El manicomio catalán (Actualidad) (Spanish Edition)

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They are the following: The Revista de Occidente and Science: Revista de Occidente, It gestures to a unique phenomenon of the time: The scientific method traces its roots to Aristotle and the desire for empirical knowledge through observation of phenomena and the analysis of the results of said observation and experimentation. At its most basic level, the scientific method requires hypothesis, experiment, observation, and analysis.

It also requires the confirmation of observation through extensive repetition of experiment. In addition, in order to substantiate with added certainty the results of the experimentation, there must exist a constant refining of the method by which conclusions are reached and the hypothesis confirmed. In other words, the scientific method, far from being a process of mere repetition and often enough redundancy, is quite dynamic in its constant shift towards even greater precision.

While it is clear how this precision is desirable and achievable in the hard sciences, and why its process is necessary for the maintenance of what Thomas S. The disciplines to which I am referring are principally Psychology, Sociology and Economics. Ortega refers to these disciplines under the umbrella term ciencia: What these areas of study had in common was that they were still in their initial stages of development as formalized disciplines during the time the Revista de Occidente was being published.

Formalization of a discipline requires the establishment of the criteria for its study, and the articles that are found within the pages of the Revista de Occidente contributed much toward the articulation of the standards of these disciplines through both their subject matter and their rigorous scholarship. Of the social sciences, Sociology and Psychology are perhaps the most pertinent to this discussion.

The Revista de Occidente includes a multiplicity of articles dedicated to these themes, and all are presented under the banner of ciencia. In the case of Sociology, it is interesting to note that the articles that we would consider sociological studies did not actually define themselves as such until the late s, after the Revista had already published many articles by Georg Simmel, Max Scheler and other scholars.

With the human and its environment as subject, and as they also display a tinge of nineteenth-century predilections towards the biological explanation of societal phenomena, it is possible to see how the authors of these articles would view their work as being a part of the scientific experience. As for Psychology, a similar case can be made, that the importance of observation, analysis, and with the behaviorists experiment legitimized for many the inclusion of psychology as a science.

From these critical observations, it is safe to conclude that the Revista de Occidente and perhaps this is also true for other educational institutions of the time period held that for science to be science, it must at the very least be compliant with scientific method and make the attempt to be objective. It is this emphasis on objectivity that I wish to highlight here as being one of the structuring principles of the magazine at large.

Were we to reduce such a statement to its elemental nature, we would see that really, the Revista de Occidente was an avenue for exploring the ultimate products of both the objective study of reality and the subjective reactions to that same reality, with the goal of achieving a meaningful knowledge of the world and a recognitions of the means by which actuality is apprehended.

The Revista, in its eclecticism, was holding up a dual lens by which the public could view the world around them: When seen as a part of this larger project, it is not at all surprising that an article on the structure of the universe should appear alongside an essay exploring the current state of the study of Phenomenology.

And yet, the times being what they were, a certain marriage between art and science was to happen; this will be the object of our exploration in Chapters Four and Five. The Pulse of a Revolution. Of the hundreds of essays that comprise the fifty-three total volumes of the Revista de Occidente, thirty of them deal directly with the hard sciences. These are just the major articles, that is, essays that devote more than a few pages to their topic and go into some depth about their object of investigation. While these minor mentions of science in other venues are fascinating in their own right, and indeed have much to say about the nature of the magazine, it is the major essays that concern us at the present moment.

Science beyond the Pyrenees: The reason for the 14 I have made the decision to eliminate the discussion of the biological sciences within the Revista de Occidente, as Dale J. He does, however, offer a challenge in his last paragraph, that I find both relevant to the discussion at hand and therefore worth mentioning. To analyze literary images of science in the Spanish cultural dialogue is therefore to take that dialogue at its word, to explore crucial nuances on the level of cultural discourse and in specific texts.

The ensuing avenues of investigation in epistemology and reference, in systems of cultural signification and identity, and in aesthetics, all demand further criticism of literature and science in Spanish texts and contexts. Pratt, Signs of Science: Purdue UP, Mostly, however, the Revista de Occidente was interested in publishing only the best articles that were representative of the field at the time, and this meant seeking collaborators abroad.

Eddington, Sir James H. Jeans, and the most celebrated physicist of the time, Albert Einstein, contributed at least two articles each to the Revista. The fact that these articles were not expressly written for publication in the Revista de Occidente is rendered unimportant when one considers the mission of the Revista itself: What is significant, given this goal, is that Spanish scientists could not provide this material, neither in quantity nor in quality.

In fact, a close examination of the contents of the magazine warrants the argument that the Revista de Occidente was interested in publishing only those articles that managed to explain the new physical Weltanschauung brought on by the theory of relativity and quantum mechanics in the s, as well as relate those phenomena observed, unobserved and theoretical to its more central themes of philosophy, culture, and the human condition. The fact that the first article that addresses the world of physics is written by Bertrand Russell is significant.

Rather, articles and authors were chosen that were communicatively highly efficient: It is not the objective of this chapter to present a detailed description of the specific content of these articles; rather, the central aim is to submit to the reader an outline of the general concerns that these essays demonstrate when considered as a whole, and also as a continuum. In order to illustrate effectively the significance of this collection of articles, several aspects must be highlighted.

I will be giving a general overview of the contributors and their works, with a special focus on the case of Blas Cabrera, the only Spanish scientist to publish within the Revista de Occidente, arriving at a total of six major essays, more than any other physicist represented therein. Geographically, the scientists form two major groups: Thematically, these scientists can be grouped around the following areas: With these major groupings in mind, let us now move on to a consideration of the physicists themselves, their lives and their work, and their significance as a part of the developing continuum of rapid scientific advancement that the Revista de Occidente aimed to capture.

When the Special Theory of Relativity made its appearance in , it was recognized only by a tiny number of scientists; the General Theory of Relativity when it arrived in caused a much greater reaction as scientific conservatives began to build barricades to protect themselves from the perceived subversive nature of the theory. Newtonian physics relied on these absolutes as a matter of course; and, not insignificantly, such absolutism had lingering religious overtones that conservative scientists could not ignore.

