LArte della Guerra: 83 (Classici) (Italian Edition)

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Get to Know Us. The ancient world had pro- duced many collections of rules for the guidance of commanders. Some, like the De strata- gematis [stratagematibus] of Frontinus, consisted merely of illustrative examples culled from the warfare of the past; others, like the more famous De re militari of Flavius Vegetius, were text-books in the modern sense of the term—collections of general precepts and partic- ular instructions for the waging of war. The Middle Ages had accepted such books as au- thoritative and had failed to improve upon them.

One of his translators, Christopher Lynch, offers even more: Italian authors of the sixteenth century considered it authoritative, and his writings were owned and utilized by Montaigne, Marshal de Saxe, Thomas Jefferson, and others.

I wish to thank the scholars who assisted me with elements of this study: Rowan University, Gloucester County. Lynch Chicago xiii—xiv.

Renais- sance Studies in Honour of Nicolai Rubinstein, ed. Elam London —; M. Najemy Cambridge —; F. Paret Princeton These notions have been thoroughly revised in recent dec- ades and specialists now consider them outdated: First, he is thought to have been the first writer to synthesize past and present military actions and apply ancient and especially Roman insights to contemporary strategy.

Second, he asserted a linkage between the political and military spheres, arguing that not only is the state the foundation for a strong mil- itary but that the military maintains said state. Third, Machiavelli emphasized the im- portance of educated leaders who study warfare. Finally, and most famously, he ar- gued that a citizen militia was the core of a successful army: I hold that the originality of three of these four elements is questionable.

I am not the first to do so: Viroli Cambridge Listing every study that revises these notions would be tedious; a good start is P. Contamine, War in the Middle Ages, trans. Jones Oxford — Contamine concludes with J. South- ern, 2nd ed. Woodbridge 1—18; and on the massive work done on the intricate character of medieval war, The Oxford Encyclopedia of Medieval Warfare and Military Technology, 3 vols.

Rogers Ox- ford Reynolds, Fiefs and Vassals: A brief discussion of pre-Machiavellian discussions of citizen militias can be found in B. Thesis, Kansas State University 12— Nonetheless, they display a clear similarity in terms of content and methodological approach. To my knowledge, the intellectual connec- tion between them has not yet been fully studied. This essay makes two arguments. Second, there is a strong, if ultimately circum- stantial, probability that Machiavelli himself was exposed to Policraticus or material from it.

Opere, Volume I, ed. If any one wishes to learn this art, let him go to Cato the Censor, let him read Cornelius Celsus, Julius Iginus and Vegetius Renatus…let the student, I say, read what such men deemed fit to write for posterity. Yet despite his protestation the latter went on to pen what is, for lack of a better categorization, a par- tial military treatise in Policraticus.

It does not immediately scan as such because the content is seemingly disjointed and strewn across a multitude of subjects.

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No one to my knowledge has ever dubbed Policraticus a military treatise. And yet Policraticus is a decidedly military text.

John of Salisbury covers a signifi- cant array of military topics in the book, including the selection, recruitment, and 13 Unless otherwise noted, English trans. Dickinson New York Webb Oxford II. Wilks London 29— Nederman, John of Salisbury Tempe He offers sweeping ideas on how war ought to be waged and by whom. As a cleric with little personal experience with war, John used biblical and classical texts as a basis along with the histories of more-contemporary conflicts, including wars in England, Normandy, Wales, and the Holy Land.

States that hire foreign soldiers, Fabrizio ar- gues, must be as afraid of them as they are of their opponent in the war itself. It is here that Machiavelli places his faith in the virtues of a militia, an idea he takes from Vegetius but also from humanist predecessors such as Leonardo Bruni.

In fact, only eight ref- erences to hired soldiers appear in his entire corpus of writings. John criticizes indi- vidual mercenaries, but while he alludes to the excesses of hired soldiers he never formally denounces their use. If weaker men are enrolled, they must be given tasks of manual labor, including carrying burdens and physical work, and then be asked to eat small portions of food and to sleep outside.

