Summary: The Opportunity: Review and Analysis of Richard N. Haass

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Just as important, the world was not well positioned to deal with the diffusion of power that was to come. Under sovereign obligation, every state would be expected not merely to tend to its domestic affairs but also to play a role in addressing the multiple global challenges that bedevil us today: Any dispassionate observer of climate change, nuclear proliferation, and the growing potential for pandemics would surely agree that any of these three challenges could be fateful for civilization if not for the human race.

His advice about foreign affairs is, as anyone might expect, highly nuanced. On domestic affairs, his approach is less so. To enable all this, he favors raising the retirement age, reducing Medicare and Medicaid, and eliminating tax deductions for home mortgage payments and charitable deductions. Wishful thinking again, given any reasonable expectation for Congressional action. This is not a nonpartisan analysis.

Haas has also served as a senior advisor to President George H. Bush and to his son, President George W. Bush, as well as in a number of other diplomatic and scholarly posts. A World in Disarray is his 12th book. Oct 03, Wen rated it really liked it. The book could be labeled as U. S foreign policies for dummies. For those who need some gap-filling about US foreign policy choices particularly during and after the Cold War, the author did a decent job laying out both sides of the argument leading to an action or non-action he also provided the lessons-learned, drawing from the intended and unintended consequences.

In the forward-looking part, Haass m The book could be labeled as U. In the forward-looking part, Haass made his arguments and offered his solutions in the framework he called world order 2. The issues being discussed include nuclear weapon proliferation, climate change, cyber sdecurity and global health. The solutions were more in principle than in practice. I found the history session the stronger of the two.

Overall this small book was an enjoyable read. Feb 17, Jay rated it liked it Shelves: A reasonably well written summary of International Relations and the challenges ahead, albeit naturally US-centric. Crucially, the book was written before Trump was elected. The current changing shape of US domestic and foreign policy leaves much of the discussion even further removed from many of the authors proposed solutions.

Sep 17, JeanD rated it it was amazing Shelves: Found this incredibly interesting and informative. Appreciated the ease of the author's style, not so dry as I expected, and the refreshingly non-partisan approach. Worth your time if you are interested in history, government, economics, or current events. Gives a great perspective on all of it.

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I'll be reading other books by this author. Dec 21, Qaisar Rashid rated it really liked it. In the post-Cold War era, globalization is a major source of global disorder and, considering the factor of globalization constant, the solution lies in introducing sovereign obligation beyond borders. This is the central idea of the book. The book consists of two major themes: The strongest entity, wha In the post-Cold War era, globalization is a major source of global disorder and, considering the factor of globalization constant, the solution lies in introducing sovereign obligation beyond borders.

The strongest entity, whatsoever it was, imposed the order. Order cannot be established without legitimacy. Over the years, the world had gone conscious of human rights and liberty and after the respect for a state sovereignty, respect for human sovereignty was major goal achieved. In August , Helsinki Conference in Europe reinforced both state sovereignty and human sovereignty.

On one level, it reads as a tribute to the classic Westphalian notion of order. The order based on respect for sovereignty continued and could be called World Order 1. In this way, the Westphalian order based on state sovereignty was restored. After the end of the Cold War in December , the international system has not only experienced certain structural changes but also saw the diffusion of capacity into more hands than ever before.

Consequently, there have emerged more decision makers and independent actors affecting the course of events both regionally and globally. The consequent challenges have made the world fall into disarray [i. This is how globalization has come into action. Globalization is with consequences. So much of what has historically been viewed as domestic and hence off-limits because it took place within the borders of a sovereign country is now potentially unlimited in its reach and effects.

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This is how globalization has challenged the sovereignty-dominated international system. Globalization has brought its own challenges. Consequently, a host of global and regional challenges have emerged that are proving to be far more than the major powers can contend with. These challenges shove the world towards disarray. In the presence of globalization the World Order 1.

