Contents:
S84 '. It is set in Plantin, smyth-sewn, and printed on acid-free paper to library specifications. As a young graduate smdent, I was awed by this man who knew so much. I was fascinated by his insights into the Auto de los Reyes Magos, his sen- sitivity to the naive shepherds in Fr.
Inigo de Mendoza's Vita Christie his appreciation of the prominent role assigned to the ancient prophets and sibyls in medieval drama, and his firm belief that the much touted gap between the Auto de los Reyes Magos and Gomez Manrique's plays was more mirage than reality. Unfortunately, Joseph Gillet did not live to see his prophetic view of the early Spanish theater come true.
He died in just a year before he was to retire from teaching. Thus he never knew the wealth of evidence of theatrical activity that would eventually come to light. Nor did he pen the book that for decades was foremost in his thoughts. Although this is not the book he would have written, I hope it captures some of his enthusiasm and conviction.
It does not aspire to be the definitive study of the medieval theater in Castile. How can it be when the historical record is still fragmentary? I do not answer questions as much as raise them, as I invite the reader to look at the extant evidence from a new, more promising perspective based on a broad, medieval definition of theater. Consequently, scat- tered throughout the volume are words like "perhaps," "apparently," "tentatively," which I hope will some day yield to more definitive modi- fiers. Some of the descriptive material based on ledgers from Barcelona, Girona, Lleida, Murcia, Seville, and Toledo which appears in articles that I wrote for the Greenwood Companion to the Medieval Theater, edited by Ronald Vince is included in chapter 6 in a much re- vised form.
Jones's and are reproduced with slight modifica- tions with his pemiission and that of AMS Press.
I have also adopted the Catalan spellings for cities in eastern Spain: Elx, Girona, Lleida, Urgell, and Vic. It is a real pleasure to acknowledge the support of friends, col- leagues, and family in this endeavor. Spivey, and Linda Koch Lorimer, and to the Board of Trustees who granted me sabbatic leaves in , , and which enabled me to remain current in my field and pursue my scholarly work. I am equally indebted to the marvelous library staff of the college, particularly Patricia DeMars and Frances Webb who borrowed hundreds of crucial documents from other librar- ies and tracked down elusive bibliographical references with a detec- tive's zeal.
No less assiduous and effective was the staff of the Rumford Public Library, Rumford, Maine, which graciously came to my aid dur- ing the summer months. Four anonymous readers took time from their busy schedules to read the manuscript for MRTS Press and make many constructive suggestions.
Ronald Surtz and Joseph Snow have been constant sources of encouragement for many years. Professor DiCesare's initial interest in the manuscript boosted my morale at a critical time, and his attrac- tive layout for the book has surpassed my fondest expectations. My deep appreciation, however, goes to Lee Hoskins, who shepherded the manuscript through the review process, then edited it word by word, letter by letter, and finally supervised the printing. I am indebted to all these colleagues and friends, yet I alone am responsible for any errors that remain. How I relished our trips to professional meetings and our junkets to Spain to see first hand the region I was writing about.
Carl also operated the printer and the copier and produced four copies of the manuscript in no time. But most of all, I appreciated his listening patiently and responding frequently and helpfully to incessant chatter about the medieval theater in Castile. Instead, the Salmantine dramatist's reputation, or better still his notoriety, rested on his being perceived as a purveyor of nonsense, the object of the popular expression "son los disparates de Juan de la Encina" "these are Juan de la Encina's nonsense verses".
Rojas also states that the theater was bom in with the performance of Encina's earliest plays before the duke and duchess of Alba. This date was universally accepted until when J. Caso Gonzalez argued for a different timetable ; yet Juan C. Temprano's appeal to biographical clues in Encina's works strongly supports the earlier date This characterization of Encina derives from his Disparates trobados included in his Candonero, primera edicion , pp. Rather, historians surveying the medieval scene are repeated- ly startled by the bleakness of the landscape.
One can cite as evidence of medieval theater: The secular pieces are allegorical mummings, while the religious works are, not surprisingly, Nativity and Passion plays. Yet even when we accept the Auto and Gomez Manrique's play- scripts as examples of medieval Spanish drama, we are still confronted by a three hundred-year gap between them.
