Historia da Igreja - das orignes até o cisma do oriente (1054) (Portuguese Edition)

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Benedict, which became the most influential model in western Europe, allowed a daily measure of wine for each monk, but in contrast with the strong positive association of wine with monks, St. Benedict conceded the ration only reluctantly: We believe that a hemina [about half a liter] of wine a day is sufficient for each.

But those upon whom God bestows the gift of abstinence, they should know that they have a special reward. The Benedictines drank ale when they did not drink wine. The collapse of the Roman Empire did not diminish the popularity of wine, and the spread of Christianity extended viticulture. But if these great changes were no threat to alcohol, Islam was. Beginning in what is now Saudi Arabia, Islam quickly gained support throughout the Middle East and then began a journey of spiritual and military conquest much farther afield. Moving westward, it took in much of the northern fringe of Africa along the Mediterranean and by the eighth century had expanded to Sicily, to the Iberian Peninsula, and for a brief time, into southwestern France—areas where wine and beer depending on the region were integral to the diet.

The rise and spread of Islam is important for the history of alcohol because Islam represented the first example of a comprehensive prohibition policy that banned the production, distribution, and even consumption of alcohol. More recent prohibition policies, such as the well-known national prohibition in the United States from to , criminalized the production and sale of alcohol, but not its consumption. While it is true that alcohol is explicitly or implicitly permitted in some modern countries that are officially or predominantly Islamic, such as Turkey, there is very little alcohol consumption in many others, including Iran and Saudi Arabia.

For their populations, drinking alcohol is simply out of the question, as it is for adherents of other religions that ban alcohol, such as the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints Mormons in the United States. A key difference between Mormons in the United States and Muslims in countries that prohibit the consumption of alcohol is that Mormons choose to abstain from alcohol, whereas Muslims in countries like Iran and Saudi Arabia are forbidden by law to drink alcohol and can be punished if they do so. Islam was first implanted in regions of the Middle East where alcoholic beverages were widely consumed in pre-Islamic times and where some of the earliest evidence of wine and beer has been found.

Initially, the Prophet Muhammad was no more hostile to alcohol than Jews and Christians were, but after a short time he forbade his followers to drink wine and any other fermented beverages. The reason was not because these drinks were evil in themselves—a position adopted by later advocates of abstinence—but because the weakness of humans led to excessive drinking and then to blasphemy, sin, immorality, and antisocial behavior.

Wine might be described as both an intoxicant and a wholesome food, but one text in particular has been understood as representing the final Muslim doctrine on wine: Avoid them so you may prosper. Satan seeks to stir up enmity and hatred among you by means of wine and gambling, and to keep you from the remembrance of Allah and from your prayers.

When he saw the guests drinking wine and joyfully celebrating the marriage, Muhammad praised wine as a gift from God. But when he returned to the house the next day, he saw that the guests had drunk too much, that their joy had turned to anger, and that the celebration had turned violent. Surveying the wreckage and the injuries, Muhammad cursed wine and thenceforth advised Muslims against drinking alcohol in any form.

Muslims who abstained from intoxicating beverages on earth would, however, have access to them in Paradise, which is depicted as flowing with rivers of delicious wine. Later commentaries and the hadith sayings attributed to Muhammad promoted the prohibition of wine consumption perhaps, according to some scholars, to strengthen Muslim identity and to allow Muslim leaders to control their populations more easily. The dominant one is that any intoxicating drink, known as khamr, is forbidden to the faithful. They are liable to be punished if they drink it in any quantity or buy, sell, or serve it, but no one who spoiled or destroyed alcohol would suffer any punishment.

In contrast, a minority school holds that khamr is made only from grapes, and only it is banned absolutely; other fermented beverages, made from ingredients such as honey and dates, are permissible, but intoxication from drinking these beverages is prohibited and punishable. Only vessels made from skin were permitted, and gourds, glazed jars, and earthenware vessels coated with pitch were forbidden, although it is hard to see how any fruit or grape juice, whatever it was contained in, could be prevented from fermenting into wine, given the warm temperatures of late summer when fruit and berries were ripe, and the ambient yeasts that must have been present if there had been alcohol production before the ban was imposed.

Faced with nabidh on one occasion, Muhammad diluted it three times before he believed he was able to consume it. The Islamic prohibition of alcohol affected broad swaths of the Middle East, northern Africa, and southwestern Europe, regions where ale, wine, and other alcoholic beverages such as date and pomegranate wine were commonly consumed. Early Islam did not extend the ban on alcohol consumption to non-Muslims of Muslim-governed territory, and wine presses and other evidence of wine production have been found in many parts of the early Muslim world.

It was probably more rigidly enforced in areas closest to the origins of the religion, but less so at the fringes of the Muslim world. In Spain, Portugal, Sicily, Sardinia, and Crete, for example, a number of policies succeeded one another or even coexisted, as some caliphs prohibited wine production in law but allowed it to continue in practice, even to the point of acknowledging the fact by taxing wine.