Consequently, a problem in one country cannot be confined to one country and it is bound to grip other countries and the formula of respect for sovereignty is failing to offer a solution. In September , the United Nations convened a World Summit and asked all member states to practice sovereign responsibility. In this way, whereas the Westphalian treaty focused on regulating the external behavior of states, the statement of the World Summit focused on regulating the internal behavior of states. Secondly, other governments or the international community was empowered in both right and responsibility to act to protect innocent people when their government fails to or could not do so to fulfill the needs of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

In this way, human sovereignty of a citizen was attached to the right and responsibility of states, other than the native state, besides diluting the sovereignty of a host states. The statement was also a restraining factor.

A World in Disarray: American Foreign Policy and the Crisis of the Old Order by Richard N. Haass

The mere presence of the restraining factor made several countries suspicious of R2P. It can also be cited as was done by Vladimir Putin in the case of purportedly acting on behalf of ethnic Russians living in Ukraine [in August ] as justification for intervening in the domestic affairs of another country. Here lies a problem. The principle was so broadly embraced that it often included sympathy and even outright support for the use of violence in its pursuit. There are found three kind of states.

Strong states need no definition, but weak states arguably do. What makes a state weak is not an inability to project military power or fight wars beyond its borders so much as its inability to control what takes place within its borders.

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The first example was Iraq, then Somalia, Haiti and Rawanda, open space for humanitarian intervention. If a right of self-determination and humanitarian intervention remain separate, it is fine but not otherwise if both coalesce. Unlike those seeking to get out from under colonial rule, self-determination broadly applied would not be a one-time affair. To the contrary, it could be potentially unlimited in its application. What is more, if it applied to groups living within countries, it threatened the idea and the ideal of state sovereignty, in that sovereignty could be attacked and undermined not just from the outside but from within.

Later in the aftermath of the Libyan intervention they became even more concerned when they saw what began as a humanitarian intervention quickly evolve into something much more, that is, regime change. The solution lies in improving upon the concept of sovereignty as adopting sovereign obligation i.

A reflection of sovereign obligation can viewed in one instance.

However, humanitarian intervention does not come without challenge. This is also a matter of sovereign obligation. What happened in Libya, where regime change masqueraded as R2P, undermined the very doctrine it sought to fulfill. Conclusion For realizing the goal of sovereign obligation, cooperation of all countries or willing countries is required. Partially this reflects what might be called structural realities, namely, that no country can contend with global challenges on its own given the very nature of these challenges…Adding to these realities are resource limits.

There is simply too much capability in too many hands. Unilateralism is rarely a serious foreign policy option. That is one of the reasons why sovereign obligation is a desirable compass for U. That is, multilateralism is needed to meet the goal of sovereign obligation under World Order 2. Apr 08, Anggie Marthin rated it really liked it. This book helped me understanding the world order better. Although Haass is very U.

Dec 08, William Patterson rated it liked it. A good overview of the current international situation. In my view the book places too much emphasis on order and stability while ignoring or diminishing other values - such as democracy and human rights. Richard Haass provides an intellectual outlook on American foreign policy and challenges the US faces in and beyond. The book strikes a tone of professorial lecturing understandable, as it is based on a series of lectures the author provided on the development of international relations since the Congress of Vienna and, more fulsomely, the role the United States has played in the world since World War II.

Haass's most significant take-away is the notion of sovereign obligation: This is both obvious and refreshing, given that terrorism, climate change, and trade obfuscate national boundaries to an unprecedented scale. Haass still has much devotion to the Westphalian order of the world, but does predict that globalization calls for something new in the realm of international relations. Reading Haass's book in the midst of the Trump administration is both dispiriting and despairing. Dispiriting in the sense that America has lost so much of its reputation and credibility in the world, and is no longer a beacon of democracy and stability.

Despairing, too, in the sense that President Trump shrinks from the multi-lateralism and long-term strategic outlook that has carried America to the fore of the world stage. While one can disagree with Haass's particular policy prescriptions - he spends too little time on the aggravating and estabilizing factor of global inequality, and proposes further cuts to entitlement programs that would further eviscerate many American safety net - his foreign policy mantra is one to aspire to, perhaps after Donald Trump has exited the stage. Sep 23, Bert van der Vaart rated it really liked it.