Attempts have been made to close the gap and also expand the number of playwrights before Encina by appealing to medieval debate poems and juegos de escamio from the thirteenth century; the Cantus Sibyllae, Pastores dicite, quidnam vidistis? Yet there has been stiff resistance to attempts to establish the existence of a medieval theater in Castile by stretching the definition who assign this role to Encina are Ferdinand Wolf in Studien zur Geschichte des Spanischen und Portugiesischen Nationalliteratur Berlin, , ; George Ticknor in History of Spanish Literature Boston, , 1: Amador de los Rios believes Encina combined various medieval strains to produce the first genuine plays.
See Encina, Teatro completo, ed. Canete and Asenjo Barbieri, pp. Canete, however, is more cautious, noting that these histori- ans were unfamiliar with plays by Encina's contemporaries with whom Encina must share the glory vii-viii. In recent years Lopez Morales, Tradicion, has mounted the most sustained defense of Encina's preeminent role. At the opposite extreme, the Spanish Corpus Christi pageants, the mummings and interludes from Jaen, and the Nativity play from Saragossa have no linguistic text. The Tragicomedia, in turn, is often called a novel.
Consequently, before we can engage in a constructive discussion of the medieval theater in Castile, we first need to demonstrate that Castile had a dramatic heritage much of which has been lost or still lies entombed in the archives. We need to place the possible disap- pearance of playscripts in an historical setting, for we know that Spain particularly has repeatedly seen her library collections plundered or destroyed.
She has also been notoriously lax in uncovering her literary treasures and parading them before the world. Indeed, stories abound of scholars visiting church and monastic libraries where medieval manuscripts reach to the rafters. Peter Linehan graphically describes the excitement and frustration the investigator experiences in such surroundings, excitement over the tantalizing presence of large amounts of untapped resources, and frustration at the often incomplete or inaccurate catalogues. The few pub- lished excerpts from his list allow us to measure the magnitude of the loss of literary works: Their written versions usually appeared in unadorned manuscripts that were easily mutilated or lost through frequent use.
Among the missing epics are hypothetical versions before of Femdn Gonzalez, La condesa traidora. Compositions in the more learned mester de clerecia may have also vanished; yet it would be a mistake to assume the disappearance of large numbers of these poems. Unlike epic poetry sung by a minstrel, plays were written in dialogue and, with the exception of the liturgical drama, seldom existed in a complete dramatic script. Instead the various roles were copied on separate sheets and distributed among the actors.
The frequency of this kind of transmission and the likelihood that some speaking parts would be lost is confirmed by several surviving fragments. The famous Shrewsbury fragments, which are remnants of Latin plays composed between and and revised in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, consist of lines assigned to specific actors: Edmunds contains the speaking parts for a king and his messengers; ' Menendez Pidal, Poesia, Walsh lists some probable texts including two works by Berceo. Fortunately, the text so closely resembles the twelfth-century Passion play from Montecassino that several missing scenes and speeches from the Sulmona play can now be recovered.
A recurring theme in The Theatre of Medieval Europe: New Research in Early Drama is the wholesale disappearance of medieval plays throughout the continent. Bemd Neumann, who has searched the archives of Germany, concludes that religious and Carnival plays were staged all over Germany even in regions where there are no surviving texts. Thus their recovery is not to be found in some medieval playbook but in municipal records. Finally, even when the playscripts are available, their incomplete- ness further problematizes our efforts to recover the medieval theater. After all, a dramatic script is unlike a novel or a poem; it is always incomplete until it is performed.
The text of the Auto de los Reyes Magos, as it appears today in the twelfth-century manuscript in the Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid, is only the skeletal remains of what may well have been a full-blown dramatic performance. Missing is such basic information as title, date of composition, distribution of speaking parts, instructions to the director, and all the clues associated with a play designed for stage realization.
Consequently, before we can ponder the significance of the play, we must first attempt to complete the work itself and restore it to the form in which it was known to its medieval audience.