Arab sources suggest that vineyards for wine production were widespread in southern Spain especially in Andalusia and in Portugal under Muslim rule. Islamic horticulture was so advanced that the number of recognized grape varieties increased, and some Muslim texts on agriculture included instructions on taking care of fermentation vats.

Yet for all that some caliphs tolerated or turned a blind eye to drinking in parts of the Muslim world in the first centuries, others did not. In the tenth century, Caliph Ozman ordered the destruction of two-thirds of the vineyards of Valencia, in Spain; presumably the grapes of the surviving vines were to be eaten fresh or as raisins. It was also in Spain, however, that Muslim legal scholars interpreted the prohibition on alcohol consumption in such a way as to permit it.

The vineyards closest to Mecca were a thousand miles away, but wine from Syria and other places had been imported for consumption there before the ban on alcohol. Therefore, they argued, wine made from dates was permitted. But if date wine was permitted, so was any wine including grape wine as long as it was no more intoxicating than that is, had an alcohol level no higher than date wine.

It failed to answer the objection that even if drinking did not lead to drunkenness, it was certainly a distraction from pious thoughts. Over the long term, there are many examples of Muslims accommodating the production and consumption of alcohol. In sixteenth-century Ottoman Crimea, for example, wine production was extensive, and vineyards were owned by members of both the majority Christian and minority Muslim populations. The Muslim state benefited from the taxes it imposed on these activities, but in order to maintain the fiction that Muslims had nothing to do with intoxicants, the tax was imposed on wine produced by Christians and on the grape juice produced by Muslims.

Only the most determined efforts, combined with the adoption of the new faith, could have curtailed private, domestic production and brought about such a dramatic change in drinking habits. Yet some Muslim writers assert that whole populations rapidly gave up drinking: That [was] a Time whose pleasures have passed— I have exchanged this now for a lasting respectability". Wine was poured by serving boys, and the participants talked, recited poetry, and were entertained by female singers and dancers. Similar occasions were common among Jews in Muslim Spain, and they gave rise to a particular genre of poetry that celebrated the ability of wine to banish cares and bring joy.

As easy as it was to decree an end to production and consumption of alcoholic beverages, the raw materials needed to make them were in plentiful supply. Cereals that could be used for brewing ale were needed for baking bread, and grapes cultivated to be eaten fresh or as raisins could be crushed and fermented. If table grapes are not ideal for wine, they can still be fermented, and grapes that have begun to shrivel to raisins make wine with a higher alcohol content than grapes that are merely ripe.

It is certain that alcoholic beverages were made and consumed clandestinely in the Muslim world despite the prohibition on them, although we cannot know how extensive resistance to the policy was. However successful it was—and it seems to have been remarkably successful over the longer term—the Islamic ban on alcohol represented a radical break with historic and prevailing attitudes toward drinking.

Although a few marginal Christian and Jewish sects had required abstinence from alcohol, the mainstream Jewish and Christian faiths not only tolerated but even encouraged drinking for reasons of nutrition, health, and conviviality. They were at one in condemning excessive consumption and drunkenness and in arguing that humans should resist the temptation to drink too much, and they provided penalties for those who proved too weak.

But they did not consider the option of removing the temptation from the table, as Muslim doctrine did so effectively. To make it clear that Christians should not consume alcohol to excess or to the point of intoxication, penitentials guides to the penances that Christians should do if they acted immorally included drunkenness among the various sins and offenses against God.

Penances for this offense were generally light, such as spending three days without consuming wine or meat. This is a mild enough penalty when we think that wine or ale might be easily forgone for a couple of days after a bout of drunkenness, especially when it took the form described in one penitential: Following a general pattern, the same penitential prescribed much more severe penances for the clergy than for laypeople, because priests were held to a higher standard of behavior. If a layperson spent three days without wine or bread, a priest spent seven days, a monk spent two weeks, a deacon spent three weeks, a presbyter four weeks, and a bishop five weeks.

A cleric who got drunk was to perform a penance of 20 days, but if he vomited, his penance was extended to 40 days; if he aggravated the offense by vomiting up the Eucharist the communion bread , an additional 20 days were added. The penance for a layperson in these circumstances was less severe and set at 10, 20, and 40 days, respectively. From this point of view, it is easy to see why the writers of the penitentials regarded drunkenness by the clergy as especially horrifying.

Perhaps, too, that is why the clergy figure so prominently in contemporary accounts of drunkenness. Gregory of Tours complained that monks regularly spent more time drinking in taverns than praying in their cells. The council signaled its seriousness by including both beer and wine in the ban, effectively forcing an offending monk to drink nothing but water for more than a month. Such penalties were part of the continuing battle that the authorities, religious and secular, continued to wage against excessive alcohol consumption. But it is notable that until the brief period from about to , when several national governments experimented with prohibition policies, no non-Muslim authorities took the radical step of banning alcohol altogether.

If anything, the rise of Christianity elevated one form of alcohol, wine, to unprecedented status, and it might be argued that in doing so, the church implicitly gave a nod to alcohol consumption more generally.

