Constituent Moments: Enacting the People in Postrevolutionary America
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The challenge of defining "the people," political theorist Jason Frank writes, "haunts all theories of democracy and continually vivifies democratic practice. Yet it "vivifies" democratic theory because the American political tradition's legitimacy derives from popular sovereignty, and thus outsider groups can use the idea of the people to claim a role for themselves within our democracy.
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But who are the people? For some constitutional scholars, including political scientists and theorists, the people are the constituent sovereign who, in conventions, design their government.
From this perspective, the most important outcome of the American Revolution was the convention as a mechanism to enact the social contract. But many have challenged this conclusion. As Progressive historians and their heirs remind us, the Constitution was itself contested, did not fully embody popular will, and was an elite backlash against more popular democracy. These two perspectives created a theoretical and practical problem that played out in the postrevolutionary decades. If the state authorized by "the people" cannot speak for the people, how can elected leaders represent the public will?
Most users should sign in with their email address. Hannah Arendt's critique of constituent power -- Crowds and communication: Feminism and the Beijing Women's Conference of Contemporary Political Theory 12 1: The aim, of course, was to persuade ordi- tainly connects a bit more readily with our own political nary Germans to face up to the criminal legacy of national world, in which every election, no matter how lamentably socialism and, in particular, to their responsibility for its small a portion of the electorate participates, yields inflated crimes, carried out in their name. Mignolo - - Theory, Culture and Society 26 National Gallery of Victoria.
Alternatively, if others in civil society have a stronger claim to represent the people, how can representative government be legitimate? Given this conundrum, it is no wonder that Daniel Rodgers in Contested Truths considers "the people" one of America's "contested truths," a phrase that can be used by those in power and by outsider groups—as in populist uprisings—who claim to represent better the people than elected leaders do. It is into these confusing waters that Frank wades. He hopes to contribute to democratic theory by exploring how postrevolutionary Americans struggled with this fundamental problem, which is, ultimately, one of the relationship between representative government and civil society.
To Derrida, the Declaration simultaneously created "the people" and spoke in the name of a preexisting people.
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This collection brings together fourteen consistently stimulating and often profound meditations on the political theory at work in the writings of Herman Melville. Indeed, I have seldom read a collection of essays offering such stunningly diverse insights and of such uniformly high quality. The volume will interest all Melville readers and scholars, but perhaps especially those in US literary and cultural studies, who may discover here that the questions posed by cutting-edge political theory can illuminate — and transform our understanding of — a major American author.
The rule proves nothing; the exception proves everything.
In the exception the power of real life breaks through the crust of a mechanism that has become torpid by repetition. This special issue of Diacritics is motivated by our sense that the contemporary theoretical and political imagination is captivated by the dramatic logic of the exception.
A certain picture of law and normativity seems to hold us captive, to paraphrase Wittgenstein, and our theoretical vocabularies seem to repeat this picture inexorably. The essays in this collection offer critical analyses of this captivation, while also providing resources—theoretical, theological, literary, and technical—for diminishing its hold if not definitively refuting its claims.
Without retreating to a lost normativity, foundationalism, formalism, or legalism, the essays in this special issue raise a number of pressing political and theoretical questions: What conceptual rubrics are maintained and reiterated by the seemingly inexorable logics of norm and exception? What kinds of theoretical investigation are authorized and precluded by this preoccupation? How do they structure our political discussions, and direct and constrain our political options?
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