Granted the Auto de los Reyes Magos represents an extreme case of incompleteness; yet Gomez Manrique's plays and the Nativity scene in the Vita Christi hardly abound in staging clues, whereas the shows mounted in Jaen for Miguel Lucas de Iranzo, and the Nativity music-drama performed in Saragossa lack the crucial verbal exchanges between the characters. Despite these obstacles, however, there is much we can retrieve of what I believe was once a rich and vibrant theater and, indeed, the discovery over the last several years of new texts and records of theatrical activity in Castile has strengthened me in this belief.
Among the texts are liturgical ceremo- nies with pronounced theatrical overtones, a thirteenth-century Proces- sus Belial, a late fourteenth-century Ordo Sibyllarum and Planctus Passionis; and in the fifteenth century, an anonymous Auto de la huida a Egipto, Alonso del Campo's Auto de la Pasion, Francisco Moner's Momeria, and a political Egloga by Francisco de Madrid. For a region possessing only a handful of extant texts, these works represent a significant windfall, while recently published dramatic records from several cities are even more impressive.
The history then of the medieval theater in Castile is in part the history of missing texts, which is different from the story of something that never existed at all. He or she examines all kinds of evidence no matter how trivial in the hope of retrieving a lost heritage. We can best gauge the loss of dramatic texts in medieval Castile, account for their disappearance, and appreciate the problematic condi- tion of the survivors by wending our way back to the Middle Ages from the seventeenth century when Spain possessed a flourishing theater, much of which has come down to us.
Even a few autographs of Golden Age plays endure although the majority of manuscript versions were the work not of the playwrights but of actors and direc- tors. Still others were produced by memoriones, memorizers who learned the script by heart only to regurgitate it in garbled form. Occasionally a politically sensitive text like Lope de Vega's Peribanez y el comendador de Ocaha had to be sanitized before it was taken on the road.
The result reflects the conscious desire to reshape the play for a rural audience.
All the subtleties of plot and characterization are gone, and in their place is an emphasis on the obvious and a string of stereotyped characters devoid of psychological interest. Greer is currently developing a computerized procedure for analyzing the seventeenth-century comedia manuscripts housed in Spanish archives. Her approach will enable scholars to identify playwrights, copyists, and theater companies and to study their manipulation of the dramatists' texts. See her essay "From Copyist to Computer: In the seventeenth century, moreover, the comedias and autos sacra- mentales were perceived not only as theatrical scripts to be staged, but as literature to be read.
In fact, Cervantes's plays, though written to be performed, were never staged. Even his entremeses short interludes were unlike the light, frivolous pieces written by his contemporaries. The greater complexity and weighty social content of Cervantes's interludes would have placed too heavy demands on the audience which was expected to focus its attention on the comedia and not the between-the-acts entertainment.
Indeed, the perception of drama as literature reflects a view so ingrained in us today that we assume this was always the case and can hardly imagine a time when a play meant performance only. With printing too, the drama acquired some of the permanence accorded the other literary genres. Although not all the comedias and autos sacramentales have endured, the emergence of a reading public and an economical means of reproducing the plays greatly enhanced their chances of survival. Several volumes by N. Varey, and Charles Davis contain documents related to performances in the Madrid theaters.
In recent years comparable volumes of records have appeared for other Spanish cities including Alcala de Henares, Cordoba, and Seville. In addition, the Corral del Principe in Madrid and the theater in Almagro have been reconstructed.
He provides a bibliography of earlier studies of this issue. In 1 twelve comedias by Lope de Vega rolled off a Valencian press and became the Primera parte de comedias de Lope. Reprinted time and again, it testified to Lope's growing popularity. Such volumes were usually aggregates of sueltas which could easily be disbanded and the individual comedias sold separately or in groups of two or more.