Europeans did not need the blessing of the church before they drank, of course, and ale and wine became increasingly integral to their diets as the second Christian millennium opened. Routledge, , Midrash Agadah on Genesis 9: Palgrave, , 88— Saint Augustine, On Christian Doctrine, bk. Mitchell Beazley, , Penguin, , Secular or Ecclesiastical Influences? Harm de Blij Miami: Miami Geographical Society, , Anglo-Saxon Books, , University of Pennsylvania Press, , Eigil, Life of Sturm, www.

Marcel Lachiver, Vins, Vignes et Vignerons: Fayard, , Crown Books, , 25— Lachiver, Vins, Vignes et Vignerons, 45— See Seward, Monks and Wine, 25— Kathryn Kueny, The Rhetoric of Sobriety: Wine in Early Islam Albany: State University of New York Press, , 1. Kueny, Rhetoric of Sobriety, Kueny, Rhetoric of Sobriety, 35— Scheindlin, Wine, Women and Death: Jewish Publication Society, , 28— It is not clear how alcohol content would have been measured at this time.

Badri, Islam and Alcoholism Plainfield, Ind.: American Trust Publications, , 6. Abu Nuwas and the Literary Tradition Oxford: Clarendon Press, , Princeton University Press, , Scheindlin, Wine, Women and Death, 19— Allen Lane, , McNeill and Helena M. Octagon Books, , Brill, , But how did 89 men, women and children meet such a gruesome fate? It began with a hope for a better life in the West. California was their destination, painted as a land of opportunity and plenty by Lansford W Hastings — a pioneer and aspiring land developer.

Hastings had great dreams for what he could accomplish in California but he needed able bodies to make them a reality. The year of saw a huge number of settlers heading westward. James Frazier Reed was driven by the prospect of new business ventures and a better climate for his wife Margaret, who was prone to terrible headaches, while George Donner and his family were veteran emigrants. In June, Russell left the group and Lilburn Boggs took command.

It was about Lansford Hastings and his cutoff. When the Boggs train reached Fort Laramie on 27 June, they met James Clyman — an experienced traveller who had just journeyed east with Hastings — and he had a dire warning for Reed and his companions. It was hard enough on foot, he told them, and to attempt to travel that route by wagon would be incredibly dangerous.

Reed ignored him, putting his trust in Hastings and a faster way to their final destination. A letter from their guide was found at Independence Rock, telling the group to meet him at Fort Bridger, and the Reed-Donner party split from the Boggs train on 20 July. The group now needed to appoint a leader, and chose Donner over the proud and domineering Reed, who had alienated many of his fellow travellers. They reached Fort Bridger to find that Hastings had already gone ahead, but he had left instructions behind.

After four days of rest and repairs, they set out to follow him. They embarked on a few days of easy passage and made good time. However, on 6 August, they found a note at Echo Canyon in Utah. Reed and two men went looking for their absent guide, and when they finally found him, Hastings pointed out a new path but refused to return with them.

The emigrants had to clear a path for the wagons past bush and boulders, and the supplies were just days away from running out when the desert came into view. As the emigrants stockpiled water and grass for this next ordeal, they knew they had come too far to turn back now.

Travelling across the salt was beyond difficult. By day, the heat of the Sun turned the salt into sludge, and the wheels of the wagons sunk up to their hubs. Their water ran out on the third day, and that night the Reeds lost their oxen; the beasts had been driven mad by the lack of water and fled. It took five days for the Donner party to reach the other side of the salt flat, at which point they had lost 36 cattle and four wagons.

They found the Humboldt trail on 26 September — the original, advised safe track. Hastings Cutoff had added kilometres to their journey, and cost them equipment, livestock and, perhaps most crucially of all, time. The snows were coming and the group was falling apart. The furious Snyder beat Reed with his whip, and before he could land another blow, Reed planted a knife in his chest. The emigrants watched Snyder stagger away for a few paces and die, and promptly accused Reed of murder. After Margaret begged for his life, the group banished him, forcing him to ride away from his wife and children.

By the middle of October, the Paiute Indians had become aware of the struggling emigrants and destroyed their oxen. Finally, the group had some good fortune when Charles Stanton rode into view around 25 October with supplies and two Miwok guides, Luis and Salvador. Inevitably, the new supplies prompted discussion among the group about taking a rest, but when George Donner cut a gash in his hand while making a new axle for his wagon, they were reminded just how isolated they were.

They pressed on and stopped for the night by Truckee Lake in the shadow of the lake, and it started to snow. They were a day late. They tried for the summit on the next day but they were turned back by snow 1. A winter camp was their only option, and the weather got worse and worse. The shacks were barely enough to keep the elements at bay, with roofs made of animal hide that would later become their food. The group anxiously watched the weather for signs of improvement, desperate to make a break for it across the mountain, but when days passed, they realised that the wagons would simply not make it.

The first aborted attempt to cross on foot was made on 12 November, and with each successive failure, spirits worsened and supplies continued to dwindle. Eventually, on 16 December, a team of 17 took advantage of the fair weather and set out on makeshift snowshoes for the mountain pass. They were in trouble after just a few days. He was last seen smoking his pipe in the snow. On 24 December, they realised just how bad the situation was.

