Die Zusammenarbeit der Alliierten während des Nürnberger Hauptprozesses (German Edition)

Ebooks For Windows A Comer Grito El Cerdito By Durand Phd London Jonathan London Pdb

---

Der Parteistaat und die inneren Angelegenheiten. Das Wirken der Geheimpolizei in Ungarn. He raised his voice against both totalitarian regimes of the 20th century, Nazism and communism. He openly expressed his protest against the deportation of Jews both in his sermons and in letters addressed to leaders of the Hungarian official state organs in Cluj, in May Luxmoore — Babiuch, , and There are also no references in the book of Cardinal Agostoni Casaroli, elaborator of the Eastern European politics of the Holy See, published in , because the author completely ignored to present the relations of Romania and the Vatican.

When he was arrested and during his imprisonment — , there was a risk that the Catholic Church of Romania would break in two: After his release he managed to liquidate the opposition within the church; he did not look for a modus vivendi with the state, but followed an exceptionalist politics.

He initiated negotiations with the Romanian party state government to guarantee the freedom of pastoral care and the unhindered application of the measures of the Holy See on legal grounds, by contract see later. However, he considered more important to secure the freedom of pastoral care and duties as well as the sovereignty of the church than the restoration of church hierarchy.

In response to this, the Bucharest authorities placed him in house arrest for eleven years — He refused to give up his principles in exchange for freedom, for which reason he could not take part in the Second Vatican Council. One may find definitive domestic and foreign political intentions behind the concessions offered and applied in the Russian Orthodox Church. According to the new church political doctrine, Stalin regarded the Russian Orthodox Church as an institution that efficiently promotes the interests of the Soviet nation-state.

On foreign policy level, an expansionist Soviet state church poli5 Seres, , 89— To the best of our knowledge, this is the largest surveillance file in Romania. The Kremlin wanted to apply the Soviet imperial church policy in the states occupied and controlled by the Red Army. For this reason the ecclesiastical policy of the newly formed dictatorial communist states had the following three objectives: The dictatorial communist regimes settling on the territory of Central and Eastern Europe — with varying intensity in time — employed all possible means to force the Catholic church leaders to cooperate.

They did not hesitate to apply the hardest measures against those who resisted — several Catholic church leaders were sentenced to prison for years or even for life, in open or closed trials, based on various fabricated charges. In the number of Catholics in Romania only reached to According to the centuries-long tradition, the Greek Catholic community of Transylvania consisted of Romanians, the Roman Catholic community was dominated by Hungarians and Germans.

In Transylvania confessional identity became one of the decisive marks of national identity. Hungarian and German-speaking Catholics considered any measure that restricted the operation of the Catholic church since the autumn of to be a violation of their rights. Therefore the communist party propaganda that presented the abolishment of the Greek Catholic church of Romania as a national unification had to pay special attention that the different nations may not see the struggle against the Catholic church as a violation of nationality rights.

Apart from the initial stage, the Romanian party state leadership following a communist ideology did not intend to abolish the churches, but transform them. The target was the establishment of a new transmission belt, by which the church organizations too were supposed to be used as a kind of propaganda instrument to guide the masses.

In a series of laws were issued in Romania which cancelled the autonomy of the churches and extended state supervision over these. In order to diminish the social embeddedness of the churches, the constitution published on 13 April stated that education was the duty of the state, and the new law of education issued on 3 August terminated confessional education and the ecclesiastical educational institutions were nationalized. The restrictive measures of the law included: In the end, this was achieved by Order 10 Monitorul Oficial, 3 August , no.

The decision of the unilateral denouncement of the concordat signed with the Vatican in was taken on the 17 July session of the Romanian Ministerial Council. Vasile Aftenie and Iuliu Hossu were the only two Greek Catholic bishops to be recognized by the state. All the other Catholic bishops were sent in retirement. Following the instructions of the Vatican, he was not willing to accept a statute which would have fixed legally as well the control and supervision of the state over the Catholic Church both the Greek and Roman rite in Romania.

Oficial, 5 February The communist party apparatus initiated a propa18 Nagy, , 46— Fond Penal, dosarul , volumul 6. After the forced abolishment of Greek Catholic bishoprics in Romania in , the illegitimate merger of Roman Catholic bishoprics and the forced retirement of Roman Catholic bishops, the Romanian state recognized only two bishops: The two renitent church leaders refused to present a statute which would have laid the foundations of a national Catholic church, and they were only willing to follow the instructions of the papal nuncio of Bucharest and the Holy See.

At a major Romanian-Hungarian party meeting organized in Bucharest in the beginning of , Rajk demanded with harsh words that the Marxist-Leninist minority policy be applied by Romanian party leadership. Rajk was an easy person to be connected with Romanian conspiracy, as he was born in Transylvania and after he often visited his three siblings living there.

Hungarian intellectuals could not have been absent from the conspiracy, therefore three well-known leftist Hungarian intellectuals were also arrested: The HPA was a nationality-based leftist mass organization working as a sort of Hungarian party outside the communist party.

For the Romanian Labour Party incorporating Romanian social democrats, a mass organization such as that started to become uncomfortable. The HEUT as an organization that protected the interests of Hungarian farmers with its over 60 thousand members and equipped agricultural stations could have mobilized serious forces against the collectivization beginning in Following the new economic model, both economic organizations were eliminated by The arrest of the leaders and the 28 Ibid.

Audiodateien 1 und 2 Anhören !

Even if these people were publicly known in Transylvania, the leader of the conspiracy had to be a person who had international relations as well due to his office. He cultivated these relations after as well, in many cases he intervened with Hungarian state authorities to get help for Hungarian institutions from Transylvania in financial difficulties.

During the interrogations and in court, they legitimated their signing of the memorandum by saying that they were Hungarian citizens and the peace treaty had not been signed yet. The criminal list for the people arrested extended thus further: It also supports the modification of the concept that other people were also arrested and interrogated in February to solve the case. The Verdict The interrogating officers wrote weekly summaries of the confessions and made precise plans on which prisoner to confess what the following days.

The verdict was communicated to them one day later in the prison of Jilava. Fond Penal, dosarul , volumul According to the law, the bishop had to execute the more serious penalty. His release in can also be understood in relation with external and internal political events.

