Crónicas de nada (Spanish Edition)


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Please do not send enquiries to our email address as we do not monitor the mailbox regularly. Our customer support team is here for you! In this sense, Valle has lamented the hiatus between Latino reporters and their Anglo editors: In my case, this meant that a whole universe of signs was unavailable to most of my editors because they were monolingual and monocultural" "Chicano Reporter" Along these lines, he contrasts the descriptive approach of mainstream journalism to the "Latin intellectual style that is more literary, discursive, overtly ideological, and interested in broader conceptions of social and cultural history.

Works of art, literature, or ordinary news events become points of departure for philosophical or cultural meditations" "Chicano Reporter" Indeed, in many ways the trials of the Chicano community in Southern California find a mirror image in the Spanish-language press of the region. Although during the Spanish and Mexican periods there were no Spanish-language newspapers in Los Angeles, later sixteen different ones would appear.

In Trevino's view, this can be partly explained "as a conscious effort to preserve Mexicano cultural integrity" After the Californios lost their land and their political power to the Anglos as a result of the US- Mexican War of and many of the agreements of the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo were flagrantly violated by the U. As previously stated, it was also a vehicle tor cultural affirmation, where they could praise Mexican literature and history, and defend the Spanish language and Catholicism Trevino Chacon has studied the way in which the Los Angeles newspaper El Heraldo de Mexico, founded in , safeguarded the interests of Mexican working-class immigrants and Chicanos.

As he reveals, the newspaper, guided by its nationalistic fervor, claimed to be the "Defender of the Mexicans in the United States" against discrimination and exploitation Following this goal, it published information about job opportunities in the Southwest of the United States and in Baja California as well as about the changing immigration policies of the United States and Mexico.

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Ramirez, the Founding Father One of the leaders of these protests against the oppression of Latinos was the Angelino teenager Francisco P. In June , he founded and became the editor of the first Spanish-language newspaper and the third newspaper of Los Angeles: Through his new newspaper, Ramirez chronicled his community's odyssey into the disempowered status of second-class citizens.

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As several critics have observed, he went from a moderate tone that supported the ideals of the U. Constitution and promoted cooperation between Mexicans and Anglos to a more radical mode. In this second period he protested slavery and racial inequalities, scolded Mexicans for not standing up against Anglo oppression, and supported Mexican liberalism and public education for girls Gutierrez , Gonzales An example of this last tone and of the specific goals of the cronica in the American Southwest is "La doctrina de Monroe.

There, Ramirez condemns the Monroe Doctrine, which, in his view, will end up isolating the United States. If North America, he declares, does not allow Europe to intervene in matters related to the Americas, then logically European powers will not allow North America to interfere in matters related to Europe and other parts of the world.

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He dares to call the doctrine an "arrogant and unsustainable aspiration. IV, no 38, p. By so doing, he shows his awareness of foreign affairs, his familiarity with the foreign press, and his unyielding opposition to Washington's belligerent foreign policy.

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According to the cronista. Instead of taking advantage of the security and the easy life that her wealthy family could provide for her, she chose to leave her boyfriend in order to fight, together with her daughter Rosaura, for her ideals. Amazon Giveaway allows you to run promotional giveaways in order to create buzz, reward your audience, and attract new followers and customers. Once again, however, the celebration of this outcome is followed by a condemnation of the fact that Mexican women want to occupy public posts, when, in his opinion, they should be fighting for anarchy. A ustedes les consta. Through his new newspaper, Ramirez chronicled his community's odyssey into the disempowered status of second-class citizens.

In his view, the clash between Latin American nations and the United States is not only the embodiment of the dichotomy between civilization and barbarism, but also a racial and religious war that began in Europe during the Protestant Reformation: Condemning the Monroe Doctrine, he cites its objective of taking over Cuba, Mexico, and Central America as a first step for conquering South America, Europe, and the rest of the continents.

Without reservations, the pro-European Ramirez considers the President of the United States, James Buchanan in office March 4, March 4, , a "filibuster" and a threat to Latin nations on both sides of the Atlantic. The only way to save civilization, he assures, is the aforementioned alliance of the "Latin races": Buchanan] knows very well that, once the fight has begun, his triumph is assured, the isthmus and the island will be his prey, and nothing will stop his invading march to the south, his destructive flight toward Europe.

His reports and editorials had a special ring of truth because he also was experiencing the same conditions he was reporting in his newspaper" Yet, along with his defense of Californios, Hispanics and their cultures, and his proposal to move to the Mexican State of Sonora, Ramirez advised Californios to learn the English language and "urged the acquisition of Anglo American traits on the grounds of 'expendiency,' that is. In this way, Trevino argues, the Spanish-language press reflects the beginning of a long biculturation process among middle- and upper-class Californios.