They were lost, their supplies were gone, and the storm had returned. Desperate, they drew lots, but no one could bring themselves to kill the unlucky Patrick Dolan. Two days later, four were dead and the group resorted to cannibalism, taking care not to eat their family members. Cruelly, and inevitably, this food quickly ran out, and William Foster suggested that they murder Luis and Salvador. On 12 January, the group found a Miwok camp, and the inhabitants nearly ran from the starved figures that appeared from the trees.

A rescue team was scrambled and located the surviving members of the Camp of Death on 17 January. Their ordeal was finally over. Meanwhile, at Truckee Lake, the Donner party was becoming desperate. Patrick Breen wrote that he prayed to God on Christmas Day but the weather refused to let up, they struggled to forage or hunt, and animal hides became the basis of their meals. While the Forlorn Hope party was being saved, numbers at the lake were dwindling. Death was everywhere, and the storms continued.

But a rescue party was coming. Keyburg never gets up; says he is not able. Daniel Rhoads wrote about shouting a greeting and being met by a woman emerging from the snow, followed by others pushing their way towards them.

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In their absence, the hunger at the camp was worsening. Murphy said here yesterday that she thought she would commence on Milton and eat him. I do not think she has done so yet; it is distressing. The Murphy cabin was a nightmarish pit of sickness, madness and cannibalism. The same scenes were found at the Donner camp, where the remains of Jacob Donner showed that his party had been surviving on him.

The Breen and the Graves family refused to go on, but James Reed drove ahead, meeting William Foster and William Eddy, who were heading back to the lake with a rescuer named John Stark to save their families. Foster and Eddy took two men and carried on, while the other two took a child each and headed back. In an incredible act of heroism, John Stark picked up two children and all the provisions he could carry, and guided the 11 to safety. When Foster and Eddy arrived on 14 March, they discovered that they were too late to save their children.

They left for Bear Valley with four youths and two adults, but Thomasen Donner chose to stay behind with her husband, George, whose grotesquely advanced gangrene made travelling impossible. Lewis Keseberg also stayed behind. It would be another month before a fourth relief party could make it through. Accounts differ as to how she met her fate, but when Keseberg was finally discovered, his shack was littered with the half-eaten bodies of his dead companions, including Mrs Donner.

For settlers, they became the definitive cautionary tale. Beginning some 9, years ago, in roughly B.

Now, new techniques to analyze the tantalizing clues left by these first settlers may overturn our entire notion of prehistory. The prize of the dig season was a head modeled out of plaster and adorned with obsidian eyes. But the digs are winding down. To do so, she combines radiocarbon dating with stratigraphy — analysis of each of the layers of the foot-deep site — and data gleaned from all other available material, including fragments gathered by local women sifting through sand and gravel samples with thick tweezers. Bayliss then crunches the data using Bayesian statistics, a sophisticated mathematical technique that can incorporate multiple lines of evidence.

This direct comparison could establish whether important milestones, such as the introduction of domesticated cattle, were related to changes in the surrounding environment. More precise dating of the hundreds of often co-mingled human remains at the site could also indicate the relationship between, for example, a body and the plastered skull cradled in its arms at the time of burial: Were they parent and child, or was the skull a venerated ancestor, many generations removed?

The hundreds of homes excavated thus far exhibit remarkable unity in how they were built, arranged and decorated, with no sign of any distinctive structure that could have served as an administrative or religious center. In most of the layers of successive settlement, each household seems to have had a similar amount of goods and wealth, and a very similar lifestyle.

Hodder speculates that this uniformity, as well as a strong shared system of beliefs and rituals, kept people together in the absence of leaders. He cautions, however, that it may not have been an egalitarian utopia. For many generations, it was very unacceptable for individual households to accumulate [wealth]. Once they started to do so, there is evidence that more problems started to arise. Most scientiic literature holds that the Anthropocene, the period of human activities inluencing the environment, began with the industrial era in the s, explains Hodder.

There may have been reasons to resist adopting this technological advance. Some remains were subsequently disinterred and their skulls reburied with other bodies, possibly as a form of ancestor worship. Her research thus far has shown greater variation among female teeth than those from males, suggesting more women than men married into the community. Analysis of bone development has also revealed some subtle differences between men and women in terms of manual labor.

Says excavation director Hodder: Hodder cautions, however, against drawing too many conclusions about a society so distant from our own. Abstract Food in Middle Age has been studied and reinterpreted. The vision of a time marked almost exclusively by food privation is beeing abandoned and more elaborated descriptions, reflecting the variety of conditions and periods experienced by different groups, have been attempted. This work reunites information about food in Portugal during Middle Age, seeking a differential comprehension of the several forms it assumes. Food; Middle Age; Portugal.

Roma tinha ideologias universalistas e, como tal, tentava uniformizar usos e costumes. Estes dados permitem substanciar a supremacia do trigo e do milho sobre os restantes cereais. Pensa-se contudo que, globalmente, seriam as carnes de carneiro e de porco as mais frequentes. Os legumes frescos seriam sobretudo apreciados pelos elementos das classes mais pobres. Destacam-se os frutos secos e as conservas e doces de fruta.