He then discusses how there need not be one path to legitimacy and consensus, but that ultimately states who are interested in weighing in to change the way other nations are acting need to do so while adhering to legitimacy and in accordance at least with regional or like minded nations' principles--this boiled down to "sovereign obligations". While Haass' analysis of how we got into the mess we are in is more fun to read, the framework is useful in understanding how problems could realistically be resolved or managed.

Admittedly the book falls into international relations techno-speak every now and then or I was just seriously lagged , but it is well worth reading if you want a quick primer on what experienced realistic diplomats should be thinking or using to analyse possible responses to any unpleasant actions by other international actors.

Glad I read it--the 3. Mar 09, Adam rated it it was amazing Shelves: In 'A World in Disarray' Richard Haass does a better job of convincingly capturing the state of the international system, and the role of the United States within that system, than any author that I have read who has published their work in the last decade. Haass' approach to the international system is heavily influenced by international relations theorist Hedley Bull's work on the differences between international community and international order. Haass contends that instances of international In 'A World in Disarray' Richard Haass does a better job of convincingly capturing the state of the international system, and the role of the United States within that system, than any author that I have read who has published their work in the last decade.

Haass contends that instances of international community have been rare, fleeting, and largely constrained to narrow issues and regions. Instead, Haass sees a world that until very recently has been defined by mutual respect for Westphalian style sovereignty. Even when this order was challenged, by Napoleonic France or Nazi Germany for instance, those challenges were met by an ideologically and geographically diverse range of states intent on reasserting the Westphalian order. The rise of globalization however has thrown this system into 'disarray' get the title now? While the Westphalian order may have served the world-until-yesterday just fine, it does not suit the new normal where the failure of a state to adequately solve problems at home can have dramatic effects on states even half way around the globe.

While the world strives for a new order, Haass calls for a re-evaluation of American foreign policy. Realism may have been an appropriate approach for foreign policy in the Westphalian era, but the new disarray calls for an approach based on 'sovereign obligation;' the expectation that each state maintain order within its own boundaries or else risk sanction.

Haass also calls for a re-evaluation of American domestic policy. The new disarray will create turbulence that will buffett and hurt the United States if Americans do not get their house in order. My one criticism of Haass' work is that he does not take the regions of Africa and Latin America seriously. The error is hardly his alone, but it is conspicuous in a book that consciously tries to avoid glossing over the problems that face the United States and the world at large.

Haass' contention that geopolitics does not play a role in Africa, and that most of the problems in Africa are domestic and growth related in nature, does not even meet a prima facie examination of the issues facing the continent and that's assuming that it should even be treated as a region unto itself, instead of several different regions.

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Nor does Haass acknowledged the problems with uncontrolled migration and crime that plague parts but not all of Latin America. These problems are certainly overstated in American media, but they are still regional challenges that are every bit as important as the flight of refugees and migrants from the Middle East to Europe. In his concluding chapter Haass argues that in spite of the fact that a crisis is often the best argument for reform, we still face an ethical duty to reform in order to avoid crisis.

I worry that the same wisdom applies to the overall neglect that the American foreign policy establishment has paid to Africa and Latin America. These oversights were almost enough to cause me to rate this book a 4 instead of a 5.

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It is only the importance of Haass' overall message that prevented me from doing so. Excellent analysis and superb read. Nov 28, Sharon Royle rated it it was amazing. Haass does a wonderful job of explaining not only the world's issues but also the history behind them. It's a great primer for those of us who's only knowledge of the world's problems are the headlines. But it's gives such depth so that the reader can understand some of the complexity!

I highly recommend this book for those who want to understand world issues. Mar 08, Paul Heikkila rated it really liked it. The world order by one who has been instrumental in its acts. Most of my friends would disagree with that order per se, but it is good to have a discussion of how that order works or not. Critics might benefit from this read.

Jun 29, Ted Hunt rated it really liked it. This is a well written, informative, and thoughtful book, but even though it was just published in , it already feels very dated. I imagine that the author set out to write a book of policy recommendations, based on his insightful understanding of both history and international relations, that could have served as the starting point for a discussion under, say, a Hillary Clinton administration, or perhaps a more conventional Republican. But much to the author's chagrin, the nation is now gov This is a well written, informative, and thoughtful book, but even though it was just published in , it already feels very dated.