Hosler, John of Salisbury: Antecedents and Effects, ed. Abulafia Aldershot Hale London On Fabrizio as representative of the dilemma presented by condotierri, see M. Mallett, Mercenaries and their Masters: Warfare in Renaissance Italy Barnsley The first of these is the notion of critical synthesis: Historians of strategy have considered this method unique because, unlike medieval authors who merely measured their age against the past often finding it lacking , Machiavelli was the first to posit the application of ancient insights in contemporary military issues.

He does so via the use of exempla, authoritative anecdotes from his- tory.

He does not accept each exemplum uncritically but rather interrogates it, the key question being whether or not a particular method was successful. Thereafter, Machia- velli compares each exemplum to a contemporary action and assesses the role of cir- cumstance in their respective results.

If a tactic or strategy worked in both instances it could be put forward as a maxim.

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Fab- rizio explains how the Greeks, Romans, Swiss, and Germans armed their respective warriors. The Milanese army had more cavalry than infantry and so was defeated by a numerically smaller Swiss force; 25 Hosler, John of Salisbury n. In this way, Machiavelli can be understood as a problem-solver: He had had an important role in the military defense of Florence and held three government positions until Machiavelli was the first chancellor of the Nine, the secretary of the Ten, and also the head of the second chancery.

Exempla were his principal teaching tools in Policraticus, but while he respected the insight of their collective auctoritas he was not nearly as be- holden to it. He begins with the issue: In accordance with this opinion the Middle Ages only knew a pseudo-inductive, illustrative method of using exempla to prove and convince, not to obtain knowledge; medieval exempla are said to convey, elucidate and didactically strengthen a doctrine which is already known [emphasis mine] or even dogmatically fixed. Reduced to a formula this concept says that the 30 Art of War n.

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Najemy Cam- bridge ; Y. For a more balanced view on his use of Roman models, as well as Florentine militia proposals before , see M. Von Moos asks whether John uses exempla simply to confirm already-solved problems and answers in the neg- ative: As Larry Scanlon has explained: The dependence of past exemplary acts, past facta, on the power of letters means not only that the present controls the past, but that one voice in the present can use that control against another.

Citing authority becomes a tactical as well as constitutive act: Like Machiavelli, John holds that contemporary commanders ought to apply the strictures of the past and even improve upon them in light of present circum- stances. And like Machiavelli, he is critical of those commanders who fail to do so. An exemplum is a lesson not for confirming a practice but rather a starting point for deri- vation and adaptation. Moreover, John critically synthesizes contemporary actions with his exempla and opines about the efficacy of both ancient and medieval general- ship and tactics.

Machiavelli also employs the exemplum of David. Scanlon, Narrative, Authority, and Power: Progressus ab usu ab arte perfectio, si tamen iugi exercitatione fuerit solidata. In English, see Machiavelli: Gilbert, Durham III. Accompanying this critique is analysis of the contemporary use of armor.

John complains that English soldiers had been unable to defeat Welsh skirmishers who fre- quently attacked across the March. The reason was a lack of training with different types of armor, which had rendered the soldiers ineffective. First, if their armor was too light they would not charge because they feared bodily harm. Second, if their ar- mor was too heavy they had no agility and could not charge. The result is that they refused to fight at all, preferring instead to be idle, but safe.

These men had had proper training in such armor and so had courage. John concludes with the moral of the story: On the other hand, the warriors of the eleventh century had the proper training—as suggested by Vegetius—and therefore the confidence and valor that came from it.

John of Salisbury first examines older notions and then advocates for either the adoption or rejection of said methods for the circumstances of his own day. John strikes a similar tone in his discussion of soldierly attire.

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Generals lead by ex- ample, and those given to luxury weaken their army in turn. But today those who are garbed in soft clothing are in the houses of kings, nay even in the camp, and go forth to battle as though whitened for a wedding feast. Vegetius, De re militari, 1. Epi- tome of Military Science, trans. Liverpool ; and Vegetius: Epitoma rei militari, ed.