Entre os frutos secos, seriam os figos e as passas de uvas os mais habituais. Destas, destacam-se a manteiga, o toucinho e a banha. Os mais frequentes seriam o queijo, a nata, a manteiga e diversos pratos confeccionados, especialmente doces. Eram muito utilizados os refogados, feitos com cebola e azeite.

Dependendo do tipo de carne, esta poderia ser picada, trinchada ou lardeada. A ceia era tomada entre as seis e as sete horas da tarde. Um aspecto era comum a todos: Cada prato, bem como o vinho, era precedido por um porteiro seguido por criados empunhando tochas. Na Alvorada da Cultura Alimentar Europeia. Three River Press; A Sociedade Medieval Portuguesa. Aspectos da Vida Quotidiana. The Late Medieval Table. Livros Horizonte; , pp.

Imagens do Mundo Medieval. Lisboa, Livros Horizonte; , pp. Anchora medicinal para Conservar a Vida com Saude. Imprensa Nacional Casa da Moeda; Imprensa Nacional-Casa da Moeda; Texto de Nuno P. Digitalizado, adaptado e ilustrado para ser postado por Leopoldo Costa. Morel Editeurs, , chapter 1. As with the Mayas, these assumptions about the Aztecs have been overemphasized by those who have wanted to demonize them for various reasons. The Aztec — CE rise to prominence in centralMexico was relatively late among Mesoamerican cultures. The Aztecs authorized their presence in centralMexico by accentuating the similarities of their culture to those of Olmec, Teotihuacan and Tollan.

The languages and ethnicity of the people who lived in these places is unknown. In fact most of what is currently known of the pre-Aztec cultures of central Mexico is filtered through the Aztec conceptions of these people. For example, many of the place-names, such as Teotihuacan and Tula, are Nahuatl words. Also the Aztecs performed their own archaeological explorations and held important ceremonies at these sites. Nahuatl, the language of the Aztecs, is part of a family of languages called Uto-Aztecan.

It seems that the Aztecs indeed originated in the north because Nahuatl is similar to the Hopi, Huichol, Ute and Paiute languages. From that place the Aztecs the earth, then wandered southward. They were despised and distrusted by those with whom they came into contact.

Igreja estatal do Império Romano

After a long time of being driven from place to place the Aztecs sought refuge in the marshy cane fields in the middle of Lake Texcoco. Throughout the Valley of Mexico there were enormous salt and sweet water lakes which were a major food resource for the residents. There the priests saw an eagle with a snake in its beak perched on a cactus, which grew out of a rock in the middle of the lake. The eagle was a manifestation of Huitzilopochtli and associated with the sun. The legacy of the Aztec remains is due to the fact that Tenochtitlan lies beneath Mexico City. Pre-Columbian artefacts are unearthed by virtually every public works project.

In electrical workers uncovered an elaborately carved stone near the great Cathedral and the Zocalo, the central square of Mexico City. They tried to cover-up the find because it would delay their work, but it was eventually reported and led to the most important Aztec excavation. The workers had discovered the now famous Coyoxauhqui stone, which lay at the base of the steps of the Templo Mayor, the central temple structure of Tenochtitlan.

From to the Temple was enlarged and rededicated on the spot where Huitzilopochtli descended onto the cactus in the middle of Lake Texcoco. The discovery and excavation of the temple radically transformed the scholarly and popular understanding of Aztec civilization. As with the other parts of the city, the Spanish conquistadors levelled theTemplo Mayor with cannon fire. For them the temple symbolized the heathen worship of the Aztecs. They used the cut stone of the temple to construct what is now the oldest part of the National Cathedral nearby to the west.

The Templo Mayor survives as a series of bases from successive rebuilding stages. When a new temple was to be erected the old one was carefully buried under the new structure.

Doações (Donations,brazilians only)

By the sixteenth century, therefore, the Templo Mayor was an enormous pyramid. The Templo Mayor functioned as a ceremonial platform.

For Mesoamericans, including the Aztecs, the city was defined by its central temple. When a town was captured by the Aztecs, for example, that event was iconographically represented by the temple having been toppled and set on fire. Mountains were understood to be containers of water. Either too little or too much water could be devastating for agricultural success. As we have seen at other sites in Mesoamerica, the intimate relationships between various aspects of material life were directly involved in the urban planning and the ceremonies.

The Templo Mayor is actually two temples in one structure. The southern side of the temple is dedicated to Huitzilopochtli, the tribal god of the Aztecs, and the northern side is dedicated to Tlaloc, the god of rain and fertility whose earliest appearance is at Teotihuacan. The bifurcated structure is extremely rare among Mesoamerican cities; only one other bifurcated temple is known. While the Aztecs conquered an enormous area stretching from the Pacific to the Atlantic, they did not seem as interested in imposing their religious structures on subject peoples.

Rather they were interested in the flow of tribute to Tenochtitlan. This is dramatized by the absence of similar bifurcated temples throughout their conquered region. The dominant status of Huitzilopochtli at the Templo Mayor was not surprising to researchers. What was surprising was the absence of images of the god. In fact no iconographical representations of Huitzilopochtli were found at the site. Yet as Matos Moctezuma, the archaeologist responsible for the excavations, has said, it was Huitzilopochtli who oversaw the imperial designs of the Aztecs.