Publish- ers, anxious to exploit the new market and turn a profit, often engaged in literary piracy or shoddy printing practices. Already in Pedro Craesbeeck printed six plays in Lisbon, all of them attributed to Lope although only two were actually firom his pen. Luciano Garcia Lorenzo Madrid: Ministerio de Cultura, , From France the New Christian Antonio Enriquez Gomez listed the titles of his comedias which had been falsely attributed to Calderon "para que se conoscan por mias, pues todas ellas o las mas que se imprimen en Sevilla les dan los impresores el titulo que quieren y el dueiio que se les antoja" "so they will be recognized as mine since all or the majority of those printed in Seville are given the titles and authors that strike the printers' fancy.
Hispanic Institute in the United States, ], These practic- es made the texts less permanent, less the artistic achievement of a particular dramatist. In the transition from Middle Ages to Renaissance the survival of dramatic texts was far less certain with printing in its infancy and the drama struggling to assert itself as a literary genre. Among the early playwrights only Fernando de Rojas, Juan del Encina, and Bartolome de Torres Naharro enjoyed multiple editions of their works.
Encina included his eight dramatic eglogas in his Cancionero, where he conveys throughout a sense of pride in his literary accomplishments as he strives to dignify poetry as an art, not a craft, and to endow the drama with the respect accorded the other arts.
In fact, one may wonder whether Encina perceived his dramatic eclogues to be essen- tially different from his paraphrase of Virgil's Eclogues or his numerous villancicos carols , all of which shared the same content and structure as his plays. Yet at the same time he relegated his plays to the end of his Cancioneroy which may reflect his ambivalent feelings toward their intrinsic worth. Be that as it may, it is unlikely that the dramatic ec- logues would have appeared repeatedly in print were it not for Enci- na's reputation as a lyric poet.
Juan de Vera Tassis y Villarreal made numerous emendations often deemed unnecessary to his edition of the plays. Shergold suggests that the emendations should be charged, not to Vera Tassis but to the poet himself who often reworked his earlier plays, or to the producers who mounted elaborate productions and replaced Calderon's perfunctory and superficial rubrics with more detailed stage directions which were then retained by Vera Tassis "Cal- deron and Vera Tassis," Hispanic Review 23 []: Although its author was regarded as a dramatist in Italy, where both original plays and Plautine and Terentian revivals were being staged, Ronald Surtz and Lopez Morales suggest that his comedias may never have been performed in Spain.
Encina's obsession with his personal prestige is discussed at length by J. Norton lists three editions of the Comedia: Fadrique de Basilea, ? Pedro Hagenbach, ; Seville: He argues, however, that there is no real proof that the Burgos edition was printed in Eight early editions of the Tragicomedia have survived: Another edition, erroneously identified with Salamanca, , was really printed in Rome in by Antonio de Salamanca.
In fact, Norton rejects as spurious the 1 date for six editions of the twenty-one act Tragicomedia and concludes on the basis of the typography that none is earlier than the missing Saragossa, edition. The earliest extant edition is Rome, "Appendix B" Hispanic Society of America, The extant copy, on which the Madrid facsimile edition is based, is currently housed in the Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid.
It probably belonged to the duke of Osuna. Most of Gil Vicente's plays would be unknown today had his son Luis not taken it upon himself to assemble and have them printed in Fortunately, however, he enjoyed the patronage of Pedro Fernandez de Cordoba y Figueroa, fourth count of Feria. Al- though his plays were staged in the cathedral of Badajoz at Christmas and in the city streets during the feast of Corpus Christi, most were composed for performance in the count's palace. This fact, combined with the financial support of the fifth count of Feria, Gomez Suarez de Figueroa, accounts for the publication of what appears on the surface to be popular drama.
The text, however, is defective. It contains twenty-seven farsas and one Danza de los pecados. The poor printing job is reflected in the inferior quality of the paper, imperfect type, borrowed woodcuts, uneven inking, spelling inconsistencies, etc. This edition survives in a unique copy housed in the Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid. Sueltas of three farsas have also endured: See Sanchez de Badajoz, Recopilacion, A lost Comedia Orfea attributed to Lopez de Yanguas may not be his; and the extant Egloga real, also attributed to him by Amador de los Rios, is believed to be the work of the Bachiller de la Pradilla.
See Lopez de Yanguas, pp.