The church politics of Eastern block countries was influenced by the 10 November Resolution of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, entitled Mistakes in Conducting Scientific-Atheistic Propaganda Among the Population which made many concessions for the Russian Orthodox Church and as a result, albeit for a short while, religious life got lively again in the Soviet Union.

With the death of Alexandru Cisar, Archbishop of Bucharest, on 7 January , no Roman Catholic bishop was at liberty, therefore the Central Leadership of the Romanian Communist Party decided, in the first part of 28 January and 25 May , that it must settle its relations with the Catholic Church. Their discussions in Hungarian were recorded by the secret services, but only the Romanian reports of the second and third meeting have been preserved.

I have listened very carefully to the points presented by Your Excellency, which reveals your good intentions for the favourable management of the situation of the Roman Catholic clergy, but I can give you no results. First of all, I am imprisoned, and an imprisoned bishop cannot take any measures.

Nobody was allowed to contact or meet the bishop without the permission of the Ministry of Cults. The discussions were carried out in two ways as part of a previously planned action: Fond Penal, dosarul , volumul 3. Now we know that the Catholic leaders of the countries of this region gave different answers to this dilemma. He would have only been ready to negotiate about this if authorized by the Holy See. The bishop asked for the retrial of his case and the dropping of the charges, as well as the release of imprisoned priests and respect for religious freedom.

In this letter he presented the negotiation conditions of the Romanian state and briefly described the situation of the Roman Catholic Church of Romania. He only sent the report on 10 August. The bishop demanded the restoration of the situation of January , that is, the restoration of Greek Catholic dioceses, the release of arrested members of the clergy, and the free functioning of monastic orders. Relying on the regulations of the code of canon law, he condemned the members of the so-called peace-priest movement, collaborating with the state, because in his opinion any collaboration with the state was only possible if the state also kept the conscience rights guaranteed by the constitution and the free functioning of the churches, and it did not interfere with church government issues and respected the regulations of canon law.

The Catholic Church of Transylvania during its hard times: Un episcop pe cale crucii. Il martirio della pazienza. La Santa Sede e i paesi comunisti — Arrests and trials of some members of the clergy and some believers]. Church and State in Soviet Russia. New York — London Church, society and state in Central and Eastern Europe. The original title and publisher of the book: Luxmoore — Babiuch, Jonathan Luxmoore — Jolanta Babiuch: The Vatican and the Red Flag. The Truggle for the Soul of Eastern Europe. Nagy — Olti, Eastern Politics of the Vatican, — Ohio University Press Thoughts on some Hungarian and Romanian archival documents].

The Greek Catholic Church during the communist regime]. With an open heart. In Romania, nobody knew what a perfect society should be like, but everyone had to believe that realizing it was inevitable. Between August 2 and 14, , Bucharest welcomed 30, participants from countries for the Fourth World Festival of Youth and Students. This event gave an opportunity for the propaganda machine to show a positive image of the country and to rebuff Western accusations about political persecutions.

Constantinescu — , member of the Central Committee henceforth: For instance, in , Decision No. The decision basically confirmed the lack of any judicial procedure during the internment of convicts in forced labor camps, when the authorities practically bypassed the court of justice in the process of establishing the guilt of the accused.

In , the communist leadership began the process of divestiture of all ethno-cultural minorities from their basic minority rights as well as their means of social and political representation. The state consciously invaded and occupied regions formerly belonging to different minorities and suffocated the local population with a series of oppressive measures.

They were established by Decision No. Estimations regarding the number of exploited prisoners and internees vary, but we may safely say that their number lines between tens of thousands and hundreds of thousands of victims. We could not have carried out this work without their help. At our request, the Soviet government sent us a team of their best canal builders, who would help us in devising and establishing the borders of the canal, and manage all the work within.

Leading the others is a comrade with a lot of experience. The brief overview of the Romanian gulag system provided above is already terrifying, yet it is still just one aspect of the repression of the Romanian population in the era of Gheorghiu-Dej. The victims could be subjected to other kinds of violence at any time, which is why a large percentage of the abused prisoners committed suicide.

See Vultur, ; Vultur, ; Milin — Stepanov, The local branch of the Armenian Democratic Committee from Constanta would be abolished. Instead, in Bucharest, an outstanding Central Unit of the Armenian Committee would be maintained with the aim of popularizing Soviet Armenia in the country and abroad. The victims of the repressions were sentenced on average to years of forced labor. Were their spiritual leaders prepared to preach the Word in all seasons and under all conditions?

At the same time, the Securitate was ready to monitor them with all available up-to-date operative techniques. These questions and others regarding the struggle between the state and the church were posed by outstanding religious leaders such as Lutheran Minister Richard Wurmbrand and Calvinist Bishop Dr. Both of them were active but non-violent opponents of the communist regime, voices of the common space opened up by the inter-confessional spirit of repressed religious group. See Csendes, ; Csendes, Christians of various denominations — Catholic and Orthodox Christians, as well as believers of the Church of England and the Protestant Lutherans, Calvinists, Methodists, Baptists, Pentecostals or Adventists — are Evangelical because of their doctrines and rituals.

They were and remain open to an intense interdenominational dialogue and to a constant collaboration which produced important results for piety, tolerance and solidarity. In his statement, Wurmbrand underlined the gap between the officially admitted religious communities in Romania and the underground Church, which, in his opinion, was the only authentic religious structure. He also added that in all communities, no matter the denomination, the Church witnessed a growth in the number of people attending services. After all, the rituals and the Church institutions were very appreciated and sought by believers in times of strife.

He even provided examples of how the authorities received false information from the newly imposed leaders of certain religious denominations, since these new leaders could not find out the real problems of the communities on account of the fact that their congregations did not trust them. These measures were abolished during , when territorial assignation and re-assignation resulted in a massive reduction in the number of churches and ministers. Despite the damages, statistics showed an increasing number of Baptist, Pentecostal and Adventist believers between — In fact, it was not the first time in the history of Romania that the Evangelical Neo-Protestants suffered persecutions.