Doing away with the ether in favor of empty space was one of the more scandalous by-products of the advent of relativity theory. The failure of the Michelson-Morley ether-drift experiment in sounded the death knell of the theory, and the emergence of relativity effectively marked the ether as pure fantasy, a non- existent entity that served only to preserve Newtonian mechanics on a cosmic level. However, the mere fact that relativity challenged the Newtonian view of the universe was enough to perturb Catholic doctrine. Einstein was confounded by this reaction, and was reported as saying that relativity had little or nothing to do with religious doctrine.

Historical and Cultural Perspectives, eds. Princeton UP, xiii. For Catholic scientists, accepting relativity as true would have implications for this hierarchy of identity, not necessarily because relativity undermined Catholic doctrine itself, but rather because it brought down the structures of classical mechanics, which did indeed largely conform to Catholic theology, in its own manner.

Primarily, it stands as an indication that Spain had a history of scientific activity, if not achievement, in centuries past, and that it had been enlightened enough to accept the ideas of Newton. As Maravall Casesnoves notes: Albert Einstein, resistant to what was shaping up to be the most important branch of physics since the development of his theory of relativity, was losing some of his clout within the world of the scientists; but on the street, in the average home, the man had become equated with genius, and the relativistic Weltanschauung was becoming a part of daily life.

Einstein, the commodity, was still significant in the eyes of the world, and his squabbles with the arcane complexities of quantum mechanics were largely ignored by the general populace, as well as by Ortega y Gasset, who continued to embrace him as the figurehead of scientific progress in the 20th century, a person who had radically reshaped reality—a scientific expression of the complexities of their modern life.

Ortega y Gasset traces his support of Einsteinian physics to a speech given in in Buenos Aires. They are decidedly interpretative, and not infrequently manipulative. Ortega uses Einstein strategically, indicating his early awareness of the theories see above themselves, but mostly employing the theory of relativity as a non-causal confirmation of his own historical perspective. Esto es evidente y trivial. Lo interesante es lo inverso: Many of these connections are explicitly historical, others thematic. Alianza Editorial, Sir Arthur Eddington was a British astrophysicist who had spent time as the head of the Royal Astronomical Society, but who was most famous for leading the team that went to Principe, an island off the African coast, in to observe the total solar eclipse visible from that location.

Eddington's study of the general theory of relativity began when Willem de Sitter, the Dutch astronomer, forwarded a copy of Einstein's theory to Eddington, who was then secretary of the Royal Astronomical Society. For several years, it remained the only copy of the theory in England. Eddington immediately recognized its importance and began to teach himself the intricacies of its mathematical details.

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He revised the report in to include the results of his own eclipse expedition to the Isle of Principe in the Gulf of Guinea, which had confirmed a central prediction of Einstein's general theory: Eddington himself was so busy changing photographic plates during the eclipse that he did not actually see it. Weaver, Motz and McAdoo These results made both Eddington and Einstein celebrities in their own right and brought the concepts of the theory of relativity into the common parlance, albeit in a simplified, often distorted form.

His specialization was the internal structure and constitution of stars; he believed that stars were gaseous objects, and it was the state of equilibrium beneath their surface that interested him most. It was not this work in stellar physics, however, that made his name renowned even outside of the insular world of science—rather it 25 Thomas F. Glick discusses some of the distortions of the theory of relativity by common consensus in his book Einstein in Spain. Glick, Einstein in Spain: Relativity and the Recovery of Science Princeton, N.

Princeton University Press, These popularizations Space, Time and Gravitation []; Stars and Atoms []; and The Nature of the Physical World [] were all well-received, and were translated into a variety of languages—including Spanish: Douglas discusses his special narrative ability as shown in his first popular work, Space, Time and Gravitation: For three years before [] Eddington had been called upon frequently to present the new ideas and explain their significance to learned and to very mixed audiences.

His humour and felicity in selecting a striking metaphor, simile or quotation to illuminate a scientific idea enriched these addresses and gave him a new interest and satisfaction which led him to carry over this scintillating style into his semi-popular books. In Space, Time and Gravitation we find this gift for picturesque and vivid exposition of scientific ideas making its first appearance in his writings. In this book, as also in some of his later books, he gave much pleasure to his readers by the inclusion of an apt quotation under every chapter heading.

The range of the sources of Eddington's quotations throws light on his wide reading and sometimes underlines the puckish whimsicality of his humour. Jeans, fellow member and also sometime president of the Royal Astronomical Society Eddington served as president between and , Jeans during the years to , was an astrophysicist and mathematician who also took up his pen in an effort to explain the changing vision of the cosmos to an eager public. Milne, also a British physicist, characterizes ten books out of the many that Jeans wrote during the course of his life as popularizations.

Of the former, Milne writes that in terms of content, Jeans …gave special attention to the problems of cosmogony and evolution and to the general structure of the universe. Like his technical treatises, this book sustains the reader's excited interest from cover to cover. In addition, it implicitly gestures to an awareness of a certain controversy undergirding their selection: It was a spat that played out quite publicly through the publications and banquets of the Royal Astronomical Society and indeed other venues; E. Milne comments that their battle was ongoing and never resolved: But this opposition did not extend to papers on other, even if closely allied, subjects.

They tacitly agreed, evidently, not to refer to the thorny subject on which they disagreed. The work of Jeans and Eddington that we see published in the Revista de Occidente is that of two popularizers in their best moment. Eddington es profesor de la Universidad y director del Observatorio de Cambridge. Une a su tecnicismo, claridad, ingenio y profundidad. The only drawback to such a strategy is that, for all of its communicative efficacy, analogy often lacks precision. This was a reprint of the same article as it appeared in the British magazine Nature, the same year.

This recurrence to the metaphysical aspect of physics itself is a trait shared by Jeans and Eddington, each with his own flavor. Eddington, Jeans, Cabrera and Thirring all explore the idea at some length, all arriving at similar conclusions: The two articles published in the Revista de Occidente by A. Eddington deal explicitly with metaphysical and religious questions raised by the New Physics itself. In any event, the contributions of A. Jeans as well as Bertrand Russell to the Revista de Occidente are an ideal representation of the general attitude of the publication towards scientific exploration.

The authors are eminent researchers, greatly respected within their field; they are also well-received authors whose publications have reached a wide audience. But more than that, both scientists show a preoccupation with more than the empirical, objective universe of scientific exploration: Sir James Jeans las deduce del hecho de hacerlo. By exploring in some detail their publications within the Revista de Occidente, I hope to have illustrated by example the criteria of the publication for the selection of its content with regard to essays on science, in particular, that these articles explore in some way the relationship between pure science and the world that surrounds it—that is, science as it exists within cultural constructs.