The orchestra was the platform of the stage building where a dancer could perform or two [persons] dispute between them- selves. Although the Ordo representacionis Ade is recorded in a thirteenth- century manuscript, the language and versification place it in the period between and In Zamora's version it is less a judicial argument than Mary's intervention that saves the sinner. Comedia en coplas dejosep. Vitor Mareco marked it as to-read Sep 10,
Published originally as a suelta, it was incorporated into the 1 edition of Encina's Cancionero thereby making the new edition more attractive to consumers. The play is preserved, however, in a version from Alcala. Pastor apparentiy wrote two additional farces of Grimaltina and Clariana, the latter probably Comedia Clariana, Valencia, The volume also contained several other works, including a life of Barlaam and Josafat, Juan de Mena's Coplas de vicios y virtudes and Lopez de Yanguas's Farsa sacra- mental. At the time that Gillet prepared his edition, the first leaf was already missing see Wilson and Cruickshank, One wonders whether this is the same Alfonso del Castrillo who authored the lost Egloga de la fundacion de la orden de la Trinidad, en coplas see note Kohler's editions were based on Gallardo's copies.
Fernando del Prado is the Bachiller de la Pradilla. For additional early plays printed as sueltas between and , see Wilson and Cruickshank, The collection consists of the following sueltas: Juan Rodriguez, Comedia llamada Florinea ; the anonymous Tragicomedia alegorica: All of these have been edited and published.
This latter play was published by the printer Gongalo Martinez in or shortly thereafter and is now housed in the Biblioteca Nacional. Kohler ascribes the anonymous Egloga nueva to Diego Duran. This copy has disappeared, but another copy prepared by Manuel Cafiete survives in the Biblioteca Menendez Pelayo and forms the basis of Gillet's edition. His version has now been superseded by Alberto Blecua's, which is based on a manuscript copy contained in a Cancionero compiled at the end of the 16th C. Both the ancient copy and Canete's modem transcription derive from the same archetype, but Cafiete's version unfortunately contains numerous errors which reappear in Gillet's printed version.
Thus the recovery of the early manuscript version is a significant find and raises the question as to whether the Egloga was ever printed in the 16th C. Blecua "La Egloga de Francisco de Madrid," Coma San Juan fue concebido originally appeared as a suelta Burgos: Juan de la Junta, which is now lost. The extant text in the Biblioteca Nacional is an imdated suelta.
The catalogue of the library of Don Pedro Nunez de Guzman, Marques of Montealegre, has a tantalizing reference to a fifteenth-century playbook Relacion de las comedias que se hizieron el ano , a la Reina Isabel, y a la Princesa donajuana, representadas par sus damasy which was duly noted in the eighteenth century by Bias Anto- nio Nasarre and Xavier Lampillas, and in the nineteenth by Leandro Fernandez de Moratin.
Unfortunately, the anachronistic use of the word comedias and factual errors by Lampillas — namely, that Juan del Encina's poetic compositions included various dramatic works, one of which was motivated by the marriage of Fernando and Isabel in — have called into question the reliability of the citation itself. Since it is widely known that one of Gomez Manrique's extant compositions, a momeria honoring Prince Alfonso on his fourteenth birthday, was composed at Isabel's request and staged by the women in her personal retinue, it is quite conceivable that after her marriage in she commissioned additional mummings by Gomez Manrique and other court poets for performance on state occasions like her coronation in Did the playbook then belong to the same period but, unHke the Canctonero, go astray sometime after ?
Consider, too, the strange case of Vasco Diaz Tanco de Fregenal. Gallardo quotes the tides, but not a single text has been recovered. Manuel Canete lists thirty-eight such drama- tists, all active before Their works were bound together in a single volume, which once belonged to Gallardo, but was destroyed by fire in Gillet notes that Diaz Tanco refers to himself as old in Since he composed his plays in his youth, they belong then to the early 16th C.