The community was founded in by the Orthodox priest Tudor Popescu. One of these measures was placing the power of authorizing priests in the hands of the state, which led to the removal of the pastors who were appreciated and respected by the communities. The appointed leaders collaborated in implementing measures that harmed the interests of their own churches, which Wurmbrand illustrated by providing a great number of examples from the Pentecostal, Adventist and Baptist Churches. A second measure was arresting the authentic leadership of minority religious groups, who were replaced by new illegitimate leaders appointed by the state.

These shepherds of the communist regime were not trusted by their communities, who were appalled by the forceful removal of their former spiritual leaders. In particular, holding criminal trials around or during Christmas and Easter was a direct attack on the Christian faith. Perfect or not, Romanian religious society with its close-knit hierarchy of church officials and laypersons remained an important moral counter-authority in the PRR due to the fact that congregations offered communion, coherence and hope, providing an identity and an alternative paradigm to the socialist lifestyle imposed by communist leadership.

By actively preserving values other than those promoted by state propaganda, Romanian churches, synagogues and mosques were jam-packed in both the Stalinist and post-Stalinist period. The wisest and the most tolerant approach is one that deprives the church of political power, but allows it to retain its autonomy, while the other alternative of communist politics and, at the same time, the most frequently applied approach is that of violence. He then pointed out that, even from the communist point of view, it would be wiser to follow the first way, and some communists did realize that by implementing a policy of repression, they only succeeded in strengthening the support of the church when, by openly endorsing it, they could have weakened ecclesiastical structures from the inside and exercised an influence over the church leadership.

In relation to other countries, especially outside the Soviet Bloc, the state would have also improved its moral standing by simply pointing out the liberalism and democracy of the political system, especially with regard to church policy. Ravasz devised a four-step model to explain how the communist party tried to shake and weaken the Church from its very core by influencing or constraining its leadership.

At the international level, after World War II, organizations and public opinion generally trusted the Eastern European Church, which is why the communists, who wished to appear democratic and liberal, tried to use the Church for their own interests. However, due to this campaign, Church leadership lost the trust of the congregation as well as the trust of other Churches abroad. The third step ties into the second step, as it involves creating a new theology that Church leaders could impose on their congregations, but in practice, the theological vision of communist leadership lacked both validity and internal cohesion, making it difficult to implement.

Having lost the trust of their congregations, the subdued Church leaders tried to at least maintain their positions within the Church hierarchy, while the communities that lost their right to freely choose their priests were repressed by their new leaders and punished for not abiding by the new rules. Later on, the communist authorities themselves criticized this practice due to its downfalls.

30-fache Brandstiftung. Weit über 40 Tote.

If a word or even a moan came from a believer or priest, that person would be permanently dealt with as soon as possible. In the course of explaining the problems of the system, the bishop also proposed solutions regarding the approach of both the state and the Church, focusing on the central idea that the State should not interfere in the life and affairs of the Church.

The Church has to live on as best it can, stripped of its political and economical power. It has to be a free church within a free state. The Church has to keep in mind that its existence depends on faith. The Church carries the risk of faith… It does not belong to this world and remains here as long as it carries this risk, struggling against all odds to spread the joyous message that has been entrusted to it, both to those who are listening, and to those who do not want to hear it. Three years later, in accordance with Decree No.

The significance of the new name was to suggest the complete equation of the party with the state, thereby suggesting that the party was the only authentic representative of the people. It was organized into four bureaus: Another task was uncovering the authors of manifestos, and deciphering inscriptions and anonymous letters. The whole file consists of copies of the same order. Petru Groza on King Carol. George of the Youth or the Patriarch Miron were replaced by parochial committees,44 which gathered information, produced statistics, and reported suspicious elements to the authorities.

From his indoctrinated perspective, the Jewish, Islamic, German Evangelical-Lutheran, Hungarian and Slovakian Evangelical-Lutheran, Hungarian Protestant and Unitarian, and Armenian-Gregorian cults 44 The order also contained references to disbanded associations and to communities that were hubs of obscurantism or counterrevolutionary elements. As the aim was to penetrate the parochial committees and take over their leadership, in order to go on with their hostile activities, leadership ordered the surveillance of these committees.

Taking into account the aspects outlined above, the order issued in improved the management of operative work within the Romanian religious communities. Securitate officers were particularly attentive to the associations within the historical cults because associations such as the Protestant Methodists and Bethanists and the German Evangelical-Lutheran St.

The leaders of these congregations were suspected to be involved in espionage and diversion: Also, the preachers of the new cults did not obey the order of 45 The UPM was disbanded in We have to expose the reactionary character of religion and how it hinders the development of the socialist conscience of the people of Romania. To this end, large-scale cultural and educational projects have been implemented to popularize the scientific truth, scientific knowledge about nature, etc. Contributors of different types and degree levels included, among others, Mihail Sadoveanu, C. In June , he was disbarred and accused of communist congeniality.

He was later imprisoned for a few months during and The claim that it was the party leadership, not the judges, who prearranged the accusations, verdicts and sentences, is supported by a series of documents of the communist party leadership from In , he was trained by the NKVD in message codification methods and the special technique of writing them down on glass. During , Georgescu was dismissed from all the party and state positions for his adherence to the group of Ana Pauker and Vasile Luca, which made him a surveillance target of the Securitate.

Within three years February 18, — January 20, , he had to endure interrogations without being arrested or sentenced. He was released in April The contents of the trial would be explained to the masses, emphasizing the offences committed by the former Minister of Finance and the danger they posed to Romania until the clique was discovered and exposed. Therefore, in , once the Soviet troops were withdrawn from the PRR and communist leadership in Bucharest was finally standing on its own legs, the regime subjected its judicial system to even more extensive changes.

The relation between the Securitate and the Party working hand in hand is evident from the proceedings of a meeting of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the RWP from April 25, , when members discussed the infringements of the state during — We will have to introduce more effective and firmer party control, and we have to do it in such a way as not to be accused by judges that we do not allow them to make decisions using their best judgment. If there is no danger, Dinu Constantin will be set free. Editura Cetatea de Scaun.