Reeve, Oxford Classical Texts Oxford Essays in Memory of C. Bachrach Woodbridge 79— HOSLER selves as protected by all the great privileges of ancient soldiery which they most imitate by being ignorant of the laws. And though they love their luxuries they are not valorous enough to fight for them; this is demonstrated in their inability to defeat Welsh invasions from Snowdonia. The lesson is to avoid the poor exam- ples of the past and prefer instead the positive ones: Porcius Cato, who preferred a shaggy toga to expensive garb and was thus a more effective general.

John of Salisbury provides a slew of exempla but then sorts through and critiques them. Those most suitable for the challenges of the day should be used as lessons; likewise, poor ancient practices still in use ought to be dis- carded. He used history as empirical data to argue for and against military proposi- tions, thereby presaging Machiavelli.

Book fourteen of Il principe stresses the need for princes to experience war not only in action but also in books, particularly the ancient histories. Some are valuable as private notes marking progress in self- education, but often the author simply ends up popularizing Vom Kriege, believing that, being the first among his friends or colleagues, he is too in his own country, if not in his century.

Much more about nineteenth-century Italian Clausewitzians one can find in other monumental books on the Italian military thought owed to our beloved friend Botti Il pensiero militare e navale italiano dalla rivoluzione francese alla prima guerra mondiale , 3 vols. Bearing in mind that translation was not indispensable at the time, French being then well known not only in Piedmont33, but in all the Italy.

Therefore, the fact that Clausewitz was almost ignored in Italy during the Risorgimento may not be imputed to a linguistic barrier; Vom Kriege was translated in French back to by Belgian Major Jean N. In Carlo De Cristoforis , the next after Blanch among the most prominent military writers of Risorgimento, quoted Clausewitz seventeen times, while not including Vom Kriege in the list of books consulted approximately forty.

De Cristoforis, however, took nothing from Clausewitz, being rather obsessed by the principle of the mass, which he believed to have discovered first Andrea Zambelli La guerra, Estratto di una nuova istoria militare delle guerre della rivoluzione di Francia del Barone Jomini,. Tenente generale, ajutante di campo di S. Vita politica e militare di Napoleone, raccontata da lui medesimo al tribunale di Cesare, Alessandro e Federico, Livorno, tip. Rivista Militare , and was interrupted by the death of Colonel Botti, who was able to translate and comment only the first three chapters..

The progress, in contemporary times, is that the Italian Military Libraries had directly wasted their books. The book includes pp. In it was translated for the first time in English, and in Niccola Marselli , an Italian officer educated in the Hegelian clubs of Naples, discussed the Clausewitzian ideas about moral factors in depth. Marselli, having abandoned idealism and converted to positivism, disagreed with the impossibility of creating a complete theory of war, and asserted his faith in a positive science of War Nevertheless Marselli criticized the doctrinarism of Jomini and admired Clausewitz to the point where he considered him to be a precursor of positivism.

It took half century before a new Clausewitzian wave to come forth into the Italian culture. And when that time came, it was the Axis time. In Colonel Emilio Canevari , a brillant officer from Viterbo who fell in disgrace during the Re-conquest of Lybia, began a new life as freelance journalist, publishing an anthology Marte of great captains and military writers with Giuseppe Prezzolini In he published an essay on Clausewitz and Modern War Clausewitz e la guerra odierna. It took four years, however, before a political detainee like Antonio Gramsci could read a notice of the book.

He commented in his notebook that Vom Kriege was not yet translated in Italian40, that the only book in circulation was that of Canevari, and that Admiral Sirianni, in a paper, 37 A. Preussen als Modell, Heidelberg, Winter, Marco Scardigli, Lo scrittoio del generale. La romanzesca epopea risorgimentale del gen. Govone, Torino, Utet, One can only suppose that the book Canevari wrote also spurred the short intervention on Clausewitz written in the late by Benedetto Croce The philosopher, however, does not quote Canevari: Croce agrees with Roques about the influence Machiavelli had on Clausewitz, refusing the supposed Hegelian imprinting But it is impossible to summarize such an essay.