In the coming pages, I hope to show that these same criteria apply when we examine the rest of the scientific articles published in the Revista de Occidente. Physics on the Continent: The Quantum Mechanical Players The Revista de Occidente did a remarkable job in portraying the state of British astrophysics through a select publication of various articles by the leaders in the field.

The editors of the magazine did an equally remarkable job with the trends in physics on the European continent, with especial attention to that of the developing field of quantum mechanics. The articles chosen for publication are highly representative not only of the major philosophical questions raised by the principles of quantum mechanics, but also of the alliances between scientists that existed at the time. It is entirely remarkable that these five physicists should appear with equal voice in a magazine whose focus is decidedly cultural, not scientific. This conglomeration of names and ideas is far from random—it is clear that the editorial board of the Revista de Occidente had a lucid portrait of the dynamics of the development of the physical sciences beyond the Spanish border.

They are, some more than others perhaps, also popularizations of very complex ideas aimed at describing not the mathematical or scientific complexities of quantum mechanics, but rather some of the practical and philosophical implications of the theory itself. In other words, while the players of the debate over matrix vs. This deference to the philosophical side of physical phenomena is maintained throughout the series of articles written by the quantum physicists between and The title of his article comes in the form of a question: He questions the supposed objectivity of the sciences as well as the view that scientific progress follows an almost inevitable path of development where one experiment must lead to one and only one possible result, and from that, the concurrent discovery that pushes science forward.

Similarly, Pascual Jordan begins his cross-disciplinary article with a discussion of Hume and the doctrine of causality. His analysis of causality hinges on the possibility of observable phenomena—a true quandary for the quantum physicists whose theories would be impossible to prove through empirical methods, as their very scale borders on the infinitesimally small: Jordan notes that the impossibility of empirical observation must give rise to the dominance of statistical analysis in imagining atomic and subatomic activity.

Of course, when probability is granted primacy, determinism must by default fall away. Jordan sees in the interstices of the debate between probability and determinism the outlines of the ancient polemic of free will. The trend of questioning the frontiers of science is continued with an essay by Heisenberg. He laments that these camps of thought have erected walls to enforce their separation, and yet he sees hope for new modes of knowledge where the spiritual world and the physical world come into contact, perhaps through the questions raised by the New Physics itself.

In general, as we can see, the Continental physicists tended to see their discipline as being in frank association with the systems of philosophy, and explored at length the implications of this juxtaposition. The sense of wonder that these physicists had toward their subject echoes clearly throughout their essays—a sort of verbal Uncertainty that required a voice that would offer a clarification of the vocabulary of science, now muddied by the New, and translated with some difficulty into the Spanish idiom.

That need would indeed be addressed directly by celebrated physicist and writer, Blas Cabrera, the seemingly lone Spaniard giving voice to the New Physics in his own country. The Special Case of Blas Cabrera Of the fair-sized collection of authors whose articles deal with the hard sciences in the Revista de Occidente, there is only one among them that hails from Spain, and that author is Blas Cabrera.

Blas Cabrera stands out as one of the few scientists who were willing to support Einstein, as well as the findings of the quantum physicists. He was not the first to embrace relativity, but, according to Thomas F. Glick, by , he gave his full support to the theory He explains that the general trend in Spain in the early 20th century was toward the development of applied sciences and technology, rather than pure research: Blas Cabrera, as a scientist, had as his focus the study of electromagnetism, and wrote several professional treatises on this subject.

For this, he was duly recognized in scientific circles abroad, not only in Spain. Blas Cabrera contributed more articles on physics to the Revista de Occidente than any other author—six major essays and four book reviews between the years of and The six articles, in order of publication, are the following: Residencia de Estudiantes, A second version was also published: First of all, it is the discussion of relativity that is preeminent in each of the articles, even in those written in the years following the advent of quantum mechanics in the late s.

El Club Riviera reabre en Cabrera de Mar

This is not surprising considering that it was as a proponent of the theory of relativity that Cabrera gained his reputation as a skilled writer of scientific popularizations. Even when the discussion ventures into distant territory, such as the nearly inexplicable behaviors of the quantum world, Cabrera always manages to highlight the fundamental importance of the theory of relativity in the development of the New Physics in general.

Perhaps this is so, but the articles in the Revista de Occidente seem to affirm, if not the contrary, then at least that this interest was subordinated to the needs of his audience—the measure of the effectiveness of a great popularizer, which indeed he was. Blas Cabrera had a gift of the visual metaphor when describing scientific realities beyond our powers of observation. He was able to effectively communicate the immensities of scale that were so often a limiting factor in the world of physics, which had once prided itself on being a discipline of observable phenomena.

The New Physics dealt with the nearly infinite scale of the cosmos the shape of which Cabrera debated along with Einstein and de Sitter in the pages of his articles and studies that were now approaching the infinitesimal scale of the Planck length 1. It provides an identity, a point of connection for the readership that is not entirely abstract or unfamiliar, a move which would be emotionally satisfying for the reader, even as it confirms how impossibly small we are within the scope of the universe as a whole.

The article is a discussion of scientific progress, including the theories of relativity and the at the moment brand new field of quantum mechanics, and how it is that scientists know what they know. Acknowledging the limits of perception, Cabrera enters into a polemic about the role of empirical observational data in a scientific world that has seemed to have transcended this very basic principle of the scientific method.

Skillfully, he manipulates the discussion of atomicity into a forum for the new quantum mechanics, the advent of which he is the first to announce within the pages of the Revista de Occidente. He analyzes the two competing schools of thought: He is very politic with his conclusions about which theory is the correct interpretation of quantum phenomena, but seems to come down lightly on the side of Heisenberg et al.: It is this equanimity of presentation that truly sets Blas Cabrera apart as a popularizer.

Like Eddington, he considers the unique nature of humanity and the miracle of life and wonders at its presence in the universe. His tone is markedly different from that of the German popularizer Hans Thirring, whose extensive reasoning as to why we cannot reach other worlds ventures on the glib. In four sentences he manages to summarize the enigmas of our existence, bringing physics and technology into contact with the ineffable soul of humankind: Acaso se trate de un problema verdaderamente insoluble, pero nuestros 39 An example: His articles in the Revista de Occidente are a manifestation of a scientific culture in ascendance; however, many more scientists of similar stature as Blas Cabrera would be needed for Spain to truly be on par with the rest of Europe, and this project of intellectual integration would be curtailed by the Spanish Civil War.