One of their victims, Bishop of the , Iuliu Hossu — ,55 was arrested by the authorities on October 28, , and in December 1, outlawed the Greek Catholic Church. On the thirtieth anniversary of the union of Transylvania and Romania, the Resolution of the National Assembly, the Alba Iulia Proclamation, was announced by Iuliu Hossu himself, who spent the rest of his life as a detained in Sighet between — and then placed under from He was taken first to the monasteries of and , and then to the prison in. After , he was forced to live at two other monasteries, and , kept in isolation until he became gravely ill and died.

He died in at the prison in Aiud. In the trial against her and the priests who held the private service, the military court of Bucharest issued Sentence No. He was imprisoned in Jilava and later detained in Aiud prison. People give up on their human dignity in the struggle for their daily bread, for their job or promotion People no longer live among their fellow men but among rivals, even enemies, feeling terribly solitary, abandoned, lonely. After his sentence in , he was imprisoned in Jilava. He was subject to anti-Semitic discrimination during the fascist governments. On March 15, , his ecumenical baptism took place in Jilava prison.

The virulent criticism of communism in Jurnalul fericirii drew the attention of the Securitate, which managed to trace it to similar articles signed by Nicolae Steinhardt. The officers were informed only after the event had taken place and the only thing they could do was open a new surveillance file on Serafim Man, the abbot who had the courage to turn a former political convict into a monk. In , the arch bishop was sentenced to lifelong imprisonment. While he was a political prisoner in the Sighet penitentiary, he met the entire Romanian Catholic leadership of both denominations.

Father Cornel Chira, vice-provincial superior of the Society of Jesus and Prince Vladimir Ghyka68 of the Albanian ascendancy both died at the Jilava penitentiary. In , members of the clergy who sought a canonical solution during the crisis of the jurisdiction of Catholic dioceses were incriminated for their actions and tried at the Military Court of Cluj Napoca. On March 18—19, , the accused were sentenced to prison: Aside from the Catholic Church, other religious minorities also became the victim of political trials, including the Romanian Muslim community.

The imam Ali Osman Becmambet — was a legend among the Tatar community of Romania, not just a simple survivor of communism but an active anti-communist, who had the privilege of seeing the collapse of the communist regime. He was born in the village of Omurcea in the Dobruja Region, and decided to use his clerical position to help the Tatar refugees from Crimea. Resistant Tatar spiritual leaders were often sentenced to lifelong forced labor and died in concentration camps.

It should be noted that Charles Phillipe Gyr was Swiss, not Jewish, and was introduced to the group by the Securitate as an agent in order to involve the leaders of Zionist organizations in espionage. Cornel Iancu, Iancu Mendelovici, av. Sami Iakerkaner, Moca Antler, Ing. Clark in Portland, Maine, and within a few years, the organization had become not only interdenominational, but also international.

A world union was formed in , with reverend Clark as president, and although it started out as primarily a youth movement, the association now includes all age groups and numbers in the millions, with many denominations represented in the membership of the association. Really, it was a Protestant pietistic revival movement without any connotations of proselytism.

In , Viski began his pastorate in Egri, where fourteen years later in , he was arrested together with 18 associates, mainly other ministers. In the trials, Horst P. Melchior, Gerhard Gross, Reiner Gh. Bordon, Peter Ernst H. Kutzko, Kurt Felix F. Roth, and Maria Luise Roth were sentenced to years of forced labor and prison. Demanding universal penance and seeking to revive the medieval practice of hesychast, Sandu Tudor, the initiator of the movement, joined other mystics and writers in creating the Burning Pyre religious movement.

He was soon branded an enemy of the Romanian communist regime and twice arrested for supposed political crimes. The country witnessed the arrival of Russian monks, including Ivan Kulygin,81 a victim of the Soviet regime, who took refuge in Romania after the Battle of Stalingrad. In other words, the authorities perceived the movement as a screen for another and acted accordingly. Within just a few months, dozens of arrests took place, and the trial that followed led to several convictions within the Burning Pyre.

The verdicts and sentences were, of course, prearranged by the authorities. Sandu Tudor proudly stated that he never carried any personal items, but all of his other belongings kept at the monastery became state property, including approximately books, a fountain pen, a lens, and a compass. Sandu Tudor died at Aiud prison as a victim of torture and criminal neglect, after which his body was never recovered.

Its members put themselves in the service of the imperialist powers, struggling against the revolutionary transformation of Romania. Who was Iosif Vissarionovich Dzhugashvili, and what kind of Bolshevik ideology defined him when he became Stalin? What about his aftermath? During this period, Romania undoubtedly continued on the path paved by Stalin, a road of the gulag system and the cult of personality. A working conscience and responsible behavior were both considered security risks in the eyes of the communist states, while preserving cultural traditions was considered a crime.

During the Post-Stalinist period, in order to terrorize and annihilate the slightest shadow of resistance, the Gheorghiu-Dej regime used methods of oppressive prevention, including public exposure and prearranged political trials. Romanian Communism and the National Question — ]. Valentin Ciorbea et al. Canalul Dunare-Marea Neagra — Counter-idea of the 20th Century: Valahian Journal of Historical Studies, 18—19 — , — Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej si geneza Declaratiei din Aprilie A Catholic Bishop on the Stations of the Cross].

Cluj Napoca , 89— A Biographical Encyclopedia of Political Convicts, —]. Florica Dobre et al. Battling for Communism in War and Cold War. Displacements and House Arrests]. Milin — Stepanov, Miodrag Milin — Ljubomir Stepanov: Pecetea lui Stalin, Cazul Vasile Luca. The Case of Vasile Luca]. Liviu Rotman et al. Politics, Economics and Society. Political Stagnation and Simulated Change. Snyder — Brandon Eds.

Imitation and Domination, — Timothy Snyder and Ray Brandon. Oxford University Press Minorities and Communism in Transylvania — Tolerance and Intolerance in Historical Perspective. Csaba Levay and Vasile Vese. Universita di Pisa, Edizioni Plus, Minorities and Human Rights Law. From de-Sovietization to the Emergence of National Communism. Material didactic pentru Securitate. Germanii din Banat prin povestirile lor. Als die Deutschen am Reichs mit dem Datum vom Reichs, die noch ein halbes Jahr vor der Konferenz der Alliierten in Teheran in diesem deutschen Dokument formuliert wurde, zutreffend war.