As god of the sun Huitzilopochtli was venerated at the Templo Mayor with sacrifices and other offerings. Like the sun he was omnipresent, but at the same time he was a uniquely Aztec deity. Scholars have been quick to point out that the absence of images of Huitzilopochtli at the Templo Mayor should not be seen as symptomatic of his significance for the Aztecs. Instead he may have been of great significance as a deus otiosus, a god obscured, or remote. Unlike Huitzilopochtli, the presence of Tlaloc at the Templo Mayor is ubiquitous.

For Broda this indicates that the Aztecs perceived the Templo Mayor as a symbol of absolute fertility. Huitzilopochtli was the solar god but also the Mexica deity of war and tribute. Tlaloc was the water and fertility god and a pan-Mesoamerican deity of agriculture. In the bifurcated Templo Mayor, therefore, the Aztec venerated deities who symbolized the material well-being of the city of Tenochtitlan.

The Aztecs adopted Tlaloc as their own deity and thereby authorized their presence in the Valley of Mexico. Thousands of figurines and statues were found at theTemplo Mayor, as well as numerous other artefacts associated with water and fertility. The various layers of these boxes were intended to represent the different layers of the cosmos. In addition these layers indicate how Aztec ceremonial life unfolded. At the bottom of the box are various shells and corals from both Atlantic and Pacific oceans.

They are laid out in an east—west direction, tracing the path of the sun. Above that were found various objects including jaguar skeletons, beads, figurines of various gods, and jars which symbolize the temple as a container of water. Above these objects were the entire skeletons of forty-two children below the ages of 7, with a corresponding number of Tlaloc figurines capping off the box. This offering was dated to when there was a very serious multi-year drought in Central Mexico.

In desperation the Aztecs propitiated the deities of rain, principal of them being Tlaloc, to bring rain. The Aztecs are famous, perhaps infamous, for their use of human sacrifice. These sacrificial rites have held a powerful place in the European imagination, and at certain points in the last years they have assumed mythic proportions. Incidents of human sacrifice in the New World were often emphasized and exaggerated by Europeans in order to justify their colonial operations in the Americas.

It is important to note, however, that the Spanish killed millions more people than did the Aztecs. This is particularly ironic given that the intention of the Spanish, as with other Europeans in the New World, was to spread a religion of love. Protestants wished to demonize the Spanish Catholics by emphasizing the atrocities throughout the Americas. As horrific as Aztec human sacrifice was they killed far fewer people in the course of a given agricultural year than did the Spanish.

The phenomenon of human sacrifice is no different from similar offering rites. In an exchange economy of relationships with the deities human sacrifice is the gift among all gifts. Even so, the descriptions of these rites that have survived through the conquest of Tenochtitlan seem to indicate that even among Mesoamerican cultures, who were no strangers to human sacrifice, the Aztecs were known to be particularly bloody in their sacrificial rites.

Since the scholarly view of the Mayas has been altered since the s their counterparts in central Mexico look more similar and less bloody than they had done. Written by Philip P. Porque la otra ley, la ley humana, distingue otras dos clases: La otra clase es la de los siervos: Texto capital y, en alguna de sus frases, extraordinario. Otros, entre ellos recientemente Vasilij I. Basta comparar ese esquema con los de la alta Edad Media para darse cuenta de la novedad.

Roldan, aparte lo que se haya podido decir, tiene una moral de clase, piensa en su linaje, en su rey, en su patria. El Lancelote en prosa remata el ciclo. No hay duda de que los poderosos: No hacia lo alto, sino hacia abajo, hacia la muerte. El taller urbano es un crisol donde se disuelve la sociedad tripartita y donde se elabora la nueva imagen. La Iglesia termina por adaptarse de grado o por fuerza. Al principio, esta nueva sociedad es la sociedad del diablo.

En las guardas de un manuscrito florentino del siglo XIII, por ejemplo, leemos: Los manuales de confesores que, en el siglo XIII, definen los pecados y los casos de conciencia acaban por catalogar los pecados por clases sociales. A cada estado sus vicios, sus pecados.

En esta sociedad rota, los jefes espirituales conservan, a pesar de todo, la nostalgia de la unidad. La sociedad cristiana debe formar un cuerpo, un corpus. Sin embargo, el duelo entre el sacerdocio y el Imperio no siempre apare ce en estado puro. Hay otros protagonistas que remueven las cartas. Por parte del sacerdocio, las cosas se aclaran con bastante rapidez. Gregorio VII da un paso decisivo a este respecto con el Dictatus papae del , donde afirma entre otras cosas: El papa Inocencio III reconoce en que, de facto, el rey de Francia no tiene superior en lo temporal.