Science, Language, Knowledge It goes without saying that in this flowering in the sciences was abruptly cauterized, with the war effectively halting most investigation and discovery in the hard sciences.

El Manicomio Catalán

The Revista de Occidente provided a forum in which this ideal was given flesh and form through its diverse offerings of the most current scholarship in a variety of fields, including the physical sciences. Most importantly, the platform of the Revista de Occidente served as a space in which these disciplines could interact and enter into dialogue through their juxtaposition within the pages of the magazine itself.

The very foundation of this interface, however, comes not in the form of thematic exploration, but rather within the realm of language itself. In a talk given in , just before the initiation of the Spanish Civil War, Blas Cabrera discussed the imperative of finding language expressive of the new realities of science: Allow me to cite at length: Es la lengua producto de la cultura toda de los pueblos que la hablaron, pues en ella va quedando el sedimento de la vida intelectual de las generaciones pasadas.

The effort to find new means of expression for the revelations of the New Physics was of great interest to all physicists, and we have seen this reflected in the content of the Revista de Occidente as it carefully juxtaposed content in a manner that proceeded to highlight the innovations in disparate fields and their shadowy analogousness.

This will be the topic of the coming chapters: Language both follows and informs the times in which we live. In the case of Spain in the first third of the twentieth century, literary language became elastic, stretching to encompass a rapidly evolving culture of perpetual innovation in the world of ideas—scientific, philosophical, and artistic—a moment that was documented thoroughly in the diverse and eclectic run of the Revista de Occidente.

La Gaceta Literaria and the Spanish vanguardia The emergence, dominance and eventual collapse of the Spanish vanguardia was a complex, polyphonic event, voiced through numerous periodicals whose proliferation came to signify the dynamism of the movement itself.

Many of these magazines were extremely short- lived, but still influential in their promotion of the new poetics that gripped Spain in the s. It was, comparatively speaking, a grand shout amid murmurs of the aesthetic revolution, which was well underway by the time of its first issue on the first of January, The Gaceta was uniquely suited to be the chronicler of the vanguardia: Unlike the smaller magazines mentioned above, La Gaceta Literaria had no intention of limiting its scope to poetic events.

And unlike the Revista de Occidente, it did not necessarily cater to a particular, well- educated elite. And its scope, being wide enough to include within its pages a range of topics—literature, cinema, art, philosophy, psychology, sociology, and science—allowed for the creative interaction of fields traditionally kept at a distance from each other.

One of the most notable interactions that occurs in La Gaceta Literaria is that of science and culture. In fact, it is safe to say that La Gaceta Literaria distinguished between these two categories only with regard to the sub-sections and titles that structured the magazine. For the Gaceta, science was a cultural event, part of a cohesive conception of human knowledge and creativity that undergirded the vanguardia. In this chapter, I will examine in detail the way that La Gaceta Literaria expresses this vision of the interconnectedness of science and culture.

I plan to explore what it is that makes La Gaceta Literaria unique, how it differs from the Revista de Occidente in terms of its exploration of science, and by what avenues in manages to arrive at its own definition of ciencia. By investigating not only the major themes of the magazine, but also the voices behind them, I hope to outline the ways in which science played an increasingly important role in cultural issues and production. University of Texas at Austin, ix-xiii. La Gaceta Literaria, I contend, is unusually and uniquely representative of the cultural, epistemological, social, and political forces that were shaping a Spain that, at that moment, was in a state of ideological flux.

Form and Substance La Gaceta Literaria appeared in , at the moment when the formal experimentations of the Spanish vanguardia were reaching their peak. Born out of a spirit of collaboration and the need for a common forum dedicated exclusively at least in theory to literary interests, La Gaceta Literaria was immediately and warmly welcomed by the public both in Spain and abroad.

And if the international literary presses were critical of La Gaceta Literaria for its supposedly derivative format, the editors of the Gaceta had enough grace to extend their appreciation to these foreign magazines for their role in publicizing the advent of their new and soon to be quite influential publication. The brevity of its existence cannot be attributed to any of the usual culprits for the cessation of publication—a decline in funding, a paucity of substance—but rather to its peculiar historical circumstance.

La Gaceta Literaria came into existence at a moment in history when great shifts were about to occur; within its six year lifespan, the publication witnessed the toppling of the Primo de Rivera dictatorship, the complete overthrow of the monarchy, and the installation of the Second Republic in Spain. Such political upheaval does not come to pass without the presence of internal unrest and disquiet, even within the self-proclaimed apolitical 4 space that belonged to the vanguardia in the late s. Arconada, who stated as a response: Thus the Gaceta showed even in its early years an undeniably political disposition towards its literary subject matter.

Foard, The Revolt of the Aesthetes: See Guillermo de Torre, Literaturas europeas de vanguardia Madrid: This eventually resulted in the fall of the Primo de Rivera dictatorship, approximately three years following the initial issue of La Gaceta Literaria, the magazine that captured so vividly the internal fractures of the intelligentsia that would set a course toward the national tragedy, the Spanish Civil War. La Gaceta Literaria se presenta a la vida dispuesta a tres afirmaciones: Otra, hacia el presente.

Y hacia el porvenir, la otra.

Gerald Fitzgerald Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, Ortega defines the generation in the following manner: Madrid, Barcelona, Lisboa, Buenos Aires se reparten diversos atributos de la mente provincial. Las otras grandes unidades de cultura comienzan a fatigarse: Hay que resolverse a pensar y a sentir en onda larga.

Lo mismo en la villa literaria. The goal, therefore, of the Gaceta Literaria, would be an ambitious one: It is important to note that Ortega gave his blessing to the newly formed Gaceta Literaria, and then promptly disappeared, almost completely, as a contributor to the magazine. There would be two more articles authored by him in the Gaceta, both published within the first eighteen months; his name would appear countless times within the writings of other contributors, which serves to reason, considering his status as a species of godfather to the younger generation of the vanguardia.

It did not have ambitions to become the voice of European ascent and exaltation of the intellect. The Gaceta did not wish to participate in the creation of a more Europeanized Spain through the publication of articles from beyond its borders, as was the goal of the Revista de Occidente.