Am Anfang der Etablierung der kommunistischen Macht in Polen hat das sowjetische Volkskommissariat des Innern zirka Die Soldaten der Heimatarmee Armia Krajowa galten als politische Feinde der kommunistischen Macht, weil man glaubte, dass sie das Fortbestehen von Vorkriegspolen mit seiner Exilregierung in London darstellen, der die Sowjetunion die Anerkennung verweigerte.

Das machte solche Urteile zu Justizverbrechen.

C:\Documents and Settings\extended\Dokumentumok - REAL-EOD

Trotzdem stellt seine Tat das im Art. November bis zum Sie wiesen an, wie die Ermittlungen verlaufen sollten, wie man Feinde der Volksherrschaft anklagen und verurteilen sollte.

Die Jahre — kann man als Zeitraum des staatlichen Terrors definieren. Auf Fotos und auf dem Film aus dem Prozess sind sehr abgemagerte Angeklagte zu sehen, die sich schon mit ihrem Schicksal abgefunden haben. Ihr Aussehen und Verhalten vor Gericht war ein Resultat der mehrmonatigen Ermittlungen, in denen sie darauf vorbereitet wurden, wie sie die ihnen zugewiesenen Rollen im Schauprozess zu spielen hatten. Das Ziel des Ermittlungsverfahrens war also, dass die Verhafteten das gestehen, was die Ermittlungsbeamten sich ausgedacht haben.

Den Beschuldigten wurde keine Anklageschrift vorgelegt, sie wurde ihnen vor dem Prozess, der am Es gab keinen einzigen Zeugen der Verteidigung. Der Schlusssatz des Staatsanwalts lautete: Die Straftat wurde im Art. Kliszko war damals stellvertretender Justizminister. Und die Einzelheiten der Inszenierung wurden durch die Sicherheitsdienste bestimmt. Im Laufe der gerichtlichen Verhandlung wurde auch gezeigt, dass man falsche Zeugen finden konnte, die mit ihren Aussagen unschuldig Angeklagte belasteten. Ein Versuch der Abrechnung mit dem gerichtlichen Unrecht nach der Stalinzeit Im Jahre hat ein politischer Umbruch in Polen stattgefunden, der die Periode des stalinistischen Terrors beendete.

Die speziell dazu berufene Staatskommission stellte fest, dass die Richter die Angeklagten sowohl im Hauptprozess der Offiziere als auch in Nebenprozessen ohne Beweise verurteilt hatten und die Schuldbekenntnisse der Angeklagten durch Foltern erzwungen worden waren. Eine Gerichtsverhandlung fand jedoch nicht statt, weil das Verfahren im Jahre wegen des Todes der Angeklagten eingestellt wurde.

Fieldorf — Zachuta, Maria Fieldorf — Leszek Zachuta: Aktualne problemy prawa karnego kryminologii i penitencjarystyki. Das Buch, das Professor Stefan Lelental zum Jahrestag der wissenschaftlichen und didaktischen Arbeit geschenkt wurde].

Ostrecht im Wandel der Zeiten. Frankfurt am Main Historia prawa Polski Ludowej. Prokuratury wojskowe w Polsce w latach — Hitlers Mann in Danzig. Der Gestapo-Chef von Auschwitz und die bundesdeutsche Nachkriegsjustiz. Neue Studien zur nationalsozialistischen Lagerpolitik.

Zbrodnie w majestacie prawa — Der mediale Erfolg war begrenzt: Am bekanntesten ist Pilecki wegen der Auschwitz-Berichte, vgl. Pilecki, ; Pilecki, Mai jenes Jahres wurde der Rittmeister durch Genickschuss, auf sowjetische Weise, hingerichtet. Sein Leichnam wurde in einem Massengrab in sog. Erst wurde er exhumiert, nachdem er bereits rehabilitiert worden war. Marxen — Weinke Hg. Moskauer Prozess — ein sowjetisches Verfahren gegen 16 Spitzenpolitiker des sog. Untergrundstaates —, das man in gewissem Sinne als Anfang aller Schauprozesse in Polen bzw.

Es erschienen nicht nur die Memoiren oder Briefe der Angeklagten, sondern auch das historische Narrativ, das bereits als Samisdat bzw. Proces 16 — Okulickiego i innych w Moskwie. Als einer der letzten Schauprozesse gilt in der historischen Literatur das Verfahren in der sog. Dabei muss man die erste Nachkriegsdekade als Periode besonderer Missbildung der Gerichtsbarkeit betrachten. Marchwicki wurden Morde an 14 Frauen vorgeworfen. Verbrechen gegen den Staat. In den ersten Jahren, besonders aber seit der sog. Garlicki, ; Eisler, So behauptete Berman z.

Nicht selten fanden die Verhandlun20 Zit. Die kompromittierenden Aussagen der Angeklagten wurden auf Schallplatten aufgenommen und danach im Rundfunk ausgestrahlt. Zentrale Prozesse spielten eine ungemein wichtigere Rolle als die regional bzw. Gegen die legale und illegale Opposition Die Schauprozesse gegen die antikommunistische Widerstandsbewegung begannen im Sommer Presse und Rundfunk beteiligten sich intensiv an der Schaffung eines Feindbildes am Beispiel des WiN, besonders vom zweiten Prozess an.

Die juristische Handlung ging Hand in Hand mit der Propaganda. Die Schaffung des Feindbildes im Rahmen der Prozesse kann man auch z. Im November wurde ein Schauprozess gegen antisowjetische Gruppen innerhalb der sozialistischen Bewegung, der sog. Man plante damals einen Schauprozess gegen ihn, der jedoch nicht realisiert 29 Gmitruk, Nawrocki, Hg.

Den wohl bedeutendsten Schauprozess veranstaltete man vom In dieser Situation boten die Machthaber sowie die gerichtlichen Vollstrecker des politischen Auftrags eine Strafmilderung an: Hervorgehoben werden muss weiter, dass sich der Propagandaoffensive auch Vertreter der regimetreuen Katholiken u. Untergrundorganisationen bildeten einen Fixpunkt dieser Pragmatik der Gerichtsverhandlungen. Aber schon mehrten sich die Todesurteile in den Schauprozessen in Wirtschaftssachen, die gegen vermeintliche Saboteure gerichtet waren.