Croce wrote also 41 Passato e presente, Einaudi, Torino, , p. Gramsci quoted Clausewitz also about the attack which exhausts itself progressing Note sul Machiavelli, sulla politica e sullo stato moderno, Einaudi, Torino, , p. On military entries of the Treccani encyclopedia, see Botti and Ilari, Il pensiero, cit.

The Clausewitzian essay was reprint in in Strategia globale No. Aron does not quote this essay in his Clausewitz of , but in his Memories p. Indeed, in December see La Vita Italiana Canevari polemicized against the attempt philosopher Julius Evola made to found the totalitarian state, mixing the Schmittian Begriff des Politischen and the total war Erich Ludendorff had theorized. Moreover the editors of Princeton Makers of Modern Strategy commissioned the chapter on Clausewitz to a true specialist, the German Jewish historian Hans Rothfels These seminal Clausewitzian studies were part of the Western intellectual mobilization against the Axis.

Croce, Riscontri tra l'arte della guerra e le arti belle nel Clausewitz, in Quaderni della "Critica", n. Reichswehrministeriums, Berlin, ; Karl fon Klauzevic: O ratu, Geca Kon, ; Yugoslav military publishing house, Princeton University Press, Bollati had experience translating, having already translated Hindenburg, von Bernardi and Falkenhayn, as well as many documents of the German State and Austrian War archives Paradoxically enough, there would be no written documents about the translation: Quite surprisingly, the Google-books list of the Clausewitzian works published in all languages during the Second World War does not include the Ufficio storico translation, perhaps because it did not circulate outside the Army Staff.

There are, however, two partial translations on the google list that were both published by Le Monnier in and Sansoni in They are only Italian editions of propagandistic pamphlets published in the Third Reich in the Google list they are eight, from 48 to pages in length, with titles as Brevier, Kathechismus, Grundgedanken and so on. Italian contributions to the Clausewitz-Renaissance The political misfortune of Clausewitz reached bottom when Hitler named after him the desperate plan to defend Berlin. Werner Hahlweg was, with his critical edition and his short biography53, to restore him to the quietness of the military studies.

Initially, however, approval of Vom Kriege was limited to German scholars, as is proven by its anthological application to the nuclear era written by Gerd Stamp, a former ace of the Luftwaffe who was working for NATO at the time. Pensieri sulla guerra, Firenze, Sansoni, , pp.

In these two auroral decades, when outside Germany only Peter Paret worked on Clausewitz in original way56, Piero Pieri was to popularize Vom Kriege once more in postwar Italy, beyond the circle of uniformed scholars. His study on Italian military writers primarily regards the connection between war and politics, but in the chapter about Marselli the Clausewitzian epistemology of the military science is also discussed Furthermore, he summarized the pivotal ideas of Vom Kriege, in four pages , using them to criticize Blanch and De Cristoforis Beck, Munchen, , in "Der Staat", N.

In the Sixties, Ernesto Ragionieri 61 and Clemente Ancona62 contributed to the studies on the Clausewitzian lectures of Marx and Lenin, and Filippo Gaja, director of Maquis, the only military periodical of the Italian Left, published an integral translation of the Lenin notes on Vom Kriege This first wave of the renewed attention to 60 On the point see Bassford, Cl. Ruge, Politica e strategia.

Pensiero politico e azione politica, Firenze, Sansoni, Clausewitz in postwar Italy culminated in with the paperback reprint by Mondadori, one of major Italian publishers , of the translation of Vom Kriege, thus guaranteeing for the first time its countrywide circulation A century after the French-Prussian War, which secured the fortune of Vom Kriege, a new Western defeat, that of the United States in Vietnam, ensured the definitive foundation of the Clausewitzian studies.

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