Francisco de Aguayo, Egloga de cinco pas tores y un hermitano en coplas. Auto de Amores, en coplas. It was performed and printed in Saragossa in Farsa luterana, en coplas. Comedia en coplas dejosep. Gaulana, comedia en coplas. Farsa del Nacimiento de Crista. Comedia del Nacimiento, en coplas. Egloga de la fundacion de la orden de la Trinidad, en coplas. Farsa pastoril en coplas. Farsa d'una pastora y un hermitano, en coplas.
Farsa llamada Fidilonica, en coplas. Indeed, Salazar de Breno's Egloga al duque de Medinaceli, composed for the Medinaceh family, shows that Encina's patrons, the duke and duchess of Alba, were not alone in having a dramatist on their house- hold staff. The titles and opening lines of the plays recall the theater of Encina, Fernandez, and Torres Naharro. Four are clearly romantic comedies, three obviously pastoral, and one looms as Juan Francisco Fernandez. Farsa Guillarda del Nacimiento, en coplas. Farsa de penados amadores.
Comedia Rosinda en coplas.
Farsa sobre la Resurreccion, en coplas. Farsa de siete personas, en coplas. Comedia del vino, en coplas. Farsa en coplas sobre la comedia de Calixto y Melibea. Farsa Pronostica, en coplas.
Auto de Sant Alexo, en coplas portuguesas. Comedia evangelica a la Resurrecion, en coplas. Tragicomedia de los amores de Guirol. Egloga al Duque de Medinaceli. Cuatro cases de la pasion. Diego de San Pedro. Farsa del nacimiento, en coplas. Comedia llamada Flerida, en coplas. Farsa con diez personas. Among the rehgious plays are five Nativity pieces, one Passion play, two Resurrec- tion dramas, a saint's play, and a Comedia en coplas de Joseph all testify- ing to a thriving biblical theater.
The picture emerges then of a court theater in Castile in the early sixteenth century that was far more extensive than the extant record suggests. In fact, one is left with the distinct impression that theatrical activity was booming and that Encina was hardly alone in writing for the stage. Yet significant numbers of these early plays may be irretriev- ably lost. Moreover, information on the socioeconomic conditions of the early court theater and the nature of the performances hardly compares with the wealth of material for the seventeenth-century drama.
Whereas many plays composed for the nobility endured because they were published in collections or individually as part of the chap- book trade, popular drama, including religious plays called autos written for street performance, met a different fate. In the period from to wandering players must have performed thousands of autos of which only a few hundred remain.
Nor is there any assurance that the best have survived. What has endured are manuscripts belong- ing to traveling companies or municipalities in which the plays may well embody abridged, reworked, or adulterated texts. It is a handwritten manuscript of four hundred thirty-nine folios belonging to the reign of Felipe II.
At some point the writing, copied originally by a single hand, so deteriorated that a careless scribe set himself the task of restoring it. This extraordinary collection belonged to the family of Antonio Porcel until it was purchased in by Eugenio Tapia, director of the Biblioteca Nacional MS 14, Some of these same plays were later recopied in a modem hand into a series of notebooks that were owned at one time by Manuel Canete and are currently housed in the Biblio- teca Menendez Pelayo.
Not surprisingly, these biblical, hagiographical, and allegorical plays are anonymous works save the Auto de Cain y Abel by Jaime Ferruz.
Buy Codex Templi: Los misterios templarios a la luz de la historia y de la de los templarios desde la perspectiva de la más genuina tradición: la que es De animales a dioses: Una breve historia de la humanidad (Spanish Edition. Sapiens. Codex Templi: Los misterios templarios a la luz de la historia y de la tradicción ( Spanish Edition) eBook: Templespaña: www.farmersmarketmusic.com: Kindle Store.
Unfortunately the first eight folios, which possibly contained valuable information about the date of composition and the nature of the collection, are missing. Each year several plays were selected for the feast of Corpus Christi, although the records show that at least one, an Auto de la Resurreccion, was staged in Madrid on Easter Simday, Unlike the plays designed for court entertain- ment, however, these scripts never enjoyed the prestige of appearing in print until Leo Rouanet published them in Flecniakoska believes they should be viewed less as a single entity than as a heterogeneous sampling of one-act religious plays from the second half of the six- teenth century.