Schuld waren die Saboteure, Spekulanten und verborgenen Kapitalisten usw. So stellte man z. Dudek, ; Grajewski, ; Mirek, Weil Kandzia aus einer einheimischen, oberschlesischen Familie stammte die Oberschlesier galten als besonders deutschfreundlich und als Deutsche galt, konnte man ihr leicht Sabotage und Staatsfeindlichkeit vorwerfen. In diesem Kontext muss man vor allem auf die sog.

So erkennt man im Hintergrund des Schauprozesses dieses Typs die tiefen, systemhaften Probleme der sozialistischen, uneffektiven Wirtschaft, besonders die Probleme bei der Versorgung der Gesellschaft mit Lebensmitteln. Also verfolgte das Gerichtsverfahren auch politische Ziele: All das geschah vor einem Standgericht, was eine Rechtsverletzung bedeutete. Sebastian Rosenbaum 42 Umfangreich dazu: Jarosz — Pasztor, Proces szesnastu w Moskwie.

Za kulisami bezpieki i partii — Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe w Krakowskiem — Dziuba — Drozdowski, Adam Dziuba — Aleksander Drozdowski: Zeszyty Historyczne WiN-u, , Nr. Sprawa procesu pokazowego Zeszyty Historyczne WiN-u, , Jg. Gmitruk — Nawrocki, Hg. Represje wobec wsi i ruchu ludowego — IX — VI Dariusz Jarosz — Maria Pasztor: Kaczmarski — Tomasik, Krakowski Rocznik Historii Harcerstwa, , Bd. Lelity i proces Kurii krakowskiej. Marxen — Weinke, Die Mediatisierung des Rechts als Gegenstand der juristischen Zeitgeschichte.

Siostry zakonne w obozach pracy w PRL w latach — Procesy pokazowe w Polsce — Procesy pokazowe jako forma represji. Biuletyn IPN, , Nr. Model konspiracji, struktura, dzieje. Paruch — Pastuszka — Turkowski Hg. Rotmistrz Witold Pilecki — Tatar — Utnik — Nowicki. Prawo karne w okresie stalinizmu. Proces pokazowy jako teatr — zarys problematyki. Krzysztof Szwagrzyk, Zbrodnie w majestacie prawa. Miecz i tarcza komunizmu. Das war jedoch noch nicht das Ende der kommunistischen Rache: Im Jahre wurde Kalandra verhaftet, wegen Landesverrats angeklagt und hingerichtet. Der zweite politische Rivale, dem die Kommunisten vor dem Februarputsch mit allen Mitteln schaden wollten, war die Tschechoslowakische National-Soziale Partei.

Konkret wurde ein ehemaliger Offizier der tschechoslowakischen Armee, Pravoslav Reichl, zusammen mit mehreren anderen Personen der Spionage beschuldigt. Auch in diesem Fall verhaftete die von Kommunisten kontrollierte Polizei zahlreiche Personen.

Politische Mechanismen, die den Missbrauch der Justiz verhindern konnten, griffen nicht mehr. Die meisten Prozesse gegen Personen, die antikommunistische Druckschriften herstellten und verbreiteten, fanden im September und Oktober statt. Die Anzahl der Verurteilten belief sich in diesen Monaten auf etwa 1. Dieser Prozess war eine Reaktion auf einen Anschlag, der am Choc und zwei weitere Angeklagte wurden zum Tode verurteilt und hingerichtet.

Das Regime betrachtete diese als potenzielle Feinde bzw. Darauf folgte die Verhaftung von Sozialdemokraten — die Prozesse gegen sie verliefen und — sowie die Verhaftung der sogenannten Trotzkisten. Als de15 Kaplan 16 Ebd. Das Urteil wurde am Dies wurde allerdings nicht durch ein An17 Ebd. Herausgegeben von Ministerstvo spravodlivosti im Verlag Tatran Bratislava Nur die Tschechoslowakei war bis dahin abseits geblieben.

Schon nach der ersten Besprechung am Februar deren Zentralkomitee. Zweifelsohne kam es zu dieser Wende nicht nur durch ihr Wirken. Referentura po Tschechoslowakii, Opis No. Als der sowjetische Botschafter Silin am September nach Moskau. Januar wurde sie unter Aufsicht der Staatssicherheit isoliert gehalten. Januar wurde er von der Staatssicherheit verhaftet. Februar in der Prager Burg. Stalin — sein Personenkult in der Partei systematisch ausgebaut. Im Unterschied zu dem Parteivorsitzenden, der sich mit der Anwesenheit und 40 Kaplan, , Trotzdem konnte sich dieser Handlanger nicht vor dem politischen Sturz retten.

Ihren Brief vom So ist es dann auch geschehen. Nicht alle eigneten sich jedoch zu dem Gerichtstheater, das die Polizei vorbereitete. Alle hatten noch kurz zuvor hohe Funktionen in der Kommunistischen Partei und in der staatlichen Verwaltung der kommunistischen Tschechoslowakei bekleidet, einige waren lange Jahre aktiv in der Kommunistischen Internationale gewesen, und von anderen ist heute bekannt, dass sie sowjetische Spione waren.

Das Gericht verurteilte elf von ihnen zum Tode und drei zu einer lebenslangen Freiheitsstrafe. Deshalb richtete es am Andere wurden aus den Diensten des Innenministeriums entlassen. Eine Wende brachte erst das Reformjahr , nachdem man begonnen hatte, auch Prozesse gegen nichtkommunistische Opfer zu revidieren. Masarykova univerzita, Brno , — Sammelband zur Konferenz am April in Prag. Letz — Matula, Entscheidungsfindung in der Tschechoslowakei nach Stalins Tod. Entstalinisierungskrise in Ostmitteleuropa — Juni bis zum ungarischen Volksaufstand.

This is a good ground to advance one level deeper — to investigate the individual segments of the propaganda within the communist show trials, analyze its purpose and the way the past was reconstructed. In Slovakia, the issue of Slovak nationalism was one of the key topics, which emerged in many public show trials as well as in most secret trials, especially in the late s and early s.