The theory holds that script opposition is binary and can be classified as: The descriptive and explanatory aspects of the theory were increased from one to six dimensions of what were termed knowledge resources KR. Several attempts have been made to adapt and expand the GTVH to incorporate different aspects of humour theory.

Argiris Archakis and Villy Tsakona used GTVH to examine conversational data and identity construction through humour, concluding that it is possible to apply the GTVH to both written and oral data. Subsequently, and of particular interest to this thesis, Tsakona used a GTVH framework complemented by cognitive and semiotic approaches to discuss the interaction between textual and pictorial elements in cartoon theory.

Demonstrating a notable degree of frustration, Raskin et al. Much of [the] discussion [of our humour theory], both positive and negative alike, in the last quarter-century has been marred by the failure to understand its purport, purview, premises and goals and attempted to make it do what it is not designed to do. OST is a semi-automatic framework which uses static knowledge resources of a lexicon and ontology — accessed by the Semantic Text Analyzer — to disambiguate and represent different meaning between words and phrases.

OSTH, while a welcome development in the field of humour research, maintains the verbal-centric imbalance of humour studies. It does not — nor does it intend to — make further progress towards a multimodal theory which incorporates visual and textual images, as sought by Tsakona The current study will therefore retain the General Theory of Verbal Humour as the principal framework for textual analysis, while incorporating aesthetic and cognitive approaches for pictorial analysis which are introduced below.

These combined elements will then be considered in relation to the humour theories outlined above in order to discuss the selected case studies within their socio-political and historical contexts. The next phase typically involves a semiological approach to ascertain a level of meaning from the combination of these visual components. To probe the visible world we use the assumption that things are simple until they prove to be otherwise [ The role of the caricaturist is to detect facial distortions and to magnify these in order to make them visible to all. Referring to the visual recognition of caricature, Gillian Rhodes suggests that our minds are predisposed to exaggerate processed distortions from the norm: This also helps us to understand how, despite varying representational styles, we are able to recognise different caricatures of the same individual.

Gestalten Gestalt theory is a psychological organisational principle developed in the late nineteenth century that is closely linked to the concepts of simplifying visual messages. In its analysis of images, this thesis will consider several of these processes of visual Gestalt organisation as described by Smith The signifier is then divided into iconic relations, where it resembles the signified in form; and arbitrary relations, where the link between the two is set by cultural conventions only Fiske, Peirce was primarily seeking a universal epistemology to interpret the relationship between signs and their meaning.

In this study I draw from the Saussurean arbitrary relation and the Peircean symbol to interpret the selected case studies which best describe the semiosis of political cartoons. Saussure emphasised the importance of analysing the collective system rather than the individual element of signs.

This has led semioticians to consider the relationship between signifier and signified as dependent on social and cultural conventions Chandler, In spite of continued reference to Saussure as the founder of semiology, a number of contemporary linguists and semioticians have vehemently criticised his structualist approach as inadequately narrow for treating the requirements of natural language and a general theory of signs see for example, Chomsky, ; Marcus, and Mounin, It is for this reason that the present study places importance on the provision of historical context for the reading of its selected cartoons.

In Mythologies [] , Roland Barthes argues that the meaning attributed to signs is governed by culturally specific codes which are vital to the communication process. While this thesis does involve content analysis in its treatment of cartoons, it also examines the impact of these within the broader cultural landscape. Across the period selected, the present study offers a coherent epistemology which can be applied to capture the dynamic role played by cartoons against the shifting backdrop of Catalan political history.

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This is something which Peirce also sought to achieve in his development of semiotics. It seeks to address the criticisms, such as those of Golding and Murdock However, it is my position that classical semiotic theory can be expanded to work with humour theory and an established historical context in order to create a framework with which to read and interpret the message of cartoon humour.

In particular, in the case of semiotics, the importance given to cultural and social convention can be applied to non-textual signs and this concept can be used to inform our analysis of the pictorial element of the selected cartoons. We have seen how our ability to read images and attach signification can be governed by anatomical, psychological and socially constructed processes.

It is with these concepts in mind, in addition to the theories of humour, that we arrive at the crux of this thesis: Visual and Verbal Humour Combined Humorous cartoons have thus far been undervalued as a media form worthy of academic attention see for example Berger, However, it is the position of this study that by combining elements of visual and verbal humour to create an overall message that requires a multilayered process of decoding, cartoons are in fact a complex form of communication.

Indeed, in a world increasingly dominated by visual culture, our understanding of the role and influence of comics and cartoon humour in popular culture has become a necessity. The past twenty years have seen a progressive strengthening of the field of comic humour as the subject of academic research. Understanding the nuances between these terms is important in order to appreciate the complexities and breadth of the field.

As noted in Section 3. A comic is comprised of panels which create a narrative, so where a cartoon contains several panels the distinction between the two can be unclear. However, cartoon panels differ from comic panels since they are the visual manifestation of the joke set-up, preparing the reader for the punch-line in the final panel Meilhammer, The most detailed and comprehensive definitions come from Randall Harrison and Mort Walker Harrison designed a cartoon communication model in which he classifies cartoon types under the following headings: These are subsequently divided into another series of sub- headings according to content and type.

Agitrons, the name given to motion lines, are so common in cartoons that Walker was able to categorise these into hites, vites and dites according to their horizontal, vertical or diagonal direction respectively. Within the cartooning field an important point for consideration is the role of, and relationship between, the visual and the textual elements to produce a combined, overall message. It is in this regard that this study seeks to redress the current verbal-centric imbalance in humour theory, by treating the graphic element of the cartoon as an integral signifier in the encoding and decoding process of the message.

The two also differ in function: McCloud goes on to establish the terms: For the purpose of this study, strip cartoon and single-panel cartoon will be used to negotiate the distinction between the various forms selected for analysis. This notion has been treated by many studies of the relationships between the media, the public and governmental policy. In their studies of media influence, McCombs , McCombs, Holbert and Kiousis and Bennet and Peletz for example, underline the ability of the media to galvanise public opinion and often indirectly influence the formation of policy agenda.

In its examination of the effects of the satirical press, this thesis argues that satirical publications, through their combination of the persuasive powers of humour and the media, are important and influential facets of society. In order to address the impact of the specific medium of political cartoons it is necessary to contextualise their locus in a given society. As Dines argues, humorous qualities must be considered within a framework set to examine cartoons as a media form with its own specific modes of production and consumption A common debate exists between humour scholars over the influence of cartoons on social attitudes.