In addition, the Spanish visionary Sor Juana de la Cruz from the Francis- can convent of Santa Maria de la Cruz near Toledo, requested two religious plays, one a rremembranga de todos los mdrtires for the feast of St. Lawrence, and the other a rremembranga e auto de la Asuncion for the feast of the Assimiption. Moreover, an extant Assumption play may be the one commissioned by Sor Juana since its content parallels Sor Juana's specific instructions.
Also extant is the text of an Auto de la Pasion, attributed to Alonso del Campo. Despite allusions to them in church and municipal records, no extant plays have turned up from Avila, Seville, Salamanca, or Oviedo. Their disappearance is a serious loss because, while traveling companies took their repertory on the road, there is reason to believe that individual towns also produced their own unique collections that differed significantiy from one another.
The record from eastern Spain is hardly more encouraging. Of the twelve Valencian Corpus Christi plays known to have existed only three texts survive, copied in by Josef Gomar, "cantor y ministril de la ciudad de Valencia" "singer and musician from the city of Valencia". Moreover, Gomar's manuscript lacks punctuation, admits many defective lines, and tolerates needless repetitions. The collection, now housed in the Biblioteca de Catalunya, was prepared by Miguel Pascual, native of Buger, in Of the forty-nine plays, five are in Castilian.
Most are religious dramas or consuetasy written for performance during the Christmas and Easter seasons, but there are also dramatizations of other events in Christ's life as well as saints' plays. These plays, however, were designed for staging in the churches rather than in the streets of eastern Spain, and boast elaborate stage directions.
The Corpus Christi cycles, which were immensely popular for two hundred years and were probably more polished than their Spanish counterparts, were never printed because no publisher would touch them after the Protestant Reformation. So the York, Wakefield, N-Town, and Coventry cycles survive in single manuscripts, whereas the Chester cycle boasts five copies, executed between and Several consuetas have now been published. A second volume consists of Essays and Documents Chapel Hill: Its one hundred seventy parchment or vellum leaves, of which forty-eight are blank, are still in the original wooden binding.
The manuscript is plain, devoid of the embellished capitals and miniatures that graced medieval manuscripts executed for private collectors. It appears that civil authorities responsible for organizing the Corpus Christi celebrations possessed a register of the plays described by A. Cawley as "an official text of the cycle copied from the originals of the individual pageants belonging to the different guilds.
Copies of single plays belonging to the guilds and loose sheets containing the actors' parts were doomed to disappear. Given the intensity of Protestant hostility to the cycles, we are fortu- nate to possess any of these scripts. El Terrorismo En Espana: Free Cuadernillos De Revistadehistoria.
Free De Grecia A Roma. Las Batallas De Cannae A. Y Zama A. Free El Ejercito Inca: Free El Manuscrito Voynich: Free El Reino De Mallorca: Free El Tercer Final: Free Extremadura, Afan De Miseria: Free Historia General De Espana. Free Los Jerarcas Sovieticos: Free Top 10 De Civilizaciones Perdidas: Libro I Y II. Los Reyes De Taifas: Historia General De Espana. Hitler Muerde El Anzuelo. La Chinkana Del Titicaca: La Conjura De La Mentira: La Desamortizacion En Espana: La Guerra Y Las Palabras.
Los Felices Anos Veinte: Mis Mejores Articulos Download. PDF 66 Documentos Templarios. Traducidos, Informados Y Comentados ePub. La Batalla De Agincourt ePub. Ejercitos Y Tacticas N 1 ePub. To ask other readers questions about Codex Templi , please sign up. Lists with This Book. This book is not yet featured on Listopia.
Angelo Kstllanos rated it liked it Jul 01, Roberto rated it liked it Jul 04, Sergio rated it it was amazing Nov 03, Talabglamaro added it Oct 17, Vitor Mareco marked it as to-read Sep 10, Ariak4s marked it as to-read Sep 22, Alice marked it as to-read Mar 26, David Solanas marked it as to-read May 01, Carol marked it as to-read May 05, Ana marked it as to-read Sep 12,