But much to the author's chagrin, the nation is now governed by someone who does not know history, who does not read, and who likes nothing better than to blow up conventions. The book is set up in three parts: A brief overview of the history of modern international relations, with a lot of emphasis on the 20th century; 2. An analysis of the challenges that the world is facing in the early 21st century; 3. A series of recommendations for how the United States should go about addressing those challenges, which includes taking care of some domestic issues like the national debt and entitlement reform.

Haas, the current approach to foreign policy conducted by the Trump administration is almost a complete rejection of everything that he believes. It must be very frustrating for someone who has so much experience and wisdom in the area of international relations to see his world view so completely rejected by those running the nation.

And even more frustrating is that they are members of his own political party. Perhaps one day this book will be pulled off the shelf, dusted off, and examined as the valuable resource that it is. But for now, it appears to be primarily a relic of an Old Order that seems to be fading from view. May 26, Daniel rated it it was amazing.

According to Haass, the world is in disarray, because the relative though not absolute power of America has declined. He rejected the Multipolar world suggested by others, and instead submitted to the traders that we are in a non-polar world. Coming from the special envoy to North Ireland with extensive experience in negotiating with different groups, it was great advice.

This book also contains detailed and balanced strategy to dealing with Asia Pacific, South Asia and Europe, all of which re According to Haass, the world is in disarray, because the relative though not absolute power of America has declined. This book also contains detailed and balanced strategy to dealing with Asia Pacific, South Asia and Europe, all of which requires very different frames of engagement.

All were written extremely convincingly. However, judging by the amount of conflicts we are actually having as compared to centuries before, we are enjoying relative peace. I cannot help but feel that the 'disarray' that the writer feels is really lamenting the relative decline of Western Power.

Gone are the days when diplomats from Britain and France can just sit down and divide Africa amongst themselves; gone are also the days when America could dictate how Germany and Japan should rebuild their countries, or just needed to deal with the Soviet Union.

Instead, Haass proposed that America must partner with regional powers to resolve problems. These must make diplomats like him to feel that the world is in 'disarray'. I however think that all of us must accept new realities, especially the rise again of China and India in world affairs. Because if America tries any otherwise, as in the miscalculation by Obama in the case of Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, the rest of the world will just move forward without America.

Mar 18, Cynthia rated it it was amazing. Haass believes that the United States could and should be a world leader for years to come. To be effective, however, it must set its house in order. Among the ways to make this happen is maintaining a policy of free trade. Here is where the book gets scary. The last chapter of this book, published in before Donald Trump was even el Mr. The last chapter of this book, published in before Donald Trump was even elected president, is called "A Country in Disarray.

There is no chance that The Donald will read and heed the policy advice in this important book. He is the last thing the country needs right now, but he's what we've got. We the people had better take our country back from a do-nothing Congress and a know-nothing President. Richard Nathan Haass is in his fourteenth year as president of the Council on Foreign Relations, an independent, nonpartisan membership organization, think tank, publisher and educational institution dedicated to being a resource to help people better understand the world and the foreign policy choices facing the United States and other countries.

In , he served as the chair of the multipar Dr. In , he served as the chair of the multiparty negotiations in Northern Ireland that provided the foundation for the Stormont House Agreement. For his efforts to promote peace and conflict resolution, he received the Tipperary International Peace Award.

From January to June , Dr. Haass was director of policy planning for the Department of State, where he was a principal advisor to Secretary of State Colin Powell. Confirmed by the U. Senate to hold the rank of ambassador, Dr. Haass also served as U. Haass has extensive additional government experience. From to , he was special assistant to President George H. Haass was awarded the Presidential Citizens Medal for his contributions to the development and articulation of U. Previously, he served in the Departments of State — and Defense — , and was a legislative aide in the U.

Human rights were to be protected. All this was to be applied to the entire planet; at the same time, participation was open to all and voluntary. Institutions were built to promote peace the United Nations , economic development the World Bank and trade and investment the International Monetary Fund and what years later became the World Trade Organization.

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