Nationalism is something very present in the politics of all countries, even in those claiming to be internationalist. The purpose of this paper is to take a closer look at how the Slovak national question was used and misused in the political trials after the end of the war and under the communist regime. Especially one particular aspect of nationalism I have in mind here, i. The main goal of probably all nationalist movements is to establish a national state.

Thus, the question of attitude towards the state and its use in processes need to be analyzed. First of all, it is necessary to mention that the Slovak state was established in , however, not as a result of a year-long effort of the leading Slovak politicians, but as an outcome of the political calculations of Adolf Hitler in this part of Europe. It served him as a tool in his effort to occupy Bohemia and Moravia and later it was used by the Nazis to demonstrate how much they cared about small nations within the German sphere of interest.

Nevertheless, neither this kind of usefulness, nor the signing of the Treaty of Protection Schutzvertrag with Slovakia shortly after the declaration of independence protected the state from the territorial aspirations of its hostile neighbours — especially Hungary. But the existence of the state itself, together with the strongly nationalist propaganda within the wartime regime tapped into national feelings and made the statehood an important topic.

The new regime considered it necessary to deal with the legacy of the previous one. The war-time regime fostered Slovak nationalism and put emphasis on the negative attitude towards Jews and Czechs, the post war elites propagated Czech and Slovak nationalism, Slavic traditions and hatred against Germans and Hungarians. At the same time, some Slovak nationalists were labelled in some cases rightfully in others not as Nazi collaborators. The postwar atmosphere in Czechoslovakia was strongly nationalistic.

Thus, an explanation for the rejection of the state and for the approval of nationalism was needed. In fact, it was not all that difficult to provide. Most Slovak politicians who gained top positions after the war were at least to some extent opposed to the pre-war ideology of the ethnical Czechoslovak nation. But the development went on and the final goal of the communists was to establish a dictatorship. The national question was to help them, together with the police and other bodies of the state. Therefore, the fact that the Slovak question emerged in justice trials is not surprising.

It occurred at the first time in retribution trials, later in political ones as well, although its intensity was changing. In Slovakia, retribution laws were passed similarly to that of other European countries. These were to prosecute helpers of the Germans as well as the representatives of the war-time Slovak Republic for their collaboration with Germany, helping her war efforts 1 For more see: It is a unique aspect, that the representatives of the wartime state were sentenced also for the dissolution of Czechoslovakia in There is little doubt today that the need to prosecute the representatives of the wartime regime was fully justified.

In Slovakia, similarly to Nazi Germany or other countries, laws were passed and official orders were issued that could be considered as amoral and violating basic human rights. There is no need to speak of this matter in depth but for the sake of this paper, it is necessary to mention the Slovak anti-Jewish legislation, measures targeted against civilians in the USSR2, the governmental decree nr.

The main problem was that the communists started to pursue their original goal immediately after the war and used the retribution trials for their own purposes. It is an extremely sharp weapon that gives us the opportunity to cut the very roots of the bourgeoisie in the name of the nation, state and the republic Generally, the passed act on the prosecution of traitors and collaborators is a strong weapon that would allow us to cut as many offshoots that only stub will remain. It is a matter of class struggle against the bourgeoisie. Basically, retribution was one of the processes that communists used to gain experience on the preparation of trials.

Therefore, retribution trials were re-opened in under the original law, these courts ceased to exist at the end of But it was not all that easy, as there were only few judges loyal to the communist party and willing to follow their orders in the period of — Minister of Interior is authorized imprison all individuals who with their activities arose and are arising serious concern to be an obstruction in building up of the Slovak State. To some extent, it also explains the role of the State Security and why it was so important in the preparation of political trials.

The Soviet model was of course highly important, however, experiences from the post-war years proved useful as well. It helps us to understand the development of the processes from to the s, when the quantity of trials reached its peak.

The first political trials in Slovakia, where the national question played an important role, occurred just after World War II. He went to exile with the Slovak president and government in and was tasked to return to Slovakia after the end of the war and to create there an underground intelligence organisation responsible for providing information to the authorities in exile. Despite his effort, he did not succeed, partially due to the fact that most of the people he asked for cooperation lacked eagerness to be involved.

After the Americans arrested the Slovak president and bodies in exile, he even lost the main reason for his activities. Nevertheless, he found some friends who were willing to show their disapproval of the new regime. This small group published some leaflets and were trying to find connection to the ones in exile while working towards the creation of the underground as well. It was only due to the fact that justice bodies were still independent, that only several members were sentenced to prison, e. Chalmovsky as head of the group to several months.

The most interesting aspect of the trial against Chalmovsky was that the police for the first time constructed a big political trial out of a case of a relatively small group of people who conducted activities that could be considered as illegal, or at least oppositionist. For vast majority of other cases, such claims could be counted only for the propaganda inventory of the State Security and communist leaders.

A further step in trial constructing was taken to prove that the Slovak Democrats winners of elections in Slovakia had direct connection to the nationalist emigration and was working towards the dissolution of Czechoslovakia. In the summer of , State Security and communist leaders especially G. It was the merger of three inconsistent groups to prove that there was a vast underground opposition operating in Slovakia that had its tentacles within the highest political circles.

C:\Documents and Settings\extended\Dokumentumok - REAL-EOD

Almost people were arrested. The case of the first publicly revealed group — of Anton Meltzer and accomplices — was sort of a shell fire before the general assault on the Democratic Party. It was more important that the State Security arrested several lower-ranking Democratic Party officials in the region and tried to connect them with these groups. In August , the police arrested a real courier from exile Rudolf Komandera. This claims were based mostly on the testimonies of Komandera who — after cruel interrogation — signed the interrogation protocols confirming the anti-state activities of both politicians.

After a strong communist political campaign fuelled by the arming of the partisans officially to fight the UIA a criminal prosecution of both men was approved by the parliament. However, they avoided being arrested by the police and were taken into detention by the court — thus at least temporarily avoiding cruel interrogation methods of the State Security. Following these events, democrats had to leave many seats gained as a result of the elections and the party itself lost much of the strength and confidence which would have been desperately needed few months later in February, This case could be considered as another example of the Slovak national question being misused in political struggles connected to the wartime regime in order to gain political advantage.