For some, satirical cartoons are simply forms of entertainment and have little or no power to effect change in the course of social and political history, since they are no more than a reflection of current events Raskin, In his observations on representation in the media Hall remarks that the function of the media is not only to reflect reality, but to engage in defining how it is perceived.

In this study, since cartoons can be used as a tool for commentary, they are by extension considered as part of the same persuasive process. If, as has been argued above for example, superiority humour theory has the ability to reinforce or indeed construct group identity, it would follow that cartoons which employ this form of humour have the power to influence at least this aspect in their contemporary society.

Indeed as Ford and Ferguson have found, derogatory jokes about disadvantaged subgroups can lead to a greater tolerance of discrimination and violence by those already prejudiced towards them. This is not to say, however, that all cartoons will necessarily, or intentionally, provoke change. One of the oldest condemnations of satirists was that while they freely criticise, they fail to suggest alternatives. This study seeks to refute these claims by using specific examples taken from the Catalan cartooning tradition in order to demonstrate how cartoons have both reflected and shaped the political and cultural Catalan landscape.

The varied levels of impact will be assessed in both direct and indirect terms. The discussions thus far have served to provide the foundations for a more nuanced understanding of the multimodal approach which will be used to address the key points at the heart of this thesis: In what follows, the outlined methodology will be applied to the four focal periods of analysis in this thesis: The Golden Age of Catalan Political Cartoons This chapter explores the interaction between Catalan satirical production and its socio-political environment during the period to Through an examination of four thematic case studies, the chapter aims to demonstrate the utility of political cartoons as a resource for reading Catalan culture.

The subjects chosen for detailed case-study analysis are: In order to examine these questions, the thesis will analyse material taken from the most representative satirical publications of the period: As established in Chapter One, the framework used to perform the close analysis, combines visual, verbal and sociological approaches to humour with an understanding of historical context. In this first content chapter we will test the hypothesis that the visual component of a cartoon can be assimilated into the GTVH framework under the Language KR.

In addition, the chapter seeks to provide evidence of the important position of inferiority in superiority humour theory. The magazine was met with a positive public reception that saw it consistently sell-out its weekly 4, copies, surprising even its contributors. Its end was the result of two factors. In spite of its short print life, the success of Un Tros de Paper sparked the production of a plethora of satirical publications in Catalan and thus the beginning of a rich tradition. Each was published for over sixty years and to this day they remain the longest standing Catalan satirical publications of all time.

During these initial years, the magazines would sell between 8, and 10, copies in Barcelona in the first four hours, while the remainder were transported to the rest of Catalonia, where both enjoyed an avid fan- base due to their anticlericalism and republicanism Lletget, This different focus led to a slight class distinction in readership which became apparent with decimalisation in Spain in This reversal of fortunes, along with the decline of La Campana, will be examined more closely in Chapter Three.

Robert died the following year during a politically unsettled period characterised by further strikes. The psychological effects of the losses continued to inform political satire into the early twentieth century. Its members were primarily concerned with resuscitating a war-weary Spain from the degeneration at home and the loss of power abroad. Each is a single-panel cartoon that makes use of a combination of pictorial and textual devices to convey its message.

In the discussion of superiority-based humour in Chapter One we acknowledged the humorous properties of the temporary role-reversal between superiors and subordinates as discussed by Zillmann and Cantor This comic device is produced in Figure 2. It is in fact the emphasis of the inferiority of Sagasta, highlighted by his hunched stance, which when contrasted with the upright Sam, creates the humour of the piece. In other words, there is more enjoyment from seeing Sagasta dominated than from seeing Sam overpowering him.

The iconographical symbolism in this picture is clearly identifiable. Its role in Figure 2. The other textual elements in Figure 2. The context and the textual anchors enable the Situation KR and it is the combination of this with the SO that leads to the incongruity resolution. This application of the GTVH framework to the visual elements created by the Visual Organisation Gestalten, in addition to an established context, points to the potential to elevate the importance of the pictorial element to a status that is at least equal to that of the verbal component.

The majority of his work was published in Cu-Cut! The public reception of Cu-Cut! The first, shows two swimmers in conversation. The figures became even more impressive, with some editions reaching 60,, although the average across its lifespan remained between 30, and 40, Torrent and Tasis, This cartoon was intended for the 10 August edition of Cu-Cut! The implied reference to the Spanish-American War is made clearer still by Figure 2. With the two images side by side, the allusion to is unmistakable, but since the first was censored, it is uncertain whether the two were destined to appear in successive editions or whether Figure 2.

The interaction between image and text is seen in both Figures 2. Sofert is also italicised here to introduce a tone of irony and the presence of a jab-line. When this is combined with the italicised perdia, the presence of a pun is made clearer: Again, at face value we can interpret the use of perdre to mean that the dye will not run, or that the colour will not fade, at the same time decoding the subversive message as referring to American victory in the recent war.

Since superiority humour relies on our instinct to laugh at the misfortune of others, these cartoons also introduce the question of humour and identity. However, this is not entirely clear, since, as will be discussed in more detail below, Castilian can also be used to suggest the non-Catalanness of the Catalan bourgeoisie or it can simply reflect the non- standardised use of Catalan at the time. In this cartoon each of these additional interpretations is possible. The final image for consideration in this set Figure 2.

Nevertheless, this reaction was a far cry from the uproar that surrounded Cu-Cut! The humour is created by the depiction of the soldier dressed ridiculously in the oversized uniform of a hussar, and the use of wordplay in paisanos which at the time could be used to refer to either a civilian, or a soldier out of uniform Santolaria, Whichever meaning is taken from paisanos the result is the same: The first is achieved by exaggeration: The ridicule of the soldier is, then, threefold: Since the Banquet was to celebrate the electoral successes of the Lliga, the contrast between Spanish loss and Catalan victory is heightened.

Thus, in addition to its demarcational function, the use of linguistic distinction between Castilian and Catalan evokes another function of humour: Archakis and Tsakona The Catalans celebrating victory are made to feel superior to the Spanish soldier unfamiliar with the experience.