Los Etablissements de san Luis declaran: De este modo, la idea de imperio, aunque parcial y fragmentaria, iba siempre ligada a la idea de unidad. Pero el verdadero conflicto se entabla entre el sacerdos y el rex. Christus vincit, Christus regnat, Christus imperat. Este le autoriza a llevar la diadema y las insignias pontificales y concede al clero romano los or namentos senatoriales. Al rex-sacerdos le corresponde un pontifex-rex. El papa no lleva la tiara durante el ejercicio de sus funciones sacerdotales, sino en las ceremonias en las que aparece como un soberano. A partir de Pascual II, en , los papas son coronados al subir al solio pontificio.

Desde Urbano II, el clero romano recibe el nombre de Curia, nombre que evoca a la vez el antiguo senado romano y una corte feudal. Los benedictinos de Fleury Saint-Benoit-sur-Loire y de Saint-Denis contribuyeron en gran medida al establecimiento de los capetos. La Iglesia favorece el poder real contra su rival, el poder militar, el sacerdote ayuda al rey a dar ja que al guerrero.

Por supuesto que lo hace para convertirlo en su instrumen to, para asignar a la realeza el papel esencial de protectora de la Iglesia, la verdadera Iglesia del orden sacerdotal, la Iglesia ideal de los pobres. A cambio, la Iglesia sacraliza el poder real. Hugo de Fleury, en el Tractatus de regia potestate et sacerdotali dignitate, dedicado a Enrique I de Inglaterra, llega incluso a comparar al rey con Dios Padre y al obispo con Cristo solamente.

Gregorio VII recuerda al emperador que, al no saber expulsar a los demo nios, es bastante inferior a los exorcistas. Honorio de Autun afirma que el rey es un laico. Pero su mujer y su espada le impiden pasar por tal. Al mal rey —el que no obedece a la Iglesia— se le tacha de tirano y que da privado de su dignidad. Menudean las excomuniones, los entredichos, las deposiciones. A las preten siones imperiales y reales, los papas replican mediante la imagen de las dos es padas, que simbolizan, a partir de los Padres, el poder espiritual y el poder temporal.

Pedro es el detentor de las dos espadas. Lo mismo ocurre con las dos luminarias. Para la Iglesia, la luz mayor, el sol, es el papa, la luz menor, la luna, el emperador o el rey. Las dos espadas quedaron en manos separadas. Los hombres de la cristiandad medieval tuvieron una clara conciencia de ello. Rangel de Lucques, a comienzos del siglo XII, afirma: A su padre le dijo: Entonces Gotelinda, la hermana, dijo: Dices siempre "deu sol" y yo no entiendo su sen tido.

Sabido es que Ernst Robert Curtius ha defendido brillantemente esta tesis. Ejemplo mismo de la lengua sagrada que aisla al grupo social que tiene el privilegio, no de comprenderla —lo que importa poco—, sino de hablarla aunque sea a trancas y barrancas. Quaecumque sint illae linguae seu nationes, possunt erudiri de divina sapientia et virtute.

Durante largo tiempo, la regla de la unanimidad se impone. Lo esencial es no dejar solo al individuo. Aislado, no puede sino comportarse mal. El gran pecado consiste en singularizarse. Ni en la literatura ni en el arte apare cen los personajes descritos o pintados con sus particularidades. Los nobles tienen el cabello rubio o rojo. Roldan, en Roncesvalles, se niega durante largo tiempo a hacer sonar el olifante para llamar en su socorro a Carlomagno, por temor a que sus parientes se vean deshonrados por ello La solidaridad del linaje se manifiesta de un modo particular en las venganzas privadas, las faides.

La vendetta fue algo reconocido, practicado y ala bado en el Occidente medieval. Ese complejo de intereses y de sentimientos suscita por otro lado en la familia feudal tensiones de una excepcional violencia. Agrupa a todos los que viven bajo el mis mo techo y se dedican al cultivo de la misma tierra. Que a la mujer se la vea como a ser inferior, de eso no cabe la menor duda.

La mujer campesina es casi, por lo que se refiere al trabajo, la equivalente, si no la igual del hombre. En las capas superiores de la sociedad, las mujeres siempre han gozado de un cierto prestigio. Por lo menos algunas de ellas. Se ha pretendido con frecuencia que las cruzadas, al dejar a las mujeres solas en Occidente, provocaron un acrecentamiento de sus poderes y de sus derechos.

A juzgar por las obras de arte, no lo parece. El vocabulario de los cantares de gesta es ilustrador en este sentido. Pero esos progresos fueron lentos. Pero para la masa esto da lugar, con frecuencia, a opresiones adicionales. En definitiva, el individuo que triunfa es el despabilado, el astuto.

El individuo es siempre sospechoso. En principio, la Iglesia deduce el diezmo a los miembros de esa otra comunidad que es la parroquia, con el fin de socorrer las necesidades de los pobres. No obstante, la comunidad aldeana no es igualitaria. Algunos jefes de familia —de ordina rio los ricos y, a veces, los simples descendientes de familias tradicionalmente notables— dominan y gestionan en beneficio propio los negocios de la comunidad. El bien proce de de los vecinos, el mal de los extranjeros. Hemos conservado el texto de algunas de estas reclamaciones. Regidor por lo menos nueve veces, lo es especialmente en , cuando reprime ferozmente una huelga de tejedores de Douai.