Owing to the fact that communists lacked influence over the judicial apparatus, these cases were brought to the court only after the February coup. These were probably the first three great political trials in Slovakia under the communist rule. Trials of this kind continued also after the coup in It may be generally stated that in political trials in Slovakia many of those convicted were labelled as fascists and supporters of wartime regime etc. This was considered as necessary by the regime and was often used in propaganda.

However, it is very interesting, although not surprising, that a similar model was used also in trials against communists. At this point, I would like to mention two specific and very important cases: In Czechoslovakia, the model of bourgeois nationalism had different patterns from that of the other Soviet block countries. While in other countries the appearance of the bourgeois nationalism was inspired by the Tito — Stalin conflict, in Czechoslovakia it was targeted against the Slovak communists claiming that they had tried to create an alliance with the Slovak bourgeoisie to secure the maximum independence of the Slovak national authorities and the potential secession of Slovakia.

Since , the establishment of Soviet Slovakia had been declared to be the main goal of the Slovak communists. It is not clear whether they had in mind the adoption of the Soviet model of regime to be implemented in an independent Slovak state or whether they actually demanded Slovakia to join the Soviet Union as one of its republics.

After the war and after the democrats won the elections in Slovakia in , communists and Czech political parties agreed on limiting the competences of the Slovak national authorities, making it difficult for the democrats to manoeuvre. However, many Slovak communists — especially those in position during the uprising — expected the restoration of broad range of competencies once the victory of the working classes the coup prevailed.

They did not succeed and soon many of them were labelled as bourgeois nationalists. He confessed that since the s, he and others planned the secession of the Slovak communists from the Czechoslovak party and the betrayal of communism. Bourgeois nationalists both Slovak and Jewish were appointed to most important positions of intelligence and security bodies in Slovakia. The first proposal for prosecution submitted by the Ministry of National Security in April, was nationalism and slovak show trial turned down by the leaders of the communist party since it consisted of only political charges.

There is no need to mention again the method used to make them confess — e. They were accused of keeping close ties to Zionist organisations or even appointing police officers in the period of WWII thus - according to official propaganda - keeping in touch with agency networks of American and Israeli espionage as well. With a start of the European process of unification, a new element occurred in some of the trials.

But according to the propaganda, they were not only labelled as supporters of wartime Slovakia, but as supporters of the federalization of Central Europe at the same time. The mix of retribution and political charges was used to show that the defendant was just an evil man without any good attributes. It was meant to show that only fascists, born traitors and evil-doers were fighting communism — a simplistic idea that probably still pleased the minds of the communist leaders. Slovensko v rokoch — Na ceste ku komunistickej totalite.

Die repressive Logik der Schauprozesse in den sowjetischen Satellitenstaaten zwischen — George H. Nach dem Abfall Titos kamen die Kommunisten selbst an die Reihe. Zwischen beiden Staaten herrschte Klassenkampf. Die Bundesrepublik Deutschland war aus Sicht der SED ein Staat der kapitalistischen Restauration, der vom amerikanischen Imperialismus geschaffen wurde, in Westdeutschland waren somit die Wurzeln des Faschismus, der Kapitalismus, noch nicht beseitigt. Die Deutschen verstanden sich weiterhin als eine Nation und hofften bis zum Bau der Berliner Mauer auf einen Friedensvertrag und die Wiedervereinigung.

Der Aufbau einer neuen deutschen Staatlichkeit der fall ddr: Auf Ranti reimt es sich. Mithilfe von giftigen Zecken lassen sich Wohnungsmieter ermorden. Von den Bielefelder Polizisten spricht keiner freiwillig mit Ihnen. Bei Dauerbestrahlung tritt der Tod ein. Die Beamten standen mit Maschinenpistolen dort und konnten nicht eingreifen.

Das sind Blechluken, die im Boden versteckt sind. Dabei beleidigt er den Journalisten Volkart. Korruption Bestechung Ukraine Urteil. Kameradiebstahl an Wintzer mit Gewalt. Verletzung des Briefgeheimnisses Rotkehlchenweg. Frau Nabowsky stellt in mehrerlei Hinsicht eine Ausnahme dar: Wir warten auf den Totenschein.

Juni im US-Bundesstaat Virginia stattfindet. Das geht aus …. Im Rekordjahr haben Menschen … Das bedeutet: Als der Staatsanwalt Hans-Dieter Heidbrede am Zusammen mit dem ebenfalls skrupellosen Geiselgangster Michael Heckhoff 50 ist es Michalski 46 gelungen, aus der als ausbruchsicher geltenden Justizvollzugsanstalt in Aachen zu fliehen. Allem Anschein nach hat ein Vollzugsbediensteter den beiden Verbrechern geholfen — er wurde am Freitag unter dringendem Tatverdacht festgenommen.

Die Fahndung nach den beiden ausgebrochenen Schwerverbrechern dauert an. Am Samstagabend wurde bekannt, das beide in einem 5er BMW mit Essener Kennzeichen unterwegs sein sollen, den sie einem Ehepaar gestohlen haben, das sie zuvor als Geiseln gehalten hatten. Einen Beruf hat der Herforder nicht gelernt. Doch Michalski war in seinem kriminellen Tun nicht zu stoppen. Zusammen mit seinem Komplizen Thomas K. Michalski hatte sich an dem Jugendheim mit einem geladenen Karabiner auf die Lauer gelegt.

Eine Hand hatte aus dem Erdreich geragt. Als Heckhoff den Wagen inspizieren wollte, wurde er angeschossen. Die Opfer erlitten schwerste Verbrennungen. Menu Skip to content. Ich empfehle dringen, solche Versuche zu unterlassen. Your page is not mobile-friendly. CDU-Mann fordert nach … www.

• Childhood Trauma: Illness, Death, Divorce & War (Children in Films Book 7)
• Die misverstand (Afrikaans Edition)
• Afro-Vegan: Farm-Fresh African, Caribbean, and Southern Flavors Remixed
• 15minuites kindle publishing (Japanese Edition)
• Worlds Cutest: Puppies