Although the magazine was reprinted and published without the cartoon, the damage had been done. On the night of 25 November , in what became known as the fets de Cu-Cut! The soldiers beat employees while tossing typewriters, machines and furniture into the middle of the street and setting them alight Torrent and Tasis, However, this was met by a potent public reaction which spurred the political mobilisation of a unified Catalanist movement.

This law gave the military power to try by court-martial anything it deemed offensive or threatening to the Patria. The revival of the military as a political pressure group had worrying implications for the progress of Catalanism, which was considered a dissident and disruptive separatist movement that incompetent politicians and government tolerance had allowed to thrive Balcells, Its history stands as testimony to the argument that satire is not simply an entertaining aside to high-brow political comment.

The fact that the fets de Cu-Cut! However, as soon as this paper, formerly an arts and cultural publication, took on Cu-Cut! In addition, we have noted the important role of inferiority in the superiority theory of humour. However, in order to reach more substantial conclusions, this analysis will be developed further throughout the thesis.

Not only have we observed the importance of context for the interpretation of referential elements necessary to the decoding process, but we have also introduced the valuable role of political cartoons in understanding popular experience of historical events. Indeed, having considered the content and composition of Figures 2.

As we have seen, neither Figure 2. Each in turn produces questions about the relationship between humour and censorship: And, if Figure 2. Evidence of an arbitrary approach to the application of censorship can be observed here and this issue will be dealt with in more detail in Chapters Four and Five in relation to the Franco dictatorship. Finally, the reaction to the examples demonstrate that satirical voices of dissent are taken seriously, in some cases eliciting violent response, as was the case in relation to Figure 2.

This stands in direct contrast to the view, discussed in Chapter One, that satirical cartoons act as nothing more than entertaining reflections of current events which have little or no power to effect change.

This view will be discussed further in Chapter Five in relation to the El Papus bombing in The cartoons presented here in the context of the desastre are examples of the continued ridiculing of the Spanish Army by the Catalan satirical publications at the time. This approach, and in particular Figure 2. Initially this had the desired effect and he was re-elected in and again in The popularity of this newly-formed partnership was quickly shown in resounding victories both in the provincial and general elections of This influence was not, however, immediate.

This underlines both the role of these publications in disseminating propagandist material as well as the power of humour to serve as an entertaining and persuasive medium. Working-class hostility towards Catalanism was driven by a rejection of its bourgeois outlook and close links to economic and clerical power. Only two years earlier the Catalan left had seen Lerroux as a Messiah who could unite republicans and mobilize the working-class vote.

Yet by autumn of they regarded him quite differently, as a sinister outsider in collusion with the Madrid government. Always hated by the Catalan bourgeoisie, Lerroux now found himself rejected by most, if not all, of Catalan society. For these magazines he was the ultimate cap de turc. In the following set of single-panel cartoons Figures 2. The first image, Figure 2. The Republic — a French Marianne-like figure — blesses the Solidaritat represented by the bread, while Lerroux, portrayed as Judas, looks on. The cartoon makes use of all three textual devices, working in combination with the image for incongruity creation and resolution.

While the title is a textual component, the SO is introduced by its visual characteristics.

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The textual tags in the image take on an allegorical sense. Once again, the overall message of the cartoon is achieved through the combination of textual and visual components to produce the superiority situation, creating a multifaceted humorous resolution. The use of religious imagery further emphasises Lerroux as the out-group based on his anticlerical reputation.

Here, hypocrisy is the basis of the decision to attack Lerroux. Like Judas, he had posed as a follower of the common goal — in this instance Catalanism — but had shown himself as a traitor driven by, amongst other things, money. Thus, the analogy between the politician and the deceitful apostle is strengthened through the reference to financial gain.

The direct contrast between Lerroux and the elevated Solidaritat — achieved through the Visual Organising Principles referred to above — portrays him as a sinister character and emphasises his position as an outsider. Continuing the classical theme, Figure 2. Lerroux appears rotund, filling almost the entire page with his body, pointing to a life of over-indulgence, a feature that is amplified by the dwarfed figure of Cu-Cut at his side.

The interpretation of his face became iconic: In addition, he wears the stereotypical Catalan barretina, a hat associated with the common Catalan peasant and representative of both rural society and Catalan identity. This point was one seized upon relentlessly by the press both satirical and conventional and became a growing bone of contention.

The presence of Cu-Cut, as a shorter and childlike figure, has multiple effects on the representations of the drawing: As the only textual element, the dialogue intensifies this existing tone of mockery created by the visual element. On the other hand, it could additionally be a reference to his loss of popular support, implying that his return also rested on an ability to regain the backing of working-class voters. The humour created by the combination of linguistic ambiguity and visual exaggeration is amplified by the application of role-inversion superiority.

By reminding the reader that Lerroux was forced to leave Catalonia due to public pressure, his inability to give a definitive answer about his return highlights his impotence and this, when contrasted with his own pomposity — emphasised by his imperial attire — heightens the comedic effect. The third image Figure 2.

The image refers to a period in which Lerroux had become distanced from his working-class supporters due to his continued involvement in financial scandals. In a series of fourteen individual vignettes, Lerroux is shown to be abusing his power and is depicted as a greedy politician who displays a contemptuous attitude towards the people and region which he represents. In each picture, Lerroux appears with his typically exaggerated defining features of squinting eyes and oversized midriff. His greed is symbolised by an obsession with riches; in one section the use of a textual anchor helps to show him arm in arm with caciquisme, wielding substantial amounts of money, and this serves as an allusion to recent allegations of bribery.

Added to these allegations are accusations of money laundering, where he is shown emptying the coffers of local government, identifiable by the Barcelona coat of arms on the door of the safe he is raiding. Several of the images show him wearing sparkling items of jewellery as a reference to his ostentatious wealth. His greed also encompasses food and at the top of the page, Lerroux is pictured devouring a chicken leg while a hungry, emaciated worker looks on. He began contributing to Cu-Cut! An additional reading could also be of a dog marking its territory. Much of what Apa has attempted to show in his illustration is not only that Lerroux was a self-serving politician, but that he took pleasure in suppressing Catalan culture.

The overall effect of the combined vignettes is to suggest that everything negative about Lerroux is in particular negative for Catalonia. This effect is achieved by using a combination of easily identifiable Catalan symbols, such as the barretina, the flag and the Barcelona coat of arms, along with general references to a lack of ethical values, to highlight Lerroux as part of a non-Catalan out-group, while consolidating Catalan in-group solidarity. Taken from a cross-section of publications and artists of the time, these cartoons serve to introduce the uniform adoption of Lerroux as a cap de turc.