He was born in Oaxaca, Mexico, and, for the last eighteen years of his life, he lived along with his brother Enrique in the United States, where he went into exile after Porfirio Diaz's government blacklisted him in and forbade him to publish any of his writings in Mexico. Journal of Spanish Language Media, Vol. Although it was founded in Mexico on August 7, , in the United States it was published for the first time in in San Antonio, Texas, and one year later in St. Louis, Missouri Gomez Quinones, Las ideas This emphasis was reflected in the key roles played by many Mexican women in the party and in affiliated organizations" Roots In this context, in "A la mujer" To Woman , published in the Los Angeles journal Regeneracion on September 24, , Flores Magon provides a good example of the chronicle that is trying to raise political awareness, this time among women.

Following the anarchist principles of the PLM, of which Flores Magon was leader, he attempts to promote equality among men and women. This progressive stance, however, is not without flaws. First, he seems to encourage a feminist and suffragette positionality. From this perspective, Enrique Ochoa Avila has underscored the way in which Flores Magon proposed equal rights for men and women, and even appealed for matriarchy: You don't understand politics? This is not a question of politics; this is a matter of life or death.

Reggie Rodriguez claims that this stance may have been influenced by the implicit male chauvinism in Peter Kropotkin's "An Appeal to the Young" "Ricardo Flores Magon" n. Then he reveals that in a conference for women that had taken place in Yucatan, Mexico, it had been Journal of Spanish Language Media, Vol. Once again, however, the celebration of this outcome is followed by a condemnation of the fact that Mexican women want to occupy public posts, when, in his opinion, they should be fighting for anarchy.

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In contrast, in another cronica titled "Margarita Ortega" and published in Regeneracion on June 13, , Flores Magon re-inscribes women as active participants in the Mexican Revolution by eulogizing the life and death of Margarita Ortega, an anarchist woman who was also a member of the Mexican Liberal Party. According to the cronista. Ortega acted as a link for the combatants of the Mexican Liberal Party in Baja California, bringing them dynamite, weaponry, and ammunition. Instead of taking advantage of the security and the easy life that her wealthy family could provide for her, she chose to leave her boyfriend in order to fight, together with her daughter Rosaura, for her ideals.

Eventually, the Maderista authorities expelled Margarita and Rosaura Ortega from Mexicali and left them in the desert without food or water. Although they managed to reach Yuma and then Phoenix, Arizona, Rosaura died shortly thereafter and Margarita ended up imprisoned, tortured, and shot by a firing squad in Mexicali. Strategic Concealment of Anarchism In line with these anarchist ideals, in "Vamos hacia la vida" We Move Toward Life , first published in July in the Los Angeles newspaper Revolucion and then reprinted on October 10, in Regeneracion, Flores Magon defines himself not as a Utopian but as a realist.

Speaking against organized religion, he argues that the days when human beings fought for heaven are long gone; in his view, they now fight for the Earth.

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Then, he encourages people to rebel: For instance, in "Carta de la carcel de Los Angeles" Letter from the Los Angeles Penitentiary , written on June 13, , Flores Magon justified calling himself a liberal in order to hide the fact that he was truly an anarchist: His radicalism lead him, in "Por la patria" For the Fatherland , to actually encourage all Mexicans to assassinate Victoriano Huerta, Venustiano Carranza, Francisco "Pancho" Villa, and whoever proposes a paternalistic government and speaks of patriotism.

This change in political strategy probably prevented him from having a realistic chance of attracting a larger number of followers. The denunciation of the lynching of Mexicans in the United States was one of the most recurrent topics in the early Spanish-language chronicle. Flores Magon addresses this issue in "La repercusion de un linchamiento" The repercussion of a lynching , published in Reeeneracion on November 12, First, he condemns Washington's support of dictators such as the Guatemalan Estrada Cabrera and the Mexican Porfirio Diaz, as well as its intervention in the internal politics of Latin American countries.

In contrast with Francisco P. Ramirez, however, Flores Magon does not interpret the situation along racial or ethnic lines. Rather than the North American people, he blames the greedy owners of multinational companies. Yet his rhetoric continues to produce contradictions once he provides examples about the mistreatment and oppression of Mexicans in the United States: In hotels, boarding houses, and other public businesses in Texas, they do not admit Mexicans.

Public schools close their doors to children of our race. Again, Flores Magon ends up using the tragedy for his own political propaganda, blaming not the lynching crowd, but Capitalism itself, which, he argues, has divided "the two races that populate this beautiful continent" meaning Anglos and Latinos.

In "Tierra" Land , for example, he argues that private property originates from crime and violence, and that it is the source of all the evils of humankind. He ends the cronica by encouraging peasants to stop working the land until they own it; meanwhile, he asserts, the best thing to do is to buy weapons in order to fight for the land. This repetition of ideas, however, is sporadically interrupted by surprising contradictions.

For instance, at the same time that Flores Magon and his Mexican Liberal Party claim to be part of "the people," in cronicas such as "Sembrando" Sowing he laments the "Imbecility and cowardice of the masses. The opprobrium suffered by native peoples is condemned in "En marcha" On the March , where he describes the deportation of Yaqui Indians from Sonora to Yucatan by Porfirio biaz in order to sell the land to U. Similarly, on September 2,