La frater nidad se convierte, finalmente, en comunidad ligada por juramento: A comienzos del siglo XIV, muy pocas ciudades so-brepasan, y de poco, los cien mil habitantes: Los ciudadanos llevan en ella una vida semirrural. No obstante, el contraste ciudad-campo fue mayor en la Edad Media que en casi todo el resto de las sociedades y de las civilizaciones. Las murallas, con sus torres y sus puertas, sirven para separar dos mundos. Las ciudades consolidan su originalidad, su particularidad, y reproducen de forma ostentatoria en sus sellos esas murallas que las protegen.

Los pa triarcas, por el contrario, y en general los justos, los temerosos de Dios, vi vieron bajo la tienda, en el desierto.

HISTÓRIA DO REGGAE: IGREJA ORTODOXA ETÍOPE TEWAHEDO

En , cuando una guerra feroz enfrenta Siena a Florencia, uno de los prin cipales comerciantes-banqueros sienenses, Salimbene dei Salimbeni, hace entrega a la comunidad de Flandes, Alemania, Italia del norte y del centro. Entre las ciudades y sus contornos rurales las relaciones son bastante complejas. El campesino que emigra a ella recobra ante todo la libertad: Las ciudades desarrollan un artesanado rural barato, que controlan por completo.

Muy pronto sienten miedo de sus campesinos. Esos productos de la ciudad: A veces se desata en crisis de gran violencia. Es de una fealdad repugnante, bestial, a duras penas tiene figura humana. Su destino natural es el infierno. La misma hostilidad respecto del ser moral del campesino. Es la resistencia pasiva mediante el sabotaje de los trabajos obligatorios, la negativa a entregar los pa gos en especie, a pagar las tasas.

En , el abad del monasterio de Marmoutier, en Alsacia, suprime los trabajos obligatorios de los siervos y los reemplaza por un pago en dinero. Y la Iglesia, que hizo del fraude un pecado grave, no pudo atajar esas manifestaciones de la lucha de clases. De este modo, pobres y ricos se enfrentaban en las ciudades. Son el objeto de la rivalidad masculina de las dife rentes clases sociales. La lucha de clases en el Occidente medieval se duplica, como es sabido, por las enconadas rivalidades en el interior de las clases.

En las lizas de los torneos, en pleno campo, en los asedios de los castillos, las confrontaciones entre las familias feudales pueblan la historia medieval. En el seno de la sociedad urbana, las familias burgue sas se entregan, solas o animando partidos, a luchas sin cuartel por el liderazgo del patriciado o por el dominio de la ciudad.

En , una serie de vendettas oponen en Florencia a dos grupos de familias, a dos consorterie, la de los Fifanti-Amidei y la de los Buondelmonte. Edmunds van capitaneados por dos sacerdotes que portan los estandartes de los rebeldes. Desconfiemos de estos juicios que cuelgan a quienes se rebelan la etiqueta de envidiosos.

Cuando el raptor cae sobre el po bre, nos negamos a socorrerlo. Pero el rey se encuentra a veces solo frente a las clases sociales. Lejos de dominarlas, se siente amenazado por cada una de ellas. Entre esas clases separadas por la edad, una representaba en particular una realidad estructurada y eficaz: La ciudad condujo con frecuencia a la ruptura de esas tradiciones y de las solidaridades que eran su base. No obstante, quedaron residuos de ellas: Se celebran en ella reunio nes, sus campanas llaman a la gente en caso de peligro, sobre todo de incen dio.

En ella tienen lugar conversaciones, juegos, mercados. En la ciudad y en la aldea, el gran centro social es la taberna. El cura, por el contrario, lanza vituperios contra ese centro de vicio en el que se da libre cur so a los juegos de azar y a la borrachera y donde se hace la competencia a las reuniones parroquiales, a los sermones, a los oficios religiosos. De ese modo, la taberna es un nudo esencial en la red de relaciones. Desde ella se difunden las noticias portado ras de realidades lejanas, las leyendas, los mitos.

Las conversaciones que en ella se mantienen forjan las mentalidades. A veces se ha dicho que la fe religiosa es la que ha proporcionado a cier tas revueltas sociales el cemento y el ideal que necesitaban sus reivindicacio nes materiales. El mal activa nuestros deseos. Dala a los leprosos. Al fin se precipita hacia la reina y la toma por la mano. Fuera de la ciudad desciende el asqueroso cortejo.

Translator

Schaff , p. Irvin , p. O'Hare , p. The Armenians First ed. Cambridge University Press, ISBN , pp. Robrecht Boudens Leuven University Press, , p. Consultado em 23 de setembro de Eerdmans ISBN , p. Michalopulos, "Canon 28 and Eastern Papalism: History of the Byzantine State , pp. Religion and Irreligion in Bulgaria: How Religious Are the Bulgarians?

Religion and power in Europe: Golubinskii, Istoriia russkoi tserkvi Moscow: Universitetskaia tipografiia, , vol. Ideas, Politics, and Society, Volume I: Byzantium and The Crusades.

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