also tried to gain a foothold in the Federal Republic of Germany, but remained a splinter group. Membership in it was declared incompatible with employment in the public service in by the Federal Government.
In East Germany front operations were not directly controlled by Moscow. Some of them were denied access to public service professions as a result of the radical decree of the early s. This was justified in particular by the fact that some of the defendants had belonged to the now banned KPD. Their activities are therefore camouflage for the assumed by the Attorney General real goal of "establishing a communist regime in the Federal Republic".
In fact, this alliance was supported by the Soviet occupying forces, hoping to establish a national United front , with which Austria could be transformed into a socialist state. While initially EDA was meant to act as a substitute and political front of the banned Communist Party of Greece , it eventually acquired a voice of its own, rather pluralistic and moderate. This development was more clearly shown at the time of the split in the ranks of Communist Party of Greece, with almost all former members of EDA joining the faction with Euro-communist , moderate tendencies.
We have always regarded ourselves as an integral part of this outcome" and "we have to consider the HDP as an integral part of the historical democratic dialogue and negotiation process. If socialism and an open democracy succeed in Turkey, it will be closely related to this democratic negotiation process. With branches throughout Canada it sponsors such cultural activities as dance groups , orchestras, choirs and children's activities within the Association. The organization was procommunist. The league was in as a civil rights organization dedicated to protecting striking workers from persecution.
It was allied with the Communist Party of Canada and functioned as a front for the party.
The group was the Canadian affiliate of International Red Aid. The Federation of Russian Canadians is a left-leaning cultural organization for Russian immigrants to Canada and their descendants. It is the successor of the Russian Farmer-Worker Clubs which were closed by the government at the beginning of World War II as a suspected subversive organization due to its links with the Communist Party of Canada. FOC is the oldest nationwide cultural organization for Finns in Canada.
Today FOC is no longer associated with politics. It has fewer than members, who are mostly senior citizens in the areas of Toronto , Vancouver , Sudbury and Thunder Bay. The United Jewish People's Order is a secular socialist Jewish cultural, political and educational fraternal organization in Canada. The general secretary Albert Fava of the Gibraltar Confederation of Labour was deported by the Governor on the grounds of being a member of the Communist Party.
Davidson argues that in Australia with the onset of the Great Depression , "Support for Communist front organizations increased. British intelligence infiltrated several Communist fronts in Australia, looking for organized efforts to block Britain's Cold War policies. Like many such communist front groups, it ceased all anti-Nazi activities immediately upon the signing of the Molotov—Ribbentrop Pact in August In , during his time with Mezhrabpomfilm Otto Katz , Ivens had become acquainted with the Machtergreifung in Hollywood through his lectures Anti-fascist and the Comintern took a footing there.
Frequently repeated in official government documents, this definition asserted that Communist fronts shared 1 a common origin; 2 organization upon a "Communist pattern"; 3 interlocking personnel; and 4 methods intended to deceive the public. Thousands of Americans joined Communist fronts during the s. Few of them realized the true nature of the organizations they joined.
The fronts paraded as independent, nonpartisan groups under the facade of non-Communist control. They were actually satellites of the Communist Party whose primary aim was to create the impression of mass support for an essential part of the party line. To maintain the illusion of non- Communist control, the formal leadership of these organizations was almost invariably composed of non-party members; the actual control was, however, in the hands of party activists.
In , SSIS published a list of what it described as the 82 most active and typical sponsors of Communist fronts in the United States; some of those named had literally dozens of affiliations with groups that had either been cited as Communist fronts or had been labelled " subversive " by either the Subcommittee or the House Committee on Un-American Activities. Schrecker says that anti-Communist leaders believed that the Party used front groups to attract "fellow travelers," who were "unsuspecting liberals and well-meaning dupes drawn into the Communist orbit without realizing that the Party was using them for its own purposes.
The top leaders of the early fronts were not merely Communists; they were top-ranking Communists. Starting in , Attorney General Biddle began compiling a list of Fascist and Communist front organizations. Clark expanded the list, which was officially authorized by presidential Executive Order in and was administered by the new Loyalty Review Board. The Board became part of the Civil Service Commission. The program investigated over 3 million government employees, of whom were dismissed as security risks. Adverse decisions could be appealed to the Loyalty Review Board, a government agency set up by President Truman.
This list included the name and date founded, as well as headquarters address and names of chief officers for active groups. Attorney General's consolidated list November 1, , includes also wartime German, Japanese, and Italian influenced organizations as well as white nationalist groups: From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Soviet influence on the peace movement. List of organizations described as Communist fronts by the US government.