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But if the cocktail works, it is primarily because the Italian leaders excel in criticising the selfishness of the French government which preaches about the refugees but closes its own ports and borders, and, more generally the hypocrisy of Europe which imposes rigid budgetary rules on Italy, preventing the country from investing and from recovering from the crisis in and the ensuing purge.
The main thing learnt from the Orban-Salvini meeting was the display of anti-migrant solidarity: We should also bear in mind Salvini words: We will ensure everything which the European establishment has refused us. What makes Salvini so dangerous is precisely his capacity to link nativist discourse with the social, and migratory discourse with the debt.
This is all rolled into the accusation of the establishment as being hypocritical everywhere. Since the ECB printed billions to save the banks, why could it not help Italy by postponing the debt to more favourable times?
November sprach ich auf Deutschlandfunk Kultur Was geschah, dass Tante Paulas Leben zu dem wurde, was es wurde? Beginnend in den 60er Jahren stellt sich die Frage: For those advocates of the market as being all-knowing and ever efficient, this situation is the rational consequence of aging; European countries anticipate the future scarcity of labour and production to come — possibly even their total disappearance — and are simply saving for their old age. Verdienst du es, ein Auto zu haben?
This common sense discourse will appeal until Europe replaces it with something better. In Poland and in Hungary, the far from liberal governments have also had an eye to public opinion by financing social welfare measures, family allowances and retirement benefits which the pro-European governments refused. We can of course consider that Italian public opinion will always be opposed to the final clash and the return of the lira and inflation. One might also consider that it is time for Europe to demonstrate to the working classes that it is best suited to defend them by finally implementing a policy to relaunch the economy and for a just form of taxation.
As long as the centrists on all sides practise a similar form of anti-social liberalism, social-nativism will have a promising future ahead. Brahmin Left vs Merchant Right: But the difficulty for the Commission is that the credit rating agencies and bond markets may not oblige. The irony is that the ECB began QE precisely to stop contagion from Greece to Italy with the arrival in power in Athens of Syriza, and now finds that as a consequence of QE bonds markets do not so readily constrain recalcitrant states.
Nonetheless, whether the bond markets oblige the Commission or not, the Italy problem will not go away.
Now the ECB has practiced QE for three years no Italian government will wish to accept that future support for Italian bonds should come from the thus far unused OMT, when access to the OMT depends on first signing a memorandum of understanding, which would invariably include new fiscal conditionality. But its capacity to act in this way has not been legitimated and remains subject to contest in Germany.
Yet if Germany has to accept regular episodes of QE to support Italy, German consent to monetary union is likely to break down.
The fundamental structural problems generated by the creation of a monetary union with a membership and terms that nobody intended have proved inescapable. Yet the terms of German ratification of the Maastricht treaty nearly two years later in the decision of the German Constitutional Court also ensured that when the crisis that was always ultimately going to be generated by this disjuncture of rules and membership finally arrived Germany would have a de facto veto power over how the predicament would be addressed.
But an informal version of this state of affairs in which the ECB had the discretion to buy or not to buy Italian bonds in the face of changing domestic politics in Rome is what precipitated the era of technocratic Italian government under Mario Monti, which did as much anything else to create the conditions for the rise of the present ruling Italian coalition. The workings of the Eurozone cannot themselves be made more responsive to shifts in democratic politics because the Eurozone was constructed at German insistence around rules between states that if they are to work need to be enforced regardless of national election outcomes, even as there is political disagreement between states and across national political spectrums about what those rules should be.
One way or another the fate of Italy will determine what kind of monetary union, and with which member-states, can survive.
Branko Milanovic analyses the two curses of wealth for Europe: Branko Milanovic is an economixt specialised in development and inequality. We forgot Colin Hines.
He has neither retreated to a vague moral high […]. Corporations seem to dominate the UN, like everything else, these days.
Göttingen: Steidl, Hilliges, Ilona Maria. Sterne über Afrika. Roman. Reinbek bei Hamburg: Mein Freund, der weiße Mann: Von Kamerun nach Deutschland. English translation: Showing Our Colors: Afro-German Women Speak Out. See Stefanie Kron, “Afrikanische Diaspora und Literatur Schwarzer Frauen in Romane tiber den deutschen Kolonialismus in Afrika,” Deutschafrikanische.
Belgian police fire water cannon at fuel price protesters. Next Solidarity with the Catalan political prisoners!
May 31, Mathew D. April 10, Mathew D. November 26, Mathew D.