The underlying facets of the humour which are created by a combination of pictorial and linguistic devices such as exaggeration and wordplay are used to convey a comic effect that rests on a theme of hypocrisy. The ultimate impact of this constant mockery is challenging to chart. I suggest that since Lerroux was consistently mocked in the magazines in question and numerous people continued to buy them, this defamation of character was deemed acceptable, if not agreeable, by the readership.

The Lerroux examples further emphasise group solidarity and identity as a key feature of Catalan satire at this time. The depiction of Catalonia as distinct from the rest of Spain is achieved by repeated humorous epithets, using the iconicity of the barretina especially, which here serve to create a Catalan in-group while Lerroux takes on the role of outsider and enemy.

The overt function is to create humour through the elevation of the in-group over the out-group in accordance with the theories of superiority humour theory and as observed in Figure 2. The humorous message created through group solidarity is amplified when Lerroux, in his role as representing the out-group, is also ordinarily perceived as superior but is here temporarily dominated by the in-group.

The approach of the Catalan examples also suggests that the greater the superiority whether self-perceived or otherwise , the stronger the effect of humour in the joke. However, verification of this hypothesis would require in-depth analysis of appreciation studies and since, as outlined in Chapter One, these frameworks are still in their infancy, such an approach is beyond the scope of this study. Building on the previous set of examples, the analysis in this thematic set further suggests the utility of the approaches made in the current thesis to combine understandings of visual, verbal, sociological and contextual aspects in order to demonstrate the utility of political cartoons in cultural research.

Moreover, the humour that was produced will be used to demonstrate the strength and resilience of satirical practice in Catalonia at the time. Opposition to war with Morocco was hardly surprising in the wake of the colonial disasters of , in particular since it was those unable to buy their way out of military service who were forced to shoulder the burden Balcells, The conflict began with a peaceful strike, but when Solidaridad Obrera lost what had been only nominal control of the protests, the uprising became a mob-rule that took on anticlerical tones, with the torching of religious schools, monasteries, convents and churches.

Carr goes on to explain that the main concerns of the groups involved were to attract the working classes and exploit the upsurge of resentment that conscription had begun to instil in them. The Catalan bourgeoisie could do little to save the buildings from burning but were quick in their clamour for vengeance.

Penetrad en sus humildes corazones y levantad legiones de proletarios, de manera que el mundo tiemble ante sus nuevos jueces. The censorship that followed in the ensuing repression, when a state of emergency was declared, divided the satirical press of the time into two camps: During this period there were four satirical publications produced in Catalan: The violence culminated in the destruction of the Liceu in which resulted in several deaths. Given that the outbreak of unrest was caused by the unpopular decision to implement conscription for the Moroccan conflict, the fact that La Campana was permitted by the censors to continue expressing this objection is surprising since this provided the magazine with an outlet to indirectly satirise the July events.

Nevertheless, in its introduction, the magazine portrayed an attitude of overt compliance with the censors: No deben estudiar gayre. Although a simple example of wordplay, the joke has the effect of belittling both the imposition of martial law and those responsible for it. However, with the publication of subsequent editions, both magazines began to force the issue further, commenting more extensively on the subject. Papitu, still in its early stages, attempted to avoid commenting on the issue altogether, printing only one cartoon that alluded to the issue.

Having never been one to shy away from controversy, the highly politicised Cu-Cut!

However, in the analysis of Figures 2. The biting satire that marked its initial stages put it at immediate odds with the Lliga Regionalista and, forced into exile in Paris, Elias handed the magazine over to Francesc Pujols. For a time Papitu abandoned its progressive political satire in favour of picaresque and scatological humour. However, in Chapter Three we will examine the period in which the magazine was later re- politicised when it was taken over by the Sindicat de Dibuixants Professionals SDP until it ceased publication in While Papitu did not create the same political furore as Cu-Cut!

The first Figure 2. The proximity and similarity Gestalten used to portray the two men simultaneously underlines the existing contrast between them: The difference in clothing serves to create a class distinction between them. The working class man looks to Melilla since it was he who, unable to buy his way out of military service, was forced to fight. The middle class man looks to Barcelona as a reference to the bourgeois inertia in acting to prevent the situation in the Catalan capital.

The contrast between binoculars and telescope underlines the relative distance of both events physically and perhaps also from the public consciousness. Here, we can see the cloud of smoke as representing the actual haze created by the week of burning buildings in Barcelona and from the fighting that had broken out in Morocco. The cloud, although a background feature, serves as a multilayered metaphor in that the smoke represents fire which in turn represents chaos. Perhaps the most interesting possible interpretation however, is related to the inability of both men to see through the smoke, in spite of their optical instruments.

This points to the confusion in both affairs but is most likely to be an allusion to the censorship surrounding the reporting of the events as the cloud of censorship prevents on-lookers from seeing what is happening. This notion is heightened by the wording of the text since the use of the verb tapar implies the presence of an agent of the action, so somebody has covered it up so that the men cannot see in.

As was the case in Figure 2. The verbal exchange is, at face value, a simple stating of the situation. As mentioned above, however, we can take the choice of vocabulary as instrumental in injecting another level of interpretation. The second cartoon Figure 2. As in some of the earlier case studies, the image also depends upon its linguistic component for both the creation of the SO and incongruity resolution.

The cartoon suggests that in making casual reference to the weather, the priests are unable to connect the fires that have burned down their churches with the feeling of a rise in temperature and this is emphasised by the smoke that covers the sky behind them.

Third, the crowd behind the priests, dressed smartly to represent the bourgeoisie, are also ignorant of the background of smoke, a reference, which we observed in Figure 2. Thus, what can be dismissed as a simple observation, does indeed carry the derisively humorous undertones typical of a satirical magazine of this time.

He continued to work on the publication until using his own name or the pseudonym Isaac. He was also a renowned artist who trained at the Llotja Art School. Its lack of textual elaboration serves to underline the communicative value of the symbols employed. Although it might be argued that in the same vein the darkness of the priests should draw attention away from them, since they are centrally foregrounded, and thereby isolated from the other elements of the cartoon, in addition to the fact that they occupy at least one third of the composition, they remain the initial focus of the